somewhat (although little), which to those who have no knowledge of
China would scarcely appear true; wherefore I only speak of those
things that are most common among the people, leaving the rest to
time, which will discover them. The noblest and most populous town
is one where the king resides, which is called Paquin; the natives
(for I did not see it) say that it takes seven days to traverse it
by a direct road, and thirteen to go round it. It is surrounded by
three enclosures and a very copious river, which entirely
encompasses it, forming, as it were, the interior enclosure.
Marvellous things are reported of the riches and structure of the
royal residence; the designs are taken from many provinces of the
same kingdom, none being allowed to go out of it. Before entering
the palaces seven or eight very strong gates have to be passed,
where there are very tall and stout men for guards. The king
(according to what they say) never goes out of that town, and
everything he eats is produced within the walls; he does not go to
the outer enclosures; and they say he is never seen except by those
who attend upon him, who are all eunuchs, sons of noblemen, and who
when once they enter there into the residence, never more depart
from it until death. The king has noblemen about him, very learned
and of great prudence, with whom he transacts all the business of
the kingdom. And these also never go without the enclosure on any
account; they are called Vlaos. The manner of choosing them for
that dignity is this: when there is a vacancy, the king inquires
for some one distinguished in learning and for discretion, and
inclined to justice; if there be one who is commonly held of this
reputation, he orders him to be summoned from any province of the
kingdom where he may be, and invests him with the office of Vlaos.
"The Chinese observe much exactness in their courtesies and great
neatness in their apparel, both men and women; they generally go
very well dressed, from the quantity of silk there is in the
kingdom.
"The soil is very productive of necessaries, fruits, and very
singular waters; there are very pleasant gardens, and all kinds of
game and hunting. The Chinese touch no food with their hands, but
all, both small and great, eat with two little sticks for
cleanliness.
"Their temples are very large edifices, richly wrought, which they
call Valeras, and which cost a great deal, for the statues, which
are of large size, are all covered with beaten gold. The roof of
the temples is gilded, and the walls ornamented with boards well
wrought and painted in pictures. They are skilful workmen in
carpentry. In these temples there are priests (who are obliged to
remain in them always), with an appointed income. They eat neither
flesh nor fish, only herbs, principally beledas, and some fruits;
on certain days they fast. If they do anything that they ought not,
they are driven out and allowed to be priests no longer, and others
are put in their place.
"No man can go from one province to another without taking a
licence of the governor, and he who is found without one is
punished; and no traveller can be (by law of the kingdom) more than
three or four days in a town where he has not business; there is a
man whose office it is to go about looking to this, and if any such
is found, he is taken up, for they presume him to be a thief and a
man of bad life. And so every one is accustomed to have some
occupation, and to hold some office, even the sons of the officers
and nobles. All employ their sons, of whatever condition they may
be, setting them to read and write, which they vnderstand
generally. Others put them to trade, and they are also in the habit
of placing their sons with officers and noblemen, that they may
learn how to serve. The officers are waited on with much
veneration; all who speak to them do so with genuflexions, and
whatever they have to ask for must be done in writing.
"The sentences which the officers pronounce are conformable to the
laws of the kingdom; they judge according to the truth of the
matter, which they inquire into themselves, without taking account
of what the parties say; and so they are very correct in affairs of
justice, for fear of the visitation, which, they say, is made every
six months. Their years have twelve moons, and every three years
they add to the year one moon, and thus it has thirteen.
"The people of any consequence wear black silk for their dress,
because coloured is held dishonourable for clothing; so much so,
that no one dares to go before any officer or person of quality
without a black dress; and if he has gone away from home with a
coloured cloak, and he happens to have to speak to any officer, he
takes a black cloak from some acquaintance whom he meets, and
leaves him his own while he transacts his business. The common
people always speak to the nobles cap in hand, and they may not
wear black cloaks, but only very short coloured ones. The officers
wear a kind of cap, different from other people, for a certain
dignity is kept up amongst them as with us. In these caps they have
tufts made of horsehair, stuck on every part. The king wears the
same, except that they say he has two points cross-wise at the top.
"They praise and extol the richness of the king's dress, which they
say is always of the colour of heaven. The officers, on the
principal feasts, on the first day of January and at the beginning
of the moon, dress themselves richly in coloured damask, and on the
breast and back of the vesture they bear a stag and an eagle, very
naturally embroidered, for they are clever designers. These
garments look very well; they reach within a hand's breadth of the
ground, and have very long, large, and wide sleeves. They wear
boots of a blackish colour, with soles of white cloth strong as
boards.
"The officers and nobles, at the death of father or mother or a
very near relation, wear white dresses, very cross and rough; and
they gird themselves with a girdle as thick as the leg, which
reaches to the ground, as does the dress also. Attached to the cap,
they wear another thinner cord. When the deceased are less nearly
related, they also clothe themselves all in white, from the shoes
to the cap, but not so coarse and rough.
"These are the matters that are most commonly seen and known in
China, where we were prisoners six years; other very remarkable
things that we heard tell of I omit, because I did not see them,
and because it appears to me that every day will discover more and
more."
The next account of China is by Gaspar da Cruz, a native of Evora, and
one of the order of Friars Preachers; he is thus described by Barbosa
Machado, in his _Biblioteca Lusitana_.
"Inflamed with an holy ardour of announcing the gospel to distant
barbarians, who were given to idolatry, he set sail in the year 1548
with twelve companions, of whom the Friar Diego Bernardo was
vicar-general, to the East Indies; and after building a convent at
Goa, and another at Malacca, he penetrated as far as the kingdom of
Camboya; but as the fruits of his labours did not correspond with
his desires, he resolved upon passing on to China in the year 1556,
being the first missionary who illuminated its inhabitants with the
light of the faith, and had the glory of being the precursor of all
those gospel labourers, who with so much labour and expenditure of
blood cultivated that wild but extensive vineyard. He spent many
years in this laborous undertaking, and several times incurred the
risk of his life, especially on one occasion when, in a sumptuous
pagoda, he threw down a multitude of idols, but at the same time
confounded and silenced by the vehement efficacy of his preaching
the greatest masters of Paganism. He returned to his country in
1569, and was nominated by King Sebastian, bishop of Malacca, but
this dignity he did not accept. He died in 1570, through exposing
himself in charitable exertions to assist the sufferers in a plague
which then raged at Lisbon."
