CHAPTER XVI

CHINA AND THE WAR

The question of Chinese sentiments on the subject of the war, as well as

the precise relations between the Chinese Government and the two groups

of belligerents, are matters which have been totally misunderstood. To

those who have grasped the significance of the exhaustive preceding

account of the Republic in travail, this statement should not cause

surprise; for China has been in no condition to play anything but an

insignificant and unsatisfactory rôle in world-politics.

When the world-war broke out China was still in the throes of her

domestic troubles and without any money at all in her Central Treasury;

and although Yuan Shih-kai, on being suddenly confronted with an

unparalleled international situation, did initiate certain negotiations

with the German Legation with a view to securing a cancellation of the

Kiaochow lease, the ultimatum which Japan dispatched to Germany on the

15th August, 1914, completely nullified his tentative proposals. Yuan

Shih-kai had, indeed, not been in the slightest degree prepared for such

a sensational development as war between Japan and Germany over the

question of a cruiser-base established on territory leased from China;

and although he considered the possibility of sending a Chinese force to

co-operate in the attack on the German stronghold, that project was

never matured, whilst his subsequent contrivances, notably the

establishment of a so-called war-zone in Shantung, were without

international value, and attracted no attention save in Japan.

Chinese, however, did not remain blind to the trend of events. After the

fall of Tsingtao and the subsequent complications with Japan, which so

greatly served to increase the complexities of a nebulous situation,

certain lines of thought insensibly developed. That the influential

classes in China should have desired that Germany should by some means

rehabilitate herself in Europe and so be placed in a position to

chastise a nation that for twenty years had brought nothing but sorrow

to them was perhaps only natural; and it is primarily to this one cause

that so-called sympathy with Germany during the first part of the war

has been due. But it must also be noticed that the immense German

propaganda in China during the first two years of the war, coupled with

the successes won in Russia and elsewhere, powerfully impressed the

population--not so much because they were attracted by the feats of a

Power that had enthroned militarism, but because they wrongly supposed

that sooner or later the effects of this military display would be not

only to secure the relaxation of the Japanese grip on the country but

would compel the Powers to re-cast their pre-war policies in China and

abandon their attempts at placing the country under financial

supervision. Thus, by the irony of Fate, Germany in Eastern Asia for the

best part of 1914, 1915 and 1916, stood for the aspirations of the

oppressed--a moral which we may very reasonably hope will not escape the

attention of the Foreign Offices of the world. Nor must it be forgotten

that the modern Chinese army, being like the Japanese, largely

Germany-trained and Germany-armed, had a natural predilection for

Teutonism; and since the army, as we have shown, plays a powerful rôle

in the politics of the Republic, public opinion was greatly swayed by

what it proclaimed through its accredited organs.

Be this as it may, it was humanly impossible for such a vast country

with such vast resources in men and raw materials to remain permanently

quiescent during an universal conflagration when there was so much to be

salvaged. Slowly the idea became general in China that something had to

be done; that is that a state of technical neutrality would lead nowhere

save possibly to Avernus.

As early as November, 1915, Yuan Shih-kai and his immediate henchmen had

indeed realized the internal advantages to be derived from a formal

war-partnership with the signatories of the Pact of London, the impulse

to the movement being given by certain important shipments of arms and

ammunition from China which were then made. A half-surreptitious

attempt to discuss terms in Peking caused no little excitement, the

matter being, however, only debated in very general terms. The principal

item proposed by the Peking government was characteristically the

stipulation that an immediate loan of two million pounds should be made

to China, in return for her technical belligerency. But when the

proposal was taken to Tokio, Japan rightly saw that its main purpose was

simply to secure an indirect foreign endorsement of Yuan Shih-kai's

candidature as Emperor; and for that reason she threw cold-water on the

whole project. To subscribe to a formula, which besides enthroning Yuan

Shih-kai would have been a grievous blow to her Continental ambitions,

was an unthinkable thing; and therefore the manoeuvre was foredoomed to

failure.

The death of Yuan Shih-kai in the summer of 1916 radically altered the

situation. Powerful influences were again set to work to stamp out the

German cult and to incline the minority of educated men who control the

destinies of the country to see that their real interests could only lie

with the Allies, who were beginning to export Chinese man-power as an

auxiliary war-aid and who were very anxious to place the whole matter on

a sounder footing. Little real progress was, however, made in the face

of the renewed German efforts to swamp the country with their

propaganda. By means of war-maps, printed in English and Chinese, and

also by means of an exhaustive daily telegraphic service which hammered

home every possible fact illustrative of German invincibility, the

German position in China, so far from being weakened, was actually

strengthened during the period when Rumania was being overrun. By a

singular destiny, any one advocating an alliance with the Allies was

bitterly attacked not only by the Germans but by the Japanese as

well--this somewhat naïve identification of Japan's political interest

with those of an enemy country being an unique feature of the situation

worthy of permanent record.

It was not until President Wilson sent out his Peace offering of the

19th December, 1916, that a distinct change came. On this document being

formally communicated to the Chinese Government great interest was

aroused, and the old hopes were revived that it would be somehow

possible for China to gain entry at the definitive Peace Congress which

would settle beyond repeal the question of the disposal of Kiaochow and

the whole of German interests in Shantung Province,--a subject of

burning interest to the country not only because of the harsh treatment

which had been experienced at the hands of Japan, but because the

precedent established in 1905 at the Portsmouth Treaty was one which it

was felt must be utterly shattered if China was not to abandon her claim

of being considered a sovereign international State. On that occasion

Japan had simply negotiated direct with Russia concerning all matters

affecting Manchuria, dispatching a Plenipotentiary to Peking, after the

Treaty of Peace had been signed, to secure China's adhesion to all

clauses _en bloc_ without discussion. True enough, by filing the

Twenty-one Demands on China in 1915--when the war was hardly half-a-year

old--and by forcing China's assent to all Shantung questions under the

threat of an Ultimatum, Japan had reversed the Portsmouth Treaty

procedure and apparently settled the issues at stake for all time;

nevertheless the Chinese hoped when the facts were properly known to the

world that this species of diplomacy would not be endorsed, and that

indeed the Shantung question could be reopened.

