WASHINGTON, _March 24, 1846_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
In answer to the inquiry of the Senate contained in their resolution of
the 17th instant, whether in my "judgment any circumstances connected
with or growing out of the foreign relations of this country require at
this time an increase of our naval or military force," and, if so, "what
those circumstances are," I have to express the opinion that a wise
precaution demands such increase.
In my annual message of the 2d of December last I recommended to the
favorable consideration of Congress an increase of our naval force,
especially of our steam navy, and the raising of an adequate military
force to guard and protect such of our citizens as might think proper to
emigrate to Oregon. Since that period I have seen no cause to recall or
modify these recommendations. On the contrary, reasons exist which, in
my judgment, render it proper not only that they should be promptly
carried into effect, but that additional provision should be made for
the public defense.
The consideration of such additional provision was brought before
appropriate committees of the two Houses of Congress, in answer to calls
made by them, in reports prepared, with my sanction, by the Secretary of
War and the Secretary of the Navy on the 29th of December and the 8th of
January last--a mode of communication with Congress not unusual, and
under existing circumstances believed to be most eligible. Subsequent
events have confirmed me in the opinion that these recommendations were
proper as precautionary measures.
It was a wise maxim of the Father of his Country that "to be prepared
for war is one of the most efficient means of preserving peace," and
that, "avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace," we should
"remember also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger
frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it." The general
obligation to perform this duty is greatly strengthened by facts known
to the whole world. A controversy respecting the Oregon Territory now
exists between the United States and Great Britain, and while, as far
as we know, the relations of the latter with all European nations are
of the most pacific character, she is making unusual and extraordinary
armaments and warlike preparations, naval and military, both at home and
in her North American possessions.
It can not be disguised that, however sincere may be the desire of
peace, in the event of a rupture these armaments and preparations would
be used against our country. Whatever may have been the original purpose
of these preparations, the fact is undoubted that they are now
proceeding, in part at least, with a view to the contingent possibility
of a war with the United States. The general policy of making additional
warlike preparations was distinctly announced in the speech from the
throne as late as January last, and has since been reiterated by the
ministers of the Crown in both houses of Parliament. Under this aspect
of our relations with Great Britain, I can not doubt the propriety of
increasing our means of defense both by land and sea. This can give
Great Britain no cause of offense nor increase the danger of a rupture.
If, on the contrary, we should fold our arms in security and at last be
suddenly involved in hostilities for the maintenance of our just rights
without any adequate preparation, our responsibility to the country
would be of the gravest character. Should collision between the two
countries be avoided, as I sincerely trust it may be, the additional
charge upon the Treasury in making the necessary preparations will
not be lost, while in the event of such a collision they would be
indispensable for the maintenance of our national rights and national
honor.
I have seen no reason to change or modify the recommendations of my
annual message in regard to the Oregon question. The notice to abrogate
the treaty of the 6th of August, 1827, is authorized by the treaty
itself and can not be regarded as a warlike measure, and I can not
withhold my strong conviction that it should be promptly given. The
other recommendations are in conformity with the existing treaty, and
would afford to American citizens in Oregon no more than the same
measure of protection which has long since been extended to British
subjects in that Territory.
The state of our relations with Mexico is still in an unsettled
condition. Since the meeting of Congress another revolution has taken
place in that country, by which the Government has passed into the hands
of new rulers. This event has procrastinated, and may possibly defeat,
the settlement of the differences between the United States and that
country. The minister of the United States to Mexico at the date of
the last advices had not been received by the existing authorities.
Demonstrations of a character hostile to the United States continue to
be made in Mexico, which has rendered it proper, in my judgment, to keep
nearly two-thirds of our Army on our southwestern frontier. In doing
this many of the regular military posts have been reduced to a small
force inadequate to their defense should an emergency arise.
In view of these "circumstances," it is my "judgment" that "an increase
of our naval and military force is at this time required" to place the
country in a suitable state of defense. At the same time, it is my
settled purpose to pursue such a course of policy as may be best
calculated to preserve both with Great Britain and Mexico an honorable
peace, which nothing will so effectually promote as unanimity in our
councils and a firm maintenance of all our just rights.