The narrative of his travels was published in black letter at Evora in
1569-70, 4to., under the title of "Tractado em que se contam muito por
estenso as cousas de China con suas particularidades y assi do Regno
dormuz." In the preface reference is made to a narrative of China by a
fellow-countryman, one Francisco Henriques, but he appears merely to
refer to him as having presented this relation to Sebastian I, King of
Portugal, which seems to have been an unpublished manuscript. An
abbreviated translation of the narrative of his travels is given by
Purchas, in which he mentions "the storie of certaine Portugals,
prisoners in China," one of which he nameth Galotti Perera, from whom he
received great part of his Chinese intelligence. He is also referred to
by Mendoza, in the first chapter of the second book, as one from whom he
"follows many things in the process of his historie." This person is
mentioned by Barbosa Machado under the name of Galeoti Pereyra, brother
of Ruy Pereira I, first Count of Feyra, and as being captive in Funchien
in China. His account appears to have been first printed in Italian at
Venice, from the original Portuguese MS., and an English translation by
R. Willes was given by Richard Eden in his _Historye of Travaile in the
West and East Indies._ As this, though comparatively short, preceded the
narrative of Mendoza now reprinted, and formed the main basis of the
account of Gaspar da Cruz, we think it right to supply the reader with
copious extracts from it, as being for these reasons a highly important
and interesting document. They are as follows:
"This land of China is parted into 13 shyres, the which sometymes
were eche one a kyngdome by it selfe, but these many years they
haue been all subject unto one kyng. Fuquien is made by the
Portugalles the first shyre, bycause there their troubles bygan,
and had occasion thereby to know the rest. In this shyre be viii
cities, but one principally more famous than others, called
Fuquico, the other seuen are reasonably great, the best known
whereof unto the Portugalles is Cinceo, in respect of a certain
hauen ioyning thereunto, whyther in tyme past they were wont for
merchandyse to resort.
"Cantan is the second shyre, not so great in quantitie, as well
accoumpted of, both by the kyng thereof and also by the
Portugalles, for that it lyeth nearer vnto Malacca than any other
part of China, and was first discryed by the Portugalles before any
other shyre in that prouince: this shyre hath in it seuen cities.
"Chequeam is the third shyre, the chiefest citie therein is
Donchion, therein also standeth Liampo, with other thirtiene or
fourtiene boroughes: countrey townes therein to many to be spoken
of.
"The fourth shyre is called Xutiamfu, the principall citie therof
is great Pachin, where the kyng is alwayes resident. In it are
fyftiene other very great cities: of other townes therein, and
boroughes well walled and trenched about, I will say nothing.
"The fyft shyre hath name Chelim: the great citie Nanquin, chiefe
of other fyftiene cities, was herein of auncient tyme the royall
seate of the Chinish kynges. From this shyre, and from the
aforesayde Chequeam forwarde, bare rule the other kynges, untyll
the whole region became one kyngdome.
"The sixt shyre beareth name Quianci, as also the principall citie
thereof, wherein the fyne claye to make vessels is wrought. The
Portugalles beyng ignorant of this countrey, and fyndyng great
abundaunce of that fyne claye to be solde at Liampo, and that very
good cheape, thought at the first that it had been made there;
howbeit, in fine, they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi, more
neare unto Liampo than to Cinceo or Cantan, was the cause of so
muche fine clay at Liampo: within the compasse of Quinci shyre be
other 12 cities.
"The seuenth shyre is Quicini, the eight Quansi, the nienth Confu,
the tenth Vrnan, the eleuenth Sichiua. In the first hereof there be
16 cities, in the next fyftiene: howe many townes the other three
haue we are ignorant as yet, as also of the proper names of the 12
and 13 shyres and the townes therein.
"This, finally, may be generally sayde heereof, that the greater
shyres in China prouince may be compared with mightie kyngdomes.
"In eche one of these shyres be set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini,
before whom are handled the matters of other cities. There is also
placed in eche one a Tutan, as you would say a gouernor, and a
Chian, that is a visitor, as it were, whose office is to goe in
circuit and to see iustice exactly done. By these meanes so
upryghtly thinges are ordered there, that it may bee worthely
accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world.
"The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great citie Pachin, as
muche as to say in our language, as by the name thereof I am
aduertised, the towne of the kyngdome. This kyngdome is so large,
that vnder fyue monethes you are not able to traueyle from the
townes by the sea syde to the court and backe agayne, no not vnder
three monethes in poste at your vrgent businesse. The posthorses in
this countrey are litle of bodie, but swyfte of foote. Many doe
traueyle the greater parte of this iourney by water in certayne
lyght barkes, for the multitude of ryuers commodious for passage
from one citie to another.
"The kyng, notwithstandyng the hugenesse of his kyngdome, hath such
a care thereof, that every moone (by the moones they reckon their
monethes) he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth
therein, by these meanes folowyng.
"The whole prouince beyng diuided into shyres, and eche shyre
hauyng in it one chiefe and principall citie, whereunto the matters
of all the other cities, townes, and boroughes are brought, there
are drawen in euery chiefe citie aforesayde, intelligences of suche
thinges as doe monethely fall out, and be sent in writing to the
court. If happely in one moneth euery post is not able to goe so
long a way, yet doeth there notwithstandyng once euery moneth
arryue one post out of the shyre. Who so commeth before the newe
moone, stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntyll the moone be
chaunged. Then lykewyse are dispatched other postes backe into all
the 13 shyres agayne.
"Before that we doe come to Cinceo we have to passe through many
places, and some of great importance. For this countrey is so well
inhabited neare the sea syde, that you cannot go one myle but you
shall see some towne, borough, or hostry, the which are so
abundantly provided of all thinges, that in the cities and townes
they liue ciuily. Nevertheles such as dwel abrode are very poore,
for the multitude of them euery where is so great, that out of a
tree you shal see many tymes swarme a number of children where a
man would not haue thought to haue founde any one at all.
"From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto two
cities very populose, and beyng compared with Cinceo, not possibly
to be discerned which is the greater of them. These cities are as
well walled as any cities in all the worlde. As you come in to
eyther of them, standeth so great and mightie a brydge, that the
lyke thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugall nor els where. I heard
one of my felowes say, that he told in one bridge 40 arches. The
occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great, is for that the
countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low, and ouerwhelmed
euer as ye sea water encreaseth. The breadth of the bridges,
although it bee well proportioned vnto the length therof, yet are
they equally buylt, no higher in the middle than at eyther end, in
such wyse that you may directly see from ye one end to the other,
the sydes are wonderfully well engraved after the maner of Rome
workes. But that we did most marueyle at, was therewithall the
hugenesse of ye stones, the lyke wherof as we came into the citie,
we dyd see many set up in places dishabited by the way, to no small
charges of theyrs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seeth
them but such as doe come bye. The arches are not made after our
fashion, vauted with sundry stones set togeather; but paved, as it
were, whole stones reaching from one piller to an other, in suche
wyse that they lye both for the arches heades and galantly serue
also for the hygh waye. I haue been astunned to beholde the
hugenesse of these aforesayde stones, some of them are XII pases
long and upwarde, the least a XII good pases long, and a halfe.