Consequently great pains were taken at the Chinese Foreign Office to

draft a reply to the Wilson Note which would tell its own story. The

authorized translation of the document handed to the American Legation

on the 8th January has therefore a peculiar political interest. It runs

as follows:--

"I have examined with the care which the gravity of the question

demands the note concerning peace which President Wilson has

addressed to the Governments of the Allies and the Central Powers

now at war and the text of which Your Excellency has been good

enough to transmit to me under instructions of your Government.

"China, a nation traditionally pacific, has recently again

manifested her sentiments in concluding treaties concerning the

pacific settlement of international disputes, responding thus to the

voeux of the Peace Conference held at the Hague.

"On the other hand, the present war, by its prolongation, has

seriously affected the interests of China, more so perhaps than

those of other Powers which have remained neutral. She is at present

at a time of reorganization which demands economically and

industrially the co-operation of foreign countries, a co-operation

which a large number of them are unable to accord on account of the

war in which they are engaged.

"In manifesting her sympathy for the spirit of the President's

Note, having in view the ending as soon as possible of the

hostilities, China is but acting in conformity not only with her

interests but also with her profound sentiments.

"On account of the extent which modern wars are apt to assume and

the repercussions which they bring about, their effects are no

longer limited to belligerent States. All countries are interested

in seeing wars becoming as rare as possible. Consequently China

cannot but show satisfaction with the views of the Government and

people of the United States of America who declare themselves ready,

and even eager, to co-operate when the war is over, by all proper

means to assure the respect of the principle of the equality of

nations, whatever their power may be, and to relieve them of the

peril of wrong and violence. China is ready to join her efforts with

theirs for the attainment of such results which can only be obtained

through the help of all."

Already, then, before there had been any question of Germany's ruthless

submarine war necessitating a decisive move, China had commenced to show

that she could not remain passive during a world-conflict which was

indirectly endangering her interests. America, by placing herself in

direct communication with the Peking Government on the subject of a

possible peace, had given a direct hint that she was solicitous of

China's future and determined to help her as far as possible. All this

was in strict accordance with the traditional policy of the United

States in China, a policy which although too idealistic to have had much

practical value--being too little supported by battleships and bayonets

to be respected--has nevertheless for sixty years tempered the wind to

the shorn lamb. The ground had consequently been well prepared for the

remarkable dénouement which came on the 9th February, 1917, and which

surprised all the world.

On the fourth of that month the United States formally communicated with

China on the subject of the threatened German submarine war against

neutral shipping and invited her to associate herself with America in

breaking-off diplomatic relations with Germany. China had meanwhile

received a telegraphic communication from the Chinese Minister in Berlin

transmitting a Note from the German Government making known the measures

endangering all merchant vessels navigating the prescribed zones. The

effect of these two communications on the mind of the Chinese Government

was at first admittedly stunning and very varied expressions of opinion

were heard in Peking. For the first time in the history of the country

the government had been invited to take a step which meant the

inauguration of a definite Foreign policy from which there could be no

retreat. For four days a discussion raged which created the greatest

uneasiness; but by the 8th February, President Li Yuan-hung had made up

his mind--the final problem being simply the "conversion" of the

Military Party to the idea that a decisive step, which would for ever

separate them from Germany, must at last be taken. It is known that the

brilliant Scholar Liang Ch'i-chao, who was hastily summoned to Peking,

proved a decisive influence and performed the seemingly impossible in a

few hours' discussion. Realizing at once the advantages which would

accrue from a single masculine decision he advised instant action in

such a convincing way that the military leaders surrendered. Accordingly

on the 9th February the presence of the German Minister was requested at

the Chinese Foreign Office when the following Note was read to him and

subsequently transmitted telegraphically to Berlin.

Your Excellency:

A telegraphic communication has been received from the Chinese

Minister at Berlin transmitting a note from the German Government

dated February 1st, 1917, which makes known that the measures of

blockade newly adopted by the Government of Germany will, from that

day, endanger neutral merchant vessels navigating in certain

prescribed zones.

The new measures of submarine warfare, inaugurated by Germany,

imperilling the lives and property of Chinese citizens to even a

greater extent than the measures previously taken which have already

cost so many human lives to China, constitute a violation of the

principles of public international law at present in force; the

tolerance of their application would have as a result the

introduction into international law of arbitrary principles

incompatible with even legitimate commercial intercourse between

neutral states and between neutral states and belligerent powers.

The Chinese Government, therefore, protests energetically to the

Imperial German Government against the measures proclaimed on

February 1st, and sincerely hopes that with a view to respecting the

rights of neutral states and to maintaining the friendly relations

between these two countries, the said measures will not be carried

out.

In case, contrary to its expectations, its protest be ineffectual

the Government of the Chinese Republic will be constrained, to its

profound regret, to sever the diplomatic relations at present

existing between the two countries. It is unnecessary to add that

the attitude of the Chinese Government has been dictated purely by

the desire to further the cause of the world's peace and by the

maintenance of the sanctity of international law.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the

assurance of my highest consideration.

At the same time the following reply was handed to the American Minister

in Peking thus definitely clinching the matter:

Your Excellency:

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's

Note of the 4th February, 1917, informing me that the Government of

the United States of America, in view of the adoption by the German

Government of its new policy of submarine warfare on the 1st of

February, has decided to take certain action which it judges

necessary as regards Germany.