"The wayes echewhere are galantly paued with foure square stone,
except it be where for want of stone they vse to laye bricke: in
this voyage wee traueyled ouer certayne hilles, where the wayes
were pitched, and in many places no worse paued than in the playne
grounde. This causeth us to thinke, that in all the worlde there be
no better workemen for buildinges than the inhabitantes of China.
"The countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foote of ground is
left untilled; small store of cattell haue we seene this way, we
sawe onely certayne oxen wherewithall the countreymen doe plough
theyr grounde. One oxe draweth the plough alone, not onely in this
shyre, but in other places also wherein is greater store of
cattell. These countrymen by arte doe that in tyllage which we are
constrayned to doe by force. Here be solde the voydinges of close
stooles, although there wanteth not the dunge of beastes; and the
excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China. The
dungfermers seeke in euery streete by exchange to buye this durtie
ware for hearbes and wood. The custome is very good for keepyng the
citie cleane. There is great aboundance of hennes, geese, duckes,
swyne, and goates; wethers haue they none: the hennes are solde by
weight, and so are all other thinges. Two pounde of hennes fleshe,
goose, or ducke, is worth two Foi of their money, that is, _d. ob._
sterling. Swines flesh is solde at a peny the pounde. Beefe beareth
the same pryce, for the scarcitie thereof; howbeit northwarde from
Fuquieo, and farther of from the sea coast, there is beefe more
plentie and solde better cheape; beefe onely excepted, great
aboundance of all these viandes we haue had in all the cities we
passed through. And if this countrey were lyke vnto India, the
inhabitants whereof eate neyther henne, beefe, nor porke, but keepe
that onely for the Portugalles and Moores, they would be solde here
for nothing. But it so fallyng out that the Chineans are the
greatest eaters in all the world, they doe feede uppon all thinges,
specially on porke, the fatter that is, vnto them the lesse
lothsome. The highest price of these thinges aforesayde I haue set
downe, better cheape shall you sometymes buye them, for the great
plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogges are solde at the same
price that is made of hennes, and are good meate amongst them, as
also dogges, cattes, rattes, snakes, and all other vncleane meates.
"The cities be very gallant, specially near vnto the gates, the
which are marueylously great, and couered with iron. The gatehouses
buylt on hygh with towers, the lower parte thereof is made of
bricke and stone, proportionally with the walles; from the walles
vpward, the buyldyng is of tymber, and many stones in it one aboue
the other. The strength of theyr townes is in the mightie walles
and ditches, artillarie haue they none.
"The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the cities we haue
seene are very fayre, so large and so streight that it is
wonderfull to beholde. Theyr houses are buylt with tymber, the
foundations onely excepted, the which are layd with stone; in eche
syde of the streetes are paynteles or continuall porches for the
marchantes to walke vnder: the breadth of the streete is
neuerthelesse suche, that in them XV men may ryde commodiously syde
by syde. As they ryde they must needes passe vnder many hygh arches
of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of tymber, and carued
diuersely, couered with tyle of fine claye: vnder these arches the
mercers doe vtter theyr small wares, and such as lyst to stande
there, are defended from rayne and the heate of the sunne. The
greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores, although some
of them be not so myghtyly buylt as the rest.
"I shall haue occasion to speake of a certayne order of gentlemen
that are called Loutea; I will first therefore expound what this
worde signifieth. Loutea is as muche to say in our language as Syr,
and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth Syr: and as we
doe say, that the kyng hath made some gentleman, so say they that
there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them the degrees are
diuers both in name and office, I will tell you onely of some
principalles, beyng not able to aduertise you of all.
"The maner howe gentlemen are created Louteas, and doe come to that
honour and title, is by the gyuynge of a broad gyrdle not like to
the rest, and a cap, at the commandement of the kyng. The name
Loutea is more generall and common vnto moe, than equalitie of
honour thereby signified, agreeth withall. Such Louteas that doe
serue their prince in weightie matters for iustice, are created
after triall made of their learning; but the other, whiche serue in
smaller affayres, as capitaynes, constables, sergeantes by lande
and sea, receyuers, and such lyke, wherof there be in euery citie,
as also in this, very many, are made for fauour: the chiefe Louteas
are serued kneelyng.
"The Louteas are an idle generation, without all maner of exercises
and pastymes, excepte it be eatyng and drynkyng. Somtymes they
walke abrode in the fieldes to make the souldyers shoot at prickes
with theyr bowes, but theyr eatyng passeth: they wyll stande eatyng
euen when the other do drawe to shoote.
"The inhabitants of China be very great idolaters, all generally do
worshyppe the heauens: and as we are woont to saye, God knoweth it,
so say they at euery worde, Tien Tautee, that is to saye, _the
heauens do knowe it_. Some do worshyp the sonne, and some the
moone, as they thynke good, for none are bounde more to one then to
an other. In their temples, the which they do cal Meani, they haue
a great altar in ye same place as we have; true it is that one may
goe rounde about it. There set they up the image of a certayne
Loutea of that countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for
certaine notable thinges he dyd. At the ryght hande standeth the
deuyl, muche more vglie paynted then we do vse to set hym out,
whereunto great homage is done by suche as come into the temple to
aske counsell, or to drawe lottes: this opinion they haue of hym,
that he is malitious and able to do euyl. If you aske them what
they do thynke of the soules departed, they will answeare, that
they be immortall, and that as soone as any one departeth out of
this life, he becometh a deuyle if he haue liued well in this
worlde; if otherwyse, that the same deuyl changeth him into a
bufle, oxe, or dogge. Wherfore to this deuyl do they much honour,
to hym do they sacrifice, praying hym that he wyll make them lyke
vnto hym selfe, and not lyke other beastes. They haue moreouer an
other sorte of temples, wherein both uppon the altars and also on
the walles do stande many idoles well proportioned, but bare
headed. These bare name Omithofon, accompted of them spirites, but
suche as in heaven do neither good nor euyll; thought to be suche
men and women as haue chastlye lyued in this worlde in abstinence
from fyshe and fleshe, fedde only with ryse and salates. Of that
deuyl they make some accompte, for these spirites they care litle
or nothyng at all. Agayne, they holde opinion that if a man do well
in this lyfe, the heauens wyll geue hym many temporall blessynges;
but if he do euyll, then shall he haue infirmities, diseases,
troubles, and penurie, and all this without any knowledge of God.
"In the principall cities of the shyres be foure cheefe Louteas,
before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour townes
throughout the whole realme. Diuers other Louteas haue the
maneagyng of iustice and receyuyng of rentes, bounde to yeeld an
accompte thereof vnto the greater officers. Other doo see that
there be no euyll rule keept in the citie: eache one as it behoueth
hym. Generally al these do impryson malefactours, cause them to be
whypped and racked, hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a
corde, a thyng very vsuall there, and accompted no shame. These
Louteas do vse great diligence in ye apprehending of theeues, so
that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any towne,
citie, or village. Upon the sea neere vnto the shore many are
taken, and looke euen as they are taken, so be they fyrst whypped,
and afterward layd in prison, where shortly after they all dye for
hunger and colde. At that tyme when we were in pryson, there died
of them aboue threescore and ten. Yf happely any one hauyng the
meanes to geat foode do escape, he is set with the condemned
persones, and prouided for as they be by the kyng, in such wyse as
hereafter it shalbe sayde.
"Theyr whyps be certayne peeces of canes, cleft in the middle, in
such sort that they seeme rather playne then sharpe. He that is to
be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground. Upon his thighes the
hangman layeth on blowes myghtely with these canes, that the
standers by tremble at theyr crueltie. Ten strypes drawe a great
deale of blood, twentie or thyrtie spoyle the fleshe altogeather,
fyftie or threescore wyll require long tyme to be healed, and yf
they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable.
"Wee are wont to call this countrey China, and the people Chineans;
but as long as we were prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any
tyme that name, I determined to learne howe they were called: and
asked sometymes by them thereof, for that they vnderstoode vs not
when wee called them Chineans, I answered them that all the
inhabitantes of India named them Chineans, wherefore I prayed them
that they would tell mee for what occasion they are so called,
whether peradventure any citie of theyrs bare that name. Heerevnto
they alwayes answered mee, to haue no suche name, nor euer to haue
had. Than dyd I aske them what name the whole countrey beareth, and
what they would answere beyng asked of other nations what
countrymen they were: It was tolde me that of auncient tyme in this
countrey had been many kynges, and though presently it were all
vnder one, eche kyngdome neuertheless enioyed that name it fyrst
had: these kyngdomes are the prouinces I spake of before. In
conclusion they sayde, that the whole countrey is called Tamen, and
the inhabitantes Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans is
not hearde of in that countrey. I doe thinke that the nearenesse of
an other prouince thereabout called Cochin-China, and the
inhabitantes thereof Cochinesses, fyrst discouered before that
China was, lying not farre from Malacca, dyd gyue occasion both to
the one nation and to the other of that name Chineans, as also the
whole countrey to be named China. But their proper name is that
aforesayde.
"I haue hearde moreouer that in the citie Nanquim remayneth a table
of golde, and in it written a kyng his name, as a memory of that
residence the kynges were wont to keepe there. This table standeth
in a great pallace, couered alwayes except it bee in some of theyr
festiuall dayes, at what tyme they are wont to let it be seene:
couered neuerthelesse as it is, all the nobilitie of the citie
goeth of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence. The lyke is done in
the head cities of all the other shyres in the pallaces of the
Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesayde tables doe stande, with the
kyng his name written in them, although no reuerence be done
therevnto but in solempne feastes.
"I haue lykewyse vnderstoode that the citie Pachin, where the kyng
maketh his abode, is so great, that to goe from one syde to the
other, besydes the subarbes, the which are greater than the citie
it selfe, it requyreth one whole day a horsebacke, going hackney
pase. In the subarbes be many wealthy marchantes of all sortes.
They tolde me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the motes
great store of fyshe, wherof the kyng maketh great gaynes.
"They haue moreouer one thing very good, and that whiche made vs
all to marueyle at them, beyng Gentiles: namely, that there be
hospitalles in all theyr cities, alwayes full of people, we neuer
sawe any poore body begge. We therefore asked the cause of this:
answered it was, that in euery citie there is a great circuit,
wherein be many houses for poore people, for blinde, lame, old
folke, not able to traueyle for age, nor hauyng any other meanes to
lyue. These folke haue in the aforesayde houses, euer plentie of
rice duryng theyr lyues, but nothyng els. Such as be receyued into
these houses, come in after this maner. Whan one is sicke, blinde,
or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi, and prouyng
that to be true he wryteth, he remayneth in the aforesayde great
lodgyng as long as he lyueth: besides this they keepe in these
places swyne and hennes, whereby the poore be releeued without
goyng a beggyng.
"The kyng hath in many ryuers good store of barges full of sea
crowes, that breede, are fedde, and do dye therein, in certayne
cages, allowed monethly a certayne prouision of ryce. These barges
the kyng bestoweth vpon his greatest magistrates, geuyng to some
two, to some three of them, as he thynketh good, to fyshe
therewithall after this maner. At the houre appoynted to fyshe, all
the barges are brought togeather in a circle, where the riuer is
shalowe, and the crowes, tyed togeather vnder the wynges, are let
leape downe into the water, some vnder, some aboue, worth the
lookyng vppon: eche one as he hath filled his bagge, goeth to his
owne barge and emptieth it, which done, he retourneth to fyshe
agayne. Thus hauyng taken good store of fyshe, they set the crowes
at libertie, and do suffer them to fyshe for theyr owne pleasure.
There were in that citie where I was, twentie barges at the least
of these aforesayde crowes; I wente almost euery day to see them,
yet coulde I neuer be thoroughly satisfied to see so straunge a
kynde of fyshyng."
The Spaniards were long behind their neighbours the Portuguese in
prosecuting the important task of eastern investigation. The Papal
division of the world between the discoverers of the two nations by the
boundary of a certain meridian, made them follow the line of exploration
to the westward.
The Father Andres de Urdaneta, who, previous to entering himself as a
monk of the order of the Augustins, had been a skilful navigator,
persuaded Philip II to realize the conquest of the Philippines, where
the voyages and the life of the celebrated Magellan were brought to a
close. This prince consequently issued orders to the viceroy of Mexico,
to send out an expedition under the command of a native of Mexico, named
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and desired that Andres de Urdaneta should
accompany him, together with four other Augustines, viz., Diego de
Herrera, Martin de Herrada, Pedro de Gamboa, and Andres de Aguirre. The
fleet arrived in 1565 at the island of Zebu. On the 1st of June the same
year, the Father Andres de Urdaneta returned to Mexico. In 1566 Legaspi
built the town of Zebu, and the Augustines established a monastery as a
station for their missions among the natives. The Spaniards, pursuing
their conquests, arrived in 1571 at the island of Luzon, the most
northerly and the largest of this archipelago: Legaspi here founded the
city of Manilla.
The work of conversion and civilization was scarcely begun, when the
island was engaged in a quarrel by the attacks of the Malays of Borneo
and Mindanao. These pirates, too cunning to venture on an open struggle,
landed suddenly on the coast, slaughtered or extorted money from the
missionaries, and carried away several of the natives, whom they
afterwards sold as slaves. In 1574 a more serious aggression diverted
attention from the attacks of these pirates: a Chinese corsair, who was
called King Limahon, appeared before Manilla. For a long time he had
resisted the squadrons of his emperor, but at last, vanquished by
numbers and forced to flee, he entertained the project of conquering
Luzon with seventy-two vessels, which carried two thousand soldiers,
bold adventurers, besides the sailors and one thousand five hundred
women. They effected a landing on the 29th of November 1574, just after
Lopez de Legaspi had been appointed governor-general of the Philippines.