The Chinese Government, like the President of the United States of

America, is reluctant to believe that the German Government will

actually carry into execution those measures which imperil the lives

and property of citizens of neutral states and jeopardize the

commerce, even legitimate, between neutrals as well as between

neutrals and belligerents and which tend, if allowed to be enforced

without opposition, to introduce a new principle into public

international law.

The Chinese Government being in accord with the principles set forth

in Your Excellency's note and firmly associating itself with the

Government of the United States, has taken similar action by

protesting energetically to the German Government against the new

measures of blockade. The Chinese Government also proposes to take

such action in the future as will be deemed necessary for the

maintenance of the principles of international law.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the

assurance of my highest consideration.

His Excellency Paul S. Reinsch,

Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of

The United States of America.

When these facts became generally known an extraordinary ferment was

noticeable. What efforts had to be made to overcome the not

inconsiderable opposition of the Military Party who were opposed to any

departure from a policy of passive neutrality need not now be set down;

but it is sufficient to state that the decision arrived at was in every

sense a victory of the younger intellectual forces over the older

mandarinate, whose traditions of _laissez faire_ and spineless diplomacy

had hitherto cost the country so dear. A definite and far-reaching

Foreign Policy had at last been inaugurated. By responding rapidly and

firmly to the invitation of the United States to associate herself with

the stand taken against Germany's piratical submarine warfare, China has

undoubtedly won for herself a new place in the world's esteem. Both in

Europe and America the news of this development awakened

well-understandable enthusiasm, and convinced men that the Republic at

last stood for something vital and real. Until the 9th February, 1917,

what China had been doing was not really to maintain her neutrality,

since she had been unable to defend her territory from being made a

common battleground in 1914: she had been engaged in guarding and

perpetuating her traditional impotency. For whilst it may be accurate to

declare--a fact which few Westerners have realized--that to the mass of

the Chinese nation the various members of the European Family are

undistinguishable from one another, there being little to choose in

China between a Russian or a German, an Englishman or an Austrian, a

Frenchman or a Greek, the trade-contact of a century had certainly

taught to a great many that there was profit in certain directions and

none in certain others. It was perfectly well-known, for instance, that

England stood for a sea-empire; that the sea was an universal road; that

British ships, both mercantile and military, were the most numerous; and

that other things being equal it must primarily be Britain more than any

other European country which would influence Chinese destinies. But the

British Alliance with Japan had greatly weakened the trust which

originally existed; and this added to the fact that Germany, although

completely isolated and imprisoned by the sea, still maintained herself

intact by reason of her marvellous war-machine, which had ploughed

forward with such horrible results in a number of directions, had made

inaction seem the best policy. And yet, although the Chinese may be

pardoned for not forming clear concepts regarding the rights and wrongs

of the present conflict, they had undoubtedly realized that it was

absolutely essential for them not to remain outside the circle of

international friendships when a direct opportunity was offered them to

step within.

It was a sudden inkling of these things which now dawned on the public

mind and slowly awakened enthusiasm. For the first time since Treaty

relations with the Powers had been established Chinese diplomatic action

had swept beyond the walls of Peking and embraced world-politics within

its scope. The Confucianist conception of the State, as being simply a

regional creation, a thing complete in itself and all sufficient because

it was locked to the past and indifferent to the future, had hitherto

been supreme, foreign affairs being the result of unwilling contact at

sea-ports or in the wastes of High Asia where rival empires meet. To

find Chinese--five years after the inauguration of their Republic--ready

to accept literally and loyally in the western way all the duties and

obligations which their rights of eminent domain confer was a great and

fine discovery. It has been supposed by some that a powerful rôle was

played in this business by the temptation to benefit materially by an

astute move: that is that China was greatly influenced in her decision

by the knowledge that the denouncing of the German treaties would

instantly suspend the German Boxer indemnity and pour into the depleted

Central Treasury a monthly surplus of nearly two million Mexican

dollars. Paradoxical as it may sound in a country notoriously

hard-pressed for cash, monetary considerations played no part whatever

in convincing the Peking Government that the hour for action had

arrived; nor again was there any question of real hostility to a nation

which is so far removed from the East as to be meaningless to the

masses. The deep, underlying, decisive influence was simply

expediency--the most subtle of all political reasons and the hardest to

define. But just as Britain declared war because the invasion of Belgium

brought to a head all the vague grounds for opposition to German policy;

and just as America broke off relations because the scrapping of

undertaking after undertaking regarding the sea-war made it imperative

for her to act, so did China choose the right moment to enunciate the

doctrine of her independence by voicing her determination to hold to the

whole corpus of international sanctions on which her independence

finally rests. In the last analysis, then, the Chinese note of the 9th

February to the German Government was a categorical and unmistakable

reply to all the insidious attempts which had been made since the

beginning of the war to place her outside and beyond the operation of

the Public Law of Europe; and it is solely and entirely in that light

that her future actions must be judged. The leaders who direct the

destinies of China became fully prepared for a state of belligerency

from the moment they decided to speak; but they could not but be

supremely anxious concerning the expression of that belligerency, since

their international position had for years been such that a single false

move might cripple them.