The corsairs marched against the Spanish town, which they expected to
surprise; but a little corps of advanced guard, under the orders of
Captain Velasquez, having given the garrison time to rally, a general
battle took place, and ended in the defeat of the Chinese. Limahon in
vain essayed to renew the attack: repulsed afresh, he took refuge at the
mouth of the river Lingayen, in Pangasinan, the northern province of
Luzon. At the time of his attack, he had been closely followed by a
Chinese captain, charged to watch him, and who had a conference with the
Spanish governor. The latter thought this a favourable occasion for
introducing the Gospel into China. Having sent for Alfonso de Alvarado,
provincial of the Augustins, a venerable and holy old man, one of those
whom Charles V had sent to the discovery of New Guinea, he told him to
select missionaries for the Celestial Empire. The provincial in his joy
offered to go there himself, old as he was; but the governor would by no
means consent to this proposal. The choice fell upon Martin de Herrada,
or Rada, a native of Pampeluna, in Navarre, who had already filled the
office of provincial, and who burned with such desire to convert the
Chinese, that after having studied their language, he had made a
proposal to some merchants of that nation who had come to the
Philippines, that they should carry him as a slave to their country,
where by this means he hoped to introduce the knowledge of the Gospel.
They chose also Friar Geronimo Marin, a native of Mexico, a man equally
distinguished for his piety and learning, and in company with these two
missionaries, who they hoped would be able to remain a considerable time
in China and to spread the knowledge of the Gospel there, they sent two
soldiers, who were to bring back news respecting the progress of the
mission. Besides other presents, the governor gave the Chinese captain
all the slaves of his nation which the Spaniards had taken from Limahon,
who was at that time held under blockade, to take them back free to
their country. The 5th of July 1575, the friars landed at Tansuso
[Gan-hai], whence, on their way to visit the governor of Chincheo
[Tsiuen-cheu] they passed through the town of Tangoa [Tong-gan] in
China.[6] The mandarin of Chincheo, of whom the captain who conducted
them held his commission, gave them a good reception; but as the
ambassadors were sent by a simple lieutenant of the king of Spain, and
not direct from the monarch, he insisted that they should address him on
their knees. This mandarin, after having entertained them at a banquet,
sent them with a good escort to the Tutan or viceroy of the province.
They then made a journey of thirty leagues, carried in palanquins. At
Aucheo [Focheou, so pronounced in the Fokien dialect] they met with an
honourable reception. Each of the monks received a present of six pieces
of silk tissue, which they crossed upon their breast in the manner of a
stole, and two bouquets of silver: the other members of the embassy also
had presents. As to the alliance proposed between Spain and China, and
the permission requested by the missionaries for the exercise of their
apostolic ministry, the viceroy referred them to the emperor. While
waiting the reply from Pekin, the monks bought many books in the Chinese
language, and visited the pagodas. The principal contained one hundred
and eleven idols, all carved in relief and gilded. Three in particular
attracted their attention. The first was a body with three heads, which
looked at one another: they believed they saw in it a vague symbol of
the Trinity. The second was a woman who held a little infant in her
arms; they called her the Virgin Mother and the Divine Infant. The third
represented to them an apostle. The monks having been to examine the
gates of the city, this demand awakened the suspicions of the viceroy,
who would seldom permit them to go out after. Upon his desiring to see
some piece of writing by their hand, they copied for him the Lord's
Prayer and the Ten Commandments, putting the Chinese translation to the
Spanish text; and the viceroy took great pleasure in reading them. He
only retarded their departure till the arrival of the visitor of the
province, who desired to see them. The curiosity of this functionary
once satisfied, he gave them rich presents for the Spanish governor of
the Philippines, saying that they might return when they brought Limahon
dead or alive. They then left Aucheo to return to Chincheo, where they
made no lengthened stay, the mandarin of this town attending them to the
port of Tansuso. After fresh entertainments, the Chinese captain who had
brought them, was charged with the task of reconducting them to Manilla,
and they embarked on the 14th of September 1575. _En route_, they
learned that Limahon, who had been blocked up by the Spaniards, had
contrived to escape with part of his troops, and had gained the island
of Formosa.
The flight of Limahon disconcerted the Chinese captain who brought back
the missionaries, and who feared that he should be disgraced on this
account when he returned to China. This captain, to whom they explained
the principal points of the Christian faith, would have embraced it, had
he not feared the punishment inflicted in his country on those who
forsake the national religion. He said even that they would easily
succeed in converting the Chinese, if they could first gain over the
emperor, by means of an embassy sent to him by the King of Spain.
Herrada, thus prevented from preaching, had not been idle during his
stay in China; he composed a vocabulary of the Chinese language, now
apparently unknown, and drew up a succinct account of his voyage,
respecting which we translate some very curious remarks by the Friar
Geronimo de Ramon, in his _Republicas del Mundo_. He says that this
treatise fell into his hands, but was taken away by some one, he could
not tell by whom, and never returned to him; a circumstance which caused
him much annoyance, because he wished to write the _Republic of China_;
but it turned out, he says, the better for him, for he wrote in
consequence to the Licenciate Juan de Rada, Alcalde of the Upper Court
of Navarre and brother of Martin, who sent him a great number of
interesting papers of his brother's. He then proceeds to speak of the
high respectability and credibility of De Rada, on account of his rank
and distinguished piety. An original letter by De Rada, however, giving
a succinct account of his embassy is inserted by the Friar Gaspar de San
Augustin, in his _Conquistas de las Islas Philipinas_, to which we refer
the reader for full accounts of all the movements of those zealous
preachers of the gospel in the Philippines and in China at that early
period.
De Rada's treatise formed the basis of the narrative compiled by
Mendoza, which is now republished. On his return from China, his ship
being stranded on the island of Bolinao, he and his companions were
stript of everything and left naked; but were saved by the providential
arrival of a Spanish armament, which conducted them safe to Manilla,
where he died in 1577.
His narrative was transmitted to Philip II, in the year 1576, by the
hands of his companion, the Friar Geronimo Marin, and the king
consequently nominated three ambassadors; viz., Marin, the Father Juan
Gonzalez de Mendoza (the compiler of the work now reprinted, a native of
Toledo, and who had left the career of a soldier for the garb of a monk
of the order of St. Augustine), and Father Francisco de Ortega: all
these were Augustinians. They were dispatched to Mexico for the purpose
of making suitable additions to the costly presents provided by the
king; but the viceroy of Mexico, instead of favouring their immediate
departure, threw so many obstacles in the way, that it was not till 1584
that the embassy was carried out, and it ultimately proved a complete
failure.