Let us make this clear. Whilst China has been from the first fully

prepared to co-operate with friendly Powers in the taking of

war-measures which would ultimately improve her world-position, she has

not been prepared to surrender the initiative in these matters into

foreign hands. The argument that the mobilization of her resources could

only be effectively dealt with by specially designated foreigners, for

instance, has always been repellent to her because she knows from bitter

experience that although Japan has played little or no part in the war,

and indeed classifies herself as a semi-belligerent, the Tokio

Government would not hesitate to use any opportunity which presented

itself in China for selfish ends; and by insisting that as she is on the

spot she is the most competent to insure the effectiveness of Chinese

co-operation, attempt to tighten her hold on the country. It is a fact

which is self-evident to observers on the spot that ever since the coup

of the Twenty-one Demands, many Japanese believe that their country has

succeeded in almost completely infeodating China and has become the

sovereign arbitrator of all quarrels, as well as the pacificator of the

Eastern World. Statements which were incautiously allowed to appear in

the Japanese Press a few days prior to the Chinese Note of the 9th

February disclose what Japan really thought on the subject of China

identifying herself with the Allies. For instance, the following, which

bears the hall-mark of official inspiration, reads very curiously in the

light of after-events:

... "Dispatches from Peking say that England and France have already

started a flanking movement to induce China to join the anti-German

coalition. The intention of the Chinese Government has not yet been

learned. But it is possible that China will agree, if conditions are

favourable, thus gaining the right to voice her views at the coming

peace conference. Should the Entente Powers give China a firm

guarantee, it is feared here that China would not hesitate to act.

"The policy of the Japanese Government toward this question cannot

yet be learned. It appears, however, that the Japanese Government is

not opposed to applying the resolutions of the Paris Economic

Conference, in so far as they concern purely economic questions,

since Japan desires that German influence in the commerce and

finance of the Orient should be altogether uprooted. But should the

Entente Powers of Europe try to induce China to join them, Japan may

object on the ground that it will create more disturbances in China

and lead to a general disturbance of peace in the Orient."

Now there is not the slightest doubt in the writer's mind--and he can

claim to speak as a student of twenty years' standing--that this

definition of Japanese aims and objects is a very true one; and that the

subsequent invitation to China to join the Allies which came from Tokio

after a meeting between the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs and the

Allied Ambassadors was simply made when a new orientation of policy had

been forced by stress of circumstances. Japan has certainly always

wished German influence in the Far East to be uprooted if she can take

the place of Germany; but if she cannot take that place absolutely and

entirely she would vastly prefer the influence to remain, since it is in

the nature of counterweight to that of other European Powers and of

America--foreign influence in China, as Mr. Hioki blandly told the late

President Yuan Shih-kai in his famous interview of the 18th January,

1915, being a source of constant irritation to the Japanese people, and

the greatest stumbling-block to a permanent understanding in the Far

East.

Chinese suspicion of any invitation coming by way of Tokio has been,

therefore, in every way justified, if it is a reasonable and legitimate

thing for a nation of four hundred millions of people to be acutely

concerned about their independence; for events have already proved up to

the hilt that so far from the expulsion of Germany from Shantung having

resulted in the handing-back of interests which were forcibly acquired

from China in 1898, that expulsion has merely resulted in Japan

succeeding to such interests and thereby obliterating all trace of her

original promise to the world in 1914 that she would restore to China

what was originally taken from her. Here it is necessary to remark that

not only did Japan in her negotiations over the Twenty-one Demands force

China to hand over the twelve million pounds of German improvements in

Shantung province, but that Baron Hayashi, the present Japanese Minister

to China, has recently declared that Japan would demand from China a

vast settlement or concession at Tsingtao, thus making even the alleged

handing-back of the leased territory--which Japan is pledged to force

from Germany at the Peace Conference--wholly illusory, the formula of a

Settlement being adopted because twelve years' experience of Port Arthur

has shown that territorial "leases," with their military garrisons and

administrative offices, are expensive and antiquated things, and that it

is easier to push infiltration by means of a multitude of Settlements in

which police-boxes and policemen form an important element, than to cut

off slices of territory under a nomenclature which is a clamant

advertisement of disruptive aims.

Now although these matters appear to be taking us far from the

particular theme we are discussing, it is not really so. Like a dark

thunder-cloud on the horizon the menace of Japanese action has rendered

frank Chinese co-operation, even in such a simple matter as war-measures

against Germany, a thing of supreme difficulty. The mere rumour that

China might dispatch an Expeditionary Force to Mesopotamia was

sufficient to send the host of unofficial Japanese agents in Peking

scurrying in every direction and insisting that if the Chinese did

anything at all they should limit themselves to sending troops to

Russia, where they would be "lost"--a suggestion made because that was

what Japan herself offered to do when she declined in 1915 the Allies'

proposal to dispatch troops to Europe. Nor must the fact be lost sight

of that as in other countries so in China, foreign affairs provide an

excellent opportunity for influencing the march of internal events.

Thus, as we have clearly shown, the Military Party, although originally

averse to any action at all, saw that a strong foreign policy would

greatly enhance its reputation and allow it to influence the important

elections for the Parliament of 1918 which, sitting as a National

Convention, will elect the next President. Thus, in the extraordinary

way which happens throughout the world, the whole of February was

consumed in the rival political parties manoeuvring for position, the

Vice-President, General Feng Kuo-chang, himself coming hastily to Peking

from Nanking to take part in this elaborate game in which many were now

participating merely for what they could get out of it.

On the 4th March matters were brought to a climax by an open breach

between President Li Yuan-hung and the Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, at

a Cabinet meeting regarding the procedure to be observed in breaking off

diplomatic relations with Germany. Although nearly a month had elapsed,

no reply had been received from Berlin; and of the many plans of action

proposed nothing had been formally decided. Owing to the pressure Japan

was exerting from Tokio to get China to come to a definite arrangement,

popular anxiety was growing. Over the question of certain telegrams to

be communicated to the Japanese Government, of which he had been kept in

ignorance, President Li Yuan-hung took a firm stand; with the result

that the Premier, deeply offended, abruptly left the Council Chamber,

handed in his resignation and left the capital--a course of action which

threatened to provoke a national crisis.

Fortunately in President Li Yuan-hung China had a cool and dispassionate

statesman. At the first grave crisis in his administration he wished at

all costs to secure that the assent of Parliament should be given to all

steps taken, and that nothing so speculative as a policy which had not

been publicly debated should be put into force. He held to this point

doggedly; and after some negotiations, the Premier was induced to return

to the capital and resume office, on the understanding that nothing

final was to be done until a popular endorsement had been secured.