Meanwhile the work of evangelization was not confined to the
Augustinians. Some Franciscans of the province of St. Joseph, in Spain,
were sent to their assistance, and among these Pedro de Alfaro, the
narrative of whose adventures is given by Mendoza in the second book of
the second part. The place and date of his birth are not recorded. We
know only that he arrived in Manilla from Spain on the 2nd July 1578,
with fourteen brothers of his order, of which he was the superior, to
assume the post of chief "costodio" of the province of St. Gregory in
Luzon, and that he built a church in that city. On his arrival, he soon
became acquainted with the mission of Martin de Rada in China, and
conceived an earnest desire to penetrate that almost inaccessible
empire. He therefore solicited permission for that purpose from
Francisco de Sande, Alcalde of the royal audience of Mexico, Governor of
the Philippines; but the failure of the former mission, and the fear of
compromising the newly opened relations between the countries, caused a
refusal. Upon this the zealous missionary resolved upon embarking
without permission. He took with him Juan Bautista de Pizaro, Augustin
de Tordesilla, and Sebastiano de Becotia, all three Franciscans, three
Spanish soldiers, four natives of the Philippines, and a young Chinese
taken from Limahon, to serve as an interpreter.
Without any nautical experience, they trusted themselves to a little
boat, and managed to pass, as if by miracle, through the fleet of
vessels which guarded the coast, and entered the port of Canton. On
being led before a judge and asked what they sought, and how they had
found their way, they freely stated the facts, and announced that their
wish was to teach the way to heaven to the inhabitants of China. A
native Christian, however, who acted as interpreter, considering his and
their safety rather than the truth, adroitly modified their statement,
and declared that they were holy men like the bonzes, that they had had
no idea of visiting China, but in sailing from the Philippines to the
Hilocos they had suffered shipwreck and lost most of their crew. Their
only resource had been this little bark, which had unexpectedly brought
them into this unknown port. The mandarin who examined them enquired
what they had in the vessel, and was told that they had no weapons or
merchandize, but only their books and articles used in their worship. He
was much interested with the sight of these when they were brought, but
expressed surprise that they had been saved in such a storm. The
ingenious interpreter replied, that they had been saved as the most
valuable objects they possessed. The result of this examination was a
formal permission to land. They were not, however, allowed to preach.
For some time they suffered much from want, but were at length liberally
supplied from the public funds with the necessaries of life.
Misrepresentations meanwhile were made respecting them, which subjected
them to a second lengthy examination, which resulted in their being sent
to Fucheou by order of the viceroy of that city, in order that
everything they possessed might be inspected. This journey enabled them
to make the observations on the country recorded by Mendoza in the
second volume. The viceroy asked them some questions and handed them
over to his deputy, who treated them with much courtesy. After a stay of
several days in Fucheou, the Timpintao or deputy sent them back to
Canton, upon arriving at which place they were ordered to prepare to
leave the kingdom. This command, in their then state of destitution,
overwhelmed them with dismay, and they made strenuous efforts, but
without success, to gain some assistance in these trying circumstances.
Some of them received a licence to go to Macao, and others to Luzon.
Those who resolved upon returning to the Philippines proceeded to
Tsiuencheu, where they embarked, and reached Luzon on the 2nd February
1580.
The various and repeated disasters, consequent upon the zealous efforts
of these adventurous friars, may well explain the failure of the mission
of which Mendoza was a member. As a compensation for his failure,
however, he adopted a course which was calculated to be far more
practically useful. He collected the accounts of the various Portuguese
and Spanish priests, which have been already alluded to; viz., Gaspar da
Cruz, Martin de Rada, Pedro de Alfaro, etc., and brought them together
into one volume for publication. In this task he must have received
valuable assistance from his colleague in the mission, Geronimo de
Marin, who, in company with De Rada, had been an eye-witness of the most
important facts detailed throughout the work. To these were added, as a
sort of appendix, an "Itinerario del Nuevo Mundo", in which is inserted
a comparatively short account of the adventures of another party of
Franciscans in China, in the year 1581, at the head of whom was Father
Martin Ignazio [de Loyola], a relation of the celebrated founder of the
Jesuits. It is but a repetition of similar disasters to those already
recounted, the whole party narrowly escaping with their lives.
The ill success of the Augustinians and Franciscans did not deter the
well-known perseverance of the Jesuits, who, of all the monkish orders,
have undoubtedly done the most for the diffusion of Christianity; and
although it is not our province here to relate the details of their
progress, it appears but an interesting sequel to the discouragements we
have related, to mention the final triumph of the eminent Matteo Ricci,
in the year 1600, in gaining access to the emperor at Pekin, and being
finally permitted to settle in that capital. Nor can we refrain in this
place, and at this particular juncture of Chinese affairs, from
presenting the reader with the following translated extract from a
letter written by that distinguished man in 1584, together with some
observations by its recipient, one Geronimo Roman, factor of the
Philippines at Macao. The document referred to was first printed by M.
Ternaux Compans, in his _Archives des Voyages, ou collection d'anciennes
relations inedites ou tres-rares_, and is, as he observes, especially
curious for the suggestions it contains with reference to the conquest
of China. It is as follows:--
"The power of China rests rather upon the great number of towns and
the multitude of inhabitants, than upon the valour of the people.
There are more than sixty millions of rated persons inscribed on
the royal registers, exclusive of the public functionaries and
those people who are too poor to pay taxes. All the neighbouring
kingdoms pay tribute to the King of China, excepting Japan, which
has freed itself recently; it is on this account that the Chinese
are accustomed to consider their country as the centre of the
world, and to despise all other nations. They are very much dreaded
by all the kings in the vicinity, because they can assemble, in a
moment, so considerable a fleet, that it frightens them by the
number of vessels; the Chinese, however, are but poor warriors, and
the military is one of the four conditions which are considered
mean among them. Nearly all the soldiers are malefactors, who have
been condemned to perpetual slavery in the king's service; they are
only fit to war with thieves. Thus, whenever two or three Japanese
vessels happen to make a descent upon the coast, the crews
penetrate into the interior, even seize upon the large towns,
pillage and put everything to fire and sword, and no one dares to
resist them. But, being badly led themselves, they always end by
falling into some ambuscade, and very few of them return to Japan.
It also happens sometimes that brigands intrench themselves upon a
mountain, in the interior of the country, and all the force of the
empire is insufficient to dislodge them. It is said, moreover, that
the Tartars ravage the frontiers of the empire; in short, it
appears to me the most difficult thing in the world to regard the
Chinese as warriors. They have no more spirit than women, and are
ready to kiss the feet of any one who shows his teeth at them. They
spend two hours every morning in combing and plaiting their hair.