On the 10th March the question was sent to Parliament for decision.

After a stormy debate of several hours in the Lower House the policy of

the Government was upheld by 330 votes to 87: on the following day the

Senate endorsed this decision by 158 votes to 37. By a coincidence which

was too extraordinary not to have been artificially contrived, the

long-awaited German reply arrived on the morning of this 10th March,

copies of the document being circulated wholesale by German agents among

the Members of Parliament in a last effort to influence their decision.

The actual text of the German reply was as follows, and it will be seen

how transparently worded it is:

_To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China_:

YOUR EXCELLENCY: By the instructions of my home Government--which

reached me on the 10th inst.--I beg to forward you the following

reply to China's protest to the latest blockade policy of Germany:--

"The Imperial German Government expresses its great surprise at the

action threatened by the Government of the Republic of China in its

Note of protest. Many other countries have also protested, but

China, which has been in friendly relations with Germany, is the

only State which has added a threat to its protest. The surprise is

doubly great, because of the fact that, as China has no shipping

interests in the seas of the barred zones, she will not suffer

thereby.

"The Government of the Republic of China mentions that loss of life

of Chinese citizens has occurred as the results of the present

method of war. The Imperial German Government wishes to point out

that the Government of the Republic of China has never communicated

with the Imperial Government regarding a single case of this kind

nor has it protested in this connexion before. According to reports

received by the Imperial Government, such losses as have been

actually sustained by Chinese subjects have occurred in the firing

line while they were engaged in digging trenches and in other war

services. While thus engaged, they were exposed to the dangers

inevitable to all forces engaged in war. The fact that Germany has

on several occasions protested against the employment of Chinese

citizens for warlike purpose is evidence that the Imperial

Government has given excellent proof of its friendly feelings toward

China. In consideration of these friendly relations the Imperial

Government is willing to treat the matter as if the threat had never

been uttered. It is reasonable for the Imperial Government to expect

that the Government of the Republic of China will revise its views

respecting the question.

"Germany's enemies were the first to declare a blockade on Germany

and the same is being persistently carried out. It is therefore

difficult for Germany to cancel her blockade policy. The Imperial

Government is nevertheless willing to comply with the wishes of the

Government of the Republic of China by opening negotiations to

arrive at a plan for the protection of Chinese life and property,

with the view that the end may be achieved and thereby the utmost

regard be given to the shipping rights of China. The reason which

has prompted the Imperial Government to adopt this conciliatory

policy is the knowledge that, once diplomatic relations are severed

with Germany, China will not only lose a truly good friend but will

also be entangled in unthinkable difficulties."

In forwarding to Your Excellency the above instructions from my home

Government, I beg also to state that--if the Government of China be

willing--I am empowered to open negotiations for the protection of

the shipping rights of China.

I have the honour to be....

(Signed by the German Minister.)

March 10, 1917.

With a Parliamentary endorsement behind them there remained nothing for

the Peking Government but to take the vital step of severing diplomatic

relations. Certain details remained to be settled but these were

expeditiously handled. Consequently, without any further discussion, at

noon on the 14th March the German Minister was handed his passports,

with the following covering dispatch from the Chinese Foreign Office. It

is worthy of record that in the interval between the Chinese Note of the

9th February and the German reply of the 10th March the French

mail-steamer _Athos_ had been torpedoed in the Mediterranean and five

hundred Chinese labourers proceeding to France on board her drowned.

_Your Excellency_:--

With reference to the new submarine policy of Germany, the

Government of the Republic of China, dictated by the desire to

further the cause of world's peace and to maintain the sanctity of

International Law, addressed a protest to Your Excellency on

February 9th and declared that in case, contrary to its

expectations, its protest be ineffectual, it would be constrained to

sever the diplomatic relations at present existing between the two

countries.

During the lapse of a month no heed has been paid to the protest of

the Government of the Republic in the activities of the German

Submarines, activities which have caused the loss of many Chinese

lives. On March 10, a reply was received from Your Excellency.

Although it states that the Imperial German Government is willing to

open negotiations to arrive at a plan for the protection of Chinese

life and property, yet it declares that it is difficult for Germany

to cancel her blockade policy. It is therefore not in accord with

the object of the protest and the Government of the Chinese

Republic, to its deep regret, considers its protest to be

ineffectual. The Government of the Republic is constrained to sever

the diplomatic relations at present existing with the Imperial

German Government. I have the honour to send herewith to Your

Excellency, the passport for Your Excellency, the members of the

German Legation and their families and retinue for protection while

leaving Chinese territory. With regard to the Consular Officers of

Germany in China, this Ministry has instructed the different

Commissioners of Foreign Affairs to issue to them similarly

passports for leaving the country.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the

assurance of my highest consideration.

March 14th, 1917.

It was not until eleven days later--on the 25th March--that the German

Minister and his suite reluctantly left Peking for Germany via America.

Meanwhile the Chinese Government remained undecided regarding the taking

of the final step as a number of important matters had still to be

settled. Not only had arrangements to be made with the Allies but there

was the question of adjusting Chinese policy with American action. A

special commission on Diplomatic affairs daily debated the procedure to

be observed, but owing to the conflict of opinion in the provinces

further action was greatly delayed. As it is necessary to show the

nature of this conflict we give two typical opinions submitted to the

Government on the question of a formal declaration of war against

Germany (and Austria). The first Memorandum was written for the

Diplomatic Commission by the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao and is singularly

lucid:--

THE NECESSITY FOR WAR

"Those who question the necessity for war can only quote the

attitude of America as example. The position of China is, however,

different from that of America in two points. First, actual warfare

will follow immediately after America's declaration of war, so it is

necessary for her to make the necessary preparations before taking

the step. For this purpose, America has voted several hundred

million dollars for an increase of her naval appropriations. America

therefore cannot declare war until she has completed every

preparation. With China it is different. Even after the declaration

of war, there will be no actual warfare. It is therefore unnecessary

for us to wait.

"Secondly, America has no such things as foreign settlements,

consular jurisdiction or other unequal treaties with Germany. Under

the existing conditions America has no difficulties in safeguarding

herself against the Germans residing in America after the severance

of diplomatic relations even though war has not yet been actually

declared, and as to future welfare, America will have nothing to

suffer even though her old treaties with Germany should continue to

be operative. It is impossible for China to take the necessary steps

to safeguard the country against the Germans residing in China

unless the old treaties be cancelled. For unless war is declared it

is impossible to cancel the consular jurisdiction of the Germans,

and so long as German consular jurisdiction remains in China we will

meet with difficulties everywhere whenever we wish to deal with the

Germans. If our future is to be considered, unless war is declared,

the old treaties will again come into force upon the resumption of

diplomatic relations, in which case we shall be held responsible for

all the steps which we have taken in contravention of treaties

during the rupture. It will be advantageous to China if the old

treaties be cancelled by a declaration of war and new treaties be

negotiated after the conclusion of peace.

"In short by severing diplomatic relations with Germany China has

already incurred the ill-feelings of that country. We shall not be

able to lessen the hostile feelings of the Germans even if we

refrain from declaring war on them. It is therefore our obligation

to choose the course that will be advantageous to us. This is not

reluctantly yielding to the request of the Entente Allies. It is the

course we must take in our present situation.

THE REASON FOR DECLARING WAR

"The presumptuous manner in which Germany has replied to our demand

is an open affront to our national integrity. Recently Germany has

deliberately shown hostility to our advice by reiterating her

determination to carry out the ruthless submarine policy with

increased vigour. All these are reasons for diplomatic rupture as

well as for declaration of war. Furthermore, the peace of the Far

East was broken by the occupation of Kiachow by Germany. This event

marked the first step of the German disregard for international law.

In the interests of humanity and for the sake of what China has

passed through, she should rise and punish such a country, that

dared to disregard international law. Such a reason for war is

certainly beyond criticism.

THE TIME TO DECLARE WAR

"War should be declared as soon as possible. The reason for the

diplomatic rupture is sufficient reason for declaring war. This has

already been explained. It would be impossible for us to find an

excuse for declaring war if war be not declared now. According to

usual procedure war is declared when the forces of the two countries

come into actual conflict. Now such a possibility does not exist

between China and Germany. Since it is futile to expect Germany to

declare war on us first, we should ask ourselves if war is

necessary. If not, then let us go on as we are, otherwise we must

not hesitate any more.

"Some say that China should not declare war on Germany until we have

come to a definite understanding with the Entente Allies respecting

certain terms. This is indeed a wrong conception of things. We

declare war because we want to fight for humanity, international law

and against a national enemy. It is not because we are partial

towards the Entente or against Germany or Austria. International

relations are not commercial connexions. Why then should we talk

about exchange of privileges and rights? As to the revision of

Customs tariff, it has been our aspiration for more than ten years

and a foremost diplomatic question, for which we have been looking

for a suitable opportunity to negotiate with the foreign Powers. It

is our view that the opportunity has come because foreign Powers are

now on very friendly terms with China. It is distinctly a separate

thing from the declaration of war. Let no one try to confuse the

two.

THE QUESTION OF AUSTRIA

"If China decides to declare war on Germany the same attitude should

be taken towards Austria. We have severed diplomatic relations with

Germany but retain the _status quo_ with Austria. This is fraught

with danger. German intrigue is to be dreaded. What they have done

in America and Mexico is enough to shock us. The danger can easily

be imagined when we remember that they have in China the Austrian

Legation, Austrian Consulates and Austrian concessions as their

bases of operation for intrigue and plotting. Some say we should

follow America, which has not yet severed diplomatic relations with

Austria. This is a great mistake. America can afford to ignore

Austria because there are no Austrian concessions and Austrian

consular jurisdiction in America.

"The question is then what steps should be taken to sever diplomatic

relations with and declare war on Austria. The solution is that

since Austria has also communicated to our Minister regarding her

submarine policy we can serve her with an ultimatum demanding that

the submarine policy be cancelled within twenty-four hours. If

Austria refuses, China may sever diplomatic relations and declare

war at the same time immediately upon the expiry of the twenty-four

hour limit.

"In conclusion I wish to say that whenever a policy is adopted we

should carry out the complete scheme. If we should hesitate in the

middle and become afraid to go ahead we will soon find ourselves in

an embarrassing position. The Government and Parliament should

therefore stir up courage and boldly make the decision and take the

step."

Unanswerable as seem these arguments to the Western mind, they were by

no means so to the mass of Chinese who are always fearful lest some

sudden reshuffling in the relationships existing between foreign Powers

exposes them to new and greater calamities. This Chinese viewpoint, with

its ignorance of basic considerations, is well-illustrated by the Second

Memorandum, which follows. Written by the famous reformer of 1898 Kang

Yu-wei, it demonstrates how greatly the revolutionists of 1911 are in

advance of a school which was the vogue less than twenty years ago and

which is completely out of touch with the thought which the war has made

world-wide. Nevertheless the line of argument which characterizes this

utterance is still a political factor in China and must be understood.

MEMORANDUM

... "The breach between the United States and Germany is no concern

of ours. But the Government suddenly severed diplomatic relations

with Germany and is now contemplating entry into the war. This is to

advance beyond the action of the United States which continues to

observe neutrality. And if we analyse the public opinion of the

country, we find that all peoples--high and low, well-informed and

ignorant--betray great alarm when informed of the rupture and the

proposal to declare war on Germany, fearing that such a development

may cause grave peril to the country. This war-policy is being urged

by a handful of politicians, including a few members of Parliament

and several party men with the view of creating a diplomatic

situation to serve their political ends and to reap great profits.