Running away is no dishonour with them; they do not know what an
insult is; if they quarrel they abuse one another like women, seize
each other by the hair, and when they are weary of scuffling become
friends again as before, without wounds or bloodshed. Moreover it
is only the soldiers who are armed; others are not permitted to
have even a knife in their houses; in short, they are only
formidable from their numbers. The walls of the towns are, at most,
but fit to protect them from robbers; they are built without any
geometrical knowledge, and have neither _revers_ nor ditches....
"The above is [an extract from] Father Resi [Ricci]'s letter
forwarded to me by Father Ruggiero; I think it necessary to add the
following observations:--
"The King of China maintains a numerous fleet on this coast,
although he is not at war with any one. In an island called Lintao,
which is situated near this town [Macao], there is an arsenal, the
director or haytao of which is continually occupied in
superintending the building and equipment of vessels. The island
furnishes timber, but every other necessary for them has to be
imported from the continent. There are always more than two hundred
and fifty armed vessels in this province of Canton, as far as
Chincheo, where a separate jurisdiction begins, and the coasts of
which are guarded by another fleet. The admiral has the title of
Chunpin; it is a very high rank, although inferior to the tutan; he
has a numerous guard and many drums and trumpets, which make a most
agreeable music to the ears of the Chinese, but an insufferable din
to ours.
"These vessels go out a little when it is fine weather, but hasten
back at the least wind. They have some small iron guns, but none of
bronze; their powder is bad, and never made use of but in firing
salutes; their arquebuses are so badly made that the ball would not
pierce an ordinary cuirass, especially as they do not know how to
aim. Their arms are bamboo pikes, some pointed with iron, others
hardened by fire; short and heavy scimitars, and cuirasses of iron
or tin. Sometimes a hundred vessels are seen to surround a single
corsair, those which are to windward throw out powdered lime to
blind the enemy, and, as they are very numerous, it produces some
effect. This is one of their principal warlike stratagems. The
corsairs are generally Japanese or revolted Chinese.
"The soldiers of this country are a disgraceful set. The other day
they had a quarrel with some other Chinese who were carrying
provisions to market, and beat them; the latter went to complain to
the governor of Macao, who caused forty soldiers to be arrested and
beaten with bamboos. They came out afterwards crying like children.
They are mean, spiritless, and badly armed knaves. There is nothing
formidable in thousands of such soldiers. Besides what can the
soldiers be in a country where their position is looked upon as
dishonourable and occupied by slaves. Our Indians of the
Philippines are ten times more courageous.
"With five thousand Spaniards, at the most, the conquest of this
country might be made, or at least of the maritime provinces, which
are the most important in all parts of the world. With half a dozen
galleons, and as many galleys, one would be master of all the
maritime provinces of China, as well as of all that sea and the
archipelago which extends from China to the Moluccas."
Mendoza's work was first published at Rome in 1585, in a small octavo
form, under the following title: "Historia de las cosas mas notables,
ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China, sabidas assi por los
libros de los mesmos Chinas, como por relacion de religiosos y otras
personas que an estado en el dicho reyno. Hecha y ordenada por el mvy R.
P. Maestro Fr. Joan Gonzalez de Mendoca de la orden de S. Agustin, y
penitenciario appostolico a quien la Magestad Catholica embio con su
real carta y otras cosas para el Rey de aquel reyno el ano 1580. Al
illustrissimo S. Fernando de Vega y Fonseca del consejo de su Magestad y
su presidente en el Real de las Indias. Con vn Itinerario del nueuo
Mundo. _Con privilegio y licencia de su Sanctidad._ En Roma, a costa de
Bartholome Grassi, 1585, en la stampa de Vincentio Accolti."
This edition, of which there is a copy in the British Museum, having on
its title-page the autograph of Sir Hans Sloane--is described by Brunet
as "rare". The text comprises four hundred and forty pages: it is
preceded by the Latin Privilege of Pope Sixtus V, dated June 13th;
Mendoza's dedication to Fernando de Vega, dated Rome, June 17th; a note
or post-script "al lector", in which Mendoza alludes to the recent
receipt of letters from Father Andres de Aguirre, provincial of the
Philippines, conveying the startling intelligence that the King of China
and his subjects were ready and willing to embrace the Catholic faith;
this is followed by Mendoza's Preface to the reader, and two sonnets in
Spanish, the first entitled: "Soneto de ... en la reducion del Reyno de
la China a la Iglesia Catholica." This interesting and important little
volume is also remarkable as being the first European work in which
Chinese characters were printed.
We learn from Brunet that two editions of the original Spanish were
published the following year (1586), one at Madrid, the other at
Barcelona: it was again printed at Medina del Campo in 1595, and at
Antwerp in 1596.
An Italian translation by Francesco Avanzo was published at Venice in
1586, 8vo.; at Rome and Genoa in the same year, 4to.; and again at
Venice in 1587, in 12mo.; 1588 and 1590 in 8vo.
The English and French translations appeared in the same year, viz.,
1588; the rare black-letter English version now reprinted, being made by
Parke at the instance of Hakluyt himself, as we learn from the
translator's dedication to the celebrated navigator Thomas "Candish"
(Cavendish), which is dated on new-year's day, 1589.
The French translation, which was made by Luc de la Porte, was reprinted
at Paris in 1589 and 1600; and with a slightly varied title at Geneva in
1606, at Lyon in 1606, and at Rouen in 1604.
A Latin version by Marcus Henning was published at Frankfort in 1589,
8vo.; and that by Joachimus Brulius appeared at Antwerp in 1655, 4to.
Adelung (_Fortsetzung zu Joechers Lexikon_) states that a German version
was published at Frankfort in 1589, 4to.
On his return, as a recompense for his services, Mendoza was made bishop
of Lipari in 1593. In 1607 he went to America with the title of Vicar
Apostolic, and in the same year was made bishop of Chiapa; and in 1608
was translated to the bishopric of Popayan. He was the author of several
other works, historical and theological. The year of his death is not
exactly known, but it was about the year 1620. Ossinger, in his
_Bibliotheca Augustiniana_, describes him as a most eminent historian, a
very eloquent orator, and a highly accomplished preacher.
THE HISTORIE OF THE
GREAT AND MIGHTIE KINGDOME
OF CHINA, AND THE SITUATION
THEREOF:
Togither with the great riches, huge
citties, politike gouernement, and
rare inuentions in the same.
Translated out of Spanish by _R. Parke_.
TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL AND FAMOUS GENTLEMAN, M. THOMAS CANDISH,
ESQUIRE, INCREASE OF HONOR AND HAPPIE ATTEMPTES.