"Their arguments are that China--by siding with the Entente--may

obtain large loans, the revision of the Customs Tariff and the

suspension of the Boxer indemnity to Germany, as well as the

recovery of the German concessions, mining and railroad rights and

the seizure of German commerce. Pray, how large is Germany's share

of the Boxer indemnity? Seeing that German commerce is protected by

international law, will China be able to seize it; and does she not

know that the Kaiser may in the future exact restitution?

PERILS OF WAR

"News from Holland tells of a rumoured secret understanding between

Germany, Japan and Russia. The Japanese Government is pursuing a

policy of friendship toward Germany. This is very disquieting news

to us. As to foreign loans and the revision of the Customs Tariff,

we can raise these matters at any time. Why then should we traffic

for these things at the risk of grave dangers to the nation? My view

is that what we are to obtain from the transaction is far less than

what we are to give. If it be argued that the policy aims at

securing for China her right to live as an unfettered nation, then

we ought to ask for the cancellation of the entire Boxer

Indemnities, the abolition of exterritoriality, the retrocession of

the foreign concessions and the repeal or amendment of all unjust

treaties after the war. But none of these have we demanded. If we

ourselves cannot improve our internal administration in order to

become a strong country, it is absurd to expect our admission to the

ranks of the first-class Powers simply by being allowed a seat at

the Peace Conference and by taking a side with the Entente!

"Which side will win the war? I shall not attempt to predict here.

But it is undoubted that all the arms of Europe--and the industrial

and financial strength of the United States and Japan--have proved

unavailing against Germany. On the other hand France has lost her

Northern provinces and Belgium, Serbia and Rumania are blotted off

the map. Should Germany be victorious, the whole of Europe--not to

speak of a weak country like China--would be in great peril of

extinction. Should she be defeated, Germany still can--after the

conclusion of peace--send a fleet to war against us. And as the

Powers will be afraid of a second world-war, who will come to our

aid? Have we not seen the example of Korea? There is no such thing

as an army of righteousness which will come to the assistance of

weak nations. I cannot bear to think of hearing the angry voice of

German guns along our coasts!

"If we allow the Entente to recruit labour in our country without

restriction, thousands upon thousands of our fellow countrymen will

die for no worthy cause; and if we allow free exportation of

foodstuff, in a short time the price of daily necessaries will mount

ten to a hundredfold. This is calculated to cause internal troubles.

Yea, all gains from this policy will go to the politicians but the

people will suffer the evil consequences through no fault of theirs.

DIPLOMACY OF CONFUCIUS

"In the matter of diplomacy, we do not need to go to the West for

the apt learning on the point at issue. Confucius has said: 'Be

truthful and cultivate friendship--this is the foundation of human

happiness.' Our country being weak and undeveloped, if we strive to

be truthful and cultivate friendship, we can still be a civilized

nation, albeit hoary with age. But we are now advised to take

advantage of the difficulties of Germany and abandon honesty in

order that we may profit thereby. Discarding treaties is to be

unfaithful, grasping for gains is not the way of a gentleman, taking

advantage of another's difficulties is to be mean and joining the

larger in numbers is cowardice. How can we be a nation, if we throw

away all these fundamental qualities.

"Even in the press of England and the United States, there is

opposition to America entering the war. If we observe neutrality, we

are not bound to any side; and when the time comes for peace--as a

friend to both sides--we may be able to bring about the ends of the

war. Is this not a service to humanity and the true spirit of

civilization?

"Now it is proposed to take the existence of this great nation of

five thousand years and four hundred million people in order to

serve the interests of politicians in their party struggles. We are

now to be bound to foreign nations, without freedom to act for

ourselves and running great risks of national destruction. Can you

gentlemen bear to see this come to pass? China has severed relations

with Germany but the decision for war has not yet been reached. The

whole country is telegraphing opposition to the Government's policy

and wants to know whether Germany will not in the future take

revenge on account of our rupture with her; and if we are not

secured against this eventuality, what are the preparations to meet

with a contingency? The Government must not stake the fate of the

nation as if it be a child's toy, and the people must not be cast

into the whirlpool of slaughter. The people are the backbone of a

country, and if the people are all opposed to war on Germany, the

Government--in spite of the support of Parliament--must call a great

citizens' convention to decide the question. We must persist in our

neutrality. You gentlemen are patriotic sons of this country and

must know that the existence of China as a nation depends upon what

she does now in this matter. In tears, I appeal to you.

"KANG YU-WEI."

March and April were consumed in this fruitless discussion in which

everybody participated. The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, in view of

the alleged provincial opposition, now summoned to Peking a Conference

of Provincial Military Governors to endorse his policy, but this action

although crowned with success so far as the army chiefs were

concerned--the conference voting solidly for war--was responsible for

greatly alarming Parliament which saw in this procedure a new attempt

to undermine its power and control the country by extra-legal means.

Furthermore, publication in the Metropolitan press of what the Japanese

were doing behind the scenes created a fear that extraordinary intrigues

were being indulged in with the object of securing by means of secret

diplomacy certain guarantees of a personal nature. Apart from being

associated with the semi-official negotiations of the Entente Powers in

Peking, Japan was carrying on a second set of negotiations partly by

means of a confidential agent named Kameio Nishihara dispatched from

Tokio specially for that purpose by Count Terauchi, the Japanese

Premier, a procedure which led to the circulation of highly sensational

stories regarding China's future commitments. When the Premier, General

Tuan Chi-jui, had made his statement to Parliament on the 10th March,

regarding the necessity of an immediate rupture with Germany, he had

implied that China had already received assurances from the Allies that

there would be a postponement of the Boxer Indemnities for a term of

years, an immediate increase in the Customs Tariff, and a modification

of the Peace Protocol of 1901 regarding the presence of Chinese troops

near Tientsin. Suddenly all these points were declared to be in doubt.