It is now aboue fiue and thirty yeares passed, right worshipfull, since
that young, sacred, and prudent Prince, king Edward the sixt of happie
memorie, went about the discouerie of Cathaia and China, partly of
desire that the good young king had to enlarge the Christian faith, and
partlie to find out some where in those regions ample vent of the cloth
of England, for the mischiefs that grew about that time neerer home
aswell by contempt of our commodities, as by the arrestes of his
merchantes in the Empire, Flanders, France, and Spaine: forsseeing
withall how beneficiall ample vent would rise to all degrees throughout
his kingdome, and specially to the infinite number of the poore sort
distressed by lacke of worke. And although by a voyage hereuppon taken
in hande for this purpose by Sir Hugh Willobie and Richard Chauncellour,
a discouerie of the bay of Saint Nicolas in Russia fell out, and a trade
with the Muscouites, and after another trade for a time with the
Persians by way of the Caspian sea ensued, yet the discouerie of the
principall intended place followed not in his time, nor yet since,
vntill you tooke your happie and renowmed voyage about the worlde in
hande, although sundrie attemptes, at the great charges of diuers
honorable and well disposed persons, and good worshipfull merchants and
others haue beene made since the death of that good king, in seeking a
passage thither both by the North-east, and by the Northwest. But since
it is so (as wee vnderstande) that your worshippe in your late voyage
hath first of our nation in this age discouered the famous rich ilandes
of the Lu Zones, or Philippinas, lying neare vnto the coast of China,
and haue spent some time in taking good view of the same, hauing brought
home three boyes borne in Manilla, the chiefe towne of the said Ilands,
besides two other young fellowes of good capacitie, borne in the mightie
Iland of Iapon, (which hereafter may serue as our interpretors in our
first traficke thither), and that also your selfe haue sailed along the
coast of China, not farre from the Continent, and haue taken some
knowledge of the present state of the same, and in your course haue
found out a notable ample vent of our clothes, especially our kersies,
and are in preparing againe for the former voyage, as hee that would
constantly perseuer in so good an enterprise: we are to thinke that the
knowledge and first discouerie of the same, in respect of our nation,
hath all this time beene by the Almightie to you onely reserued, to your
immortall glorie, and to the manifest shew of his especiall fauour borne
towards you, in that besides your high and rare attempt of sailing about
the whole globe of the earth, in so short a time of two yeares and about
two monethes, you have shewed your selfe to have that rare and especiall
care for your countrie, by seeking out vent for our clothes, that ought
vpon due consideration to moue many thousands of English subiects to
pray for you, and to loue and honor your name and familie for euer. For
as you haue opened by your attempt the gate to the spoile of the great
and late mightie, vniuersall, and infested enimie of this realme, & of
al countries that professe true religion: so haue you by your great care
wrought a way to imploie the merchants of Englande in trade, to increase
our Nauie, to benefite our Clothiers, and (your purpose falling out to
your hoped effect) to releeue more of the poorer sort, then all the
hospitals and almes houses can or may, that haue beene built in this
realme, since the first inhabiting thereof.
And sir, if to this your late noble attempt, it might please you, by
your incouragement, and by the help of your purse to adde your present
furtherance for the passage to be discouered by the northwest, (for
proofe whereof there bee many infallible reasons, and diuerse great
experiences to be yeelded) our course with our commodities to the rich
Iland of Iapon, to the mightie empire of China, and to the Ilandes of
the Philippinas, for the vent that you haue found out, should be by the
halfe way shortened, and you should double and manyfolde treble the
credite of your fourmer late enterprise, and make your fame to mount,
and yourself to liue for euer in a much higher degree of glorie, then
otherwise it might be, or that by any other mean you could possibly
deuise: In which action so highly importing the generall state of this
lande I haue perfect experience that many worshipfull and wealthie
marchants of this citie and other places would most willingly ioyne
their purses with yours: and to play the blabbe, I may tell you they
attende nothing with greater desire and expectation, then that a motion
hereof being made by some happie man, your selfe and they might friendly
and seriously ioyne together for the full accomplishing of this so long
intended discouerie: And to descende to some particulars, there is one
speciall reason that giueth an edge vnto their desires, proceeding from
the late worthie attemptes of that excellent and skilful pilot M. John
Dauis, made for the search of the aforesaid northwest passage these
three late yeares, hauing entred into the same foure hundred leagues
further than was euer hitherto thoroughly knowen, and returned with an
exact description thereof, to the reasonable contentment for the time,
of the aduenturers, and chiefly of the worshipfull M. William Sanderson,
whose contributions thereunto, although they haue beene verie great and
extraordinarie, yet for the certaine hope or rather assurance that he
conceiueth vpon the report of the Captaine himselfe and all the rest of
any skill employed in these voyages, remayneth still constant, and is
readie to disburse as yet to the freshe setting on foote of this
enterprise entermitted by occasion of our late troubles, euen this yeare
againe, for the finall perfection of so profitable and honorable a
discouerie, a farre greater portion then in reason would be required of
any other man of his abilitie. And albeit, sir, that you haue taken in
your late voyage, besides the knowledge of the way to China, the
intelligence of the gouernement of the countrie and of the commodities
of the territories and prouinces of the same, and that at the full,
according to the time of your short abode in those partes, yet
neuerthelesse for that of late more ample vnderstanding hath beene in
more length of time, by woonderfull great endeuour taken by certaine
learned Portingals and Spaniardes of great obseruation, and not long
agoe published in the Spanish tongue, I haue for the increase of the
knowledge of the subiectes of Englande, and specially for the
illuminating of the mindes of those that are to take the voyage next in
hande to Iapan, China, and the Philippinas, translated the same worke
into English, and committed it to print, passing ouer Paulus Venetus,
and sir John Mandeuill, because they wrote long agoe of those regions:
which labour, to say trueth, I haue vndertaken at the earnest request
and encouragement of my worshipfull friend Master Richard Hakluit late
of Oxforde, a gentleman, besides his other manifolde learning and
languages, of singular and deepe insight in all histories of discouerie
and partes of cosmographie: who also for the zeale he beareth to the
honour of his countrie and countrimen, brought the same first aboue two
yeares since ouer into this court, and at this present hath in hande a
most excellent and ample collection of the sundrie trauailes and
nauigations of our owne nation, a matter long intended by him, and
seruing to the like beneficiall and honorable purpose, which I hope will
shortly come to light to the great contentation of the wiser sort.
In the meane season, hauing nowe at length finished according to my
poore skill and leasure this my translation, I thought best to dedicate
and commende the same to your worshipfull patronage, as the man that I
holde most worthie of the same, and most able of our nation to iudge
aright of the contentes thereof, and to correct the errors of the author
whensoeuer you shall meete with them: beseeching you to accept in good
part the trauaile and good meaning of the translator: and so wishing
vnto you health, increase of knowledge, with fortunate and glorious
successe in your further couragious attempts, I leaue you to the
protection of the Almightie.
From London the first of Ianuarie 1589.
Your worships alwaies to command,