Round the question of the length of time the Indemnities might be

postponed, and the actual amount of the increase in the Customs Tariff,

there appeared to be an inexplicable muddle largely owing to the

intervention of so many agents and to the fact that the exchange of

views had been almost entirely verbal, unofficial, and secret. It would

be wearisome to analyse a dispute which belongs to the peculiar

atmosphere of Peking diplomacy; but the vast difficulties of making even

a simple decision in China were glaringly illustrated by this matter.

With a large section of the Metropolitan press daily insisting that the

future of democracy in China would be again imperilled should the

Military Party have its own way, small wonder if the question of a

formal declaration of war on Germany (and Austria) now assumed an

entirely different complexion.

On the 1st May, in spite of all these trials and tribulations, being

pressed by the Premier to do so, the Cabinet unanimously decided that a

declaration of war was imperative; and on the 7th May, after an

agreement with the President had been reached, Parliament received the

following dispatch--this method of communication being the usual one

between the executive and legislative branches of the Government:

The President has the honour to communicate to the House of

Representatives the following proposal. Since the severance of

diplomatic relations with Germany, Germany has continued to violate

the rights of the neutral nations and to damage and cause losses in

life and property to our people as well as to trample on

international law and disregard principles of humanity. For the

purpose of hastening peace, upholding international law and

protecting the life and property of our people, the President is of

the view that it is necessary to declare war on the German

Government. In accordance with Article 35 of the Provisional

Constitution, he now asks for the approval of the House, and

demands--in accordance with Article 21 of the Provisional

Constitution--that the meeting in the House be held in secret.

On 8th May, after hearing a statement made in person by the Premier, the

House of Representatives in secret session referred the question for

examination to the House sitting as a Committee in order to gain time to

make up its mind. On the same day the Senate sat on the same question. A

very heated and bitter discussion followed in the upper House, not

because of any real disagreement regarding the matter at issue, but

because a large section of Senators were extremely anxious regarding the

internal consequences. This is well-explained by the following written

interpellation which was addressed to the government by a large number

of parliamentarians:

We, the undersigned, hereby address this interpellation to the

Government. As a declaration of war on Germany has become an object

of the foreign policy of the Government, the latter has held

informal meetings to ascertain the views of parliament on the

question; and efforts are being made by the Government to secure the

unanimous support of both Houses for its war policy. In pursuing

this course, the Government appears to believe that its call for

support will be readily complied with by the Houses. But in our view

there are quite a number of members in both Houses who fail

thoroughly to understand the war decision of the Government. The

reason for this is that, according to recent reports, both foreign

and vernacular, the Government has entered into secret treaties with

a "neighbouring country." It is also reported that secret agents on

both sides are active and are travelling between the two countries.

The matter seems to be very grave; and it has already attracted the

attention of Parliament, which in the near future will discuss the

war-issue.

Being in doubt as to the truth of such a report, we hereby request

the Government for the necessary information in the matter. We also

beg to suggest that, if there is any secret diplomatic agreement, we

consider it expedient for the Government to submit the matter to

Parliament for the latter's consideration. This will enable the

members in Parliament to study the question with care and have a

clear understanding of the matter. When this is done, Parliament

will be able to support the Government in the prosecution of its war

policy according to the dictates of conscience. In this event both

Parliament and Government will be able to co-operate with each other

in the solution of the present diplomatic problem. Troubled not a

little with the present diplomatic situation of the country, we

hereby address this interpellation to the Government in accordance

with law. It is hoped that an answer from the Government will be

dispatched to us within three days from date.

On the 10th May Parliament met in secret session and it was plain that a

crisis had come. Members of the House of Representatives experienced

great difficulties in forcing their way through a mob of several

thousand roughs who surrounded the approaches to Parliament, many

members being hustled if not struck. The mob was so plainly in control

of a secret organization that the House of Representatives refused to

sit. Urgent messages were sent to the Police and Gendarmerie

headquarters for reinforcements of armed men as a protection, whilst the

presence of the Premier was also demanded. Masses of police were soon on

the ground, but whilst they prevented the mob from entering Parliament

and carrying out their threat of burning the buildings, and murdering

the members, they could not--or would not--disperse the crowds, it

transpiring subsequently that half a battalion of infantry in plain

clothes under their officers formed the backbone of the demonstrators.

It was not until nearly dark, after six or seven hours of these

disorderly scenes, that the Premier finally arrived. Cavalry had

meanwhile also been massed on the main street; but it was only when the

report spread that a Japanese reporter had been killed that the order

was finally given to charge the mob and disperse it by force. This was

very rapidly done, as apart from the soldiers in plain clothes the mass

of people belonged to the lowest class, and had no stomach for a fight,

having only been paid to shout. It was nearly midnight, after twelve

hours of isolation and a foodless day, that the Representatives were

able to disperse without having debated the war-question. The upshot

was that with the exception of the Minister of Education, the Premier

found that his entire Cabinet had resigned, the Ministers being

unwilling to be associated with what had been an attempted coercion of

Parliament carried out by the Military.

The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, however, remained determined to carry

his point, and within a week a second dispatch was sent to the House of

Representatives demanding, in spite of what had happened, that the

declaration of war be immediately brought up for debate. Meanwhile

publication in a leading Peking newspaper of further details covering

Japan's subterranean activities greatly inflamed the public, and made

the Liberal political elements more determined than ever to stand firm.

It was alleged that Count Terauchi was reviving in a more subtle form

Group V of the Twenty-one Demands of 1915, the latest Japanese proposal

taking the form of a secret Treaty of twenty articles of which the main

stipulations were to be a loan of twenty million yen to China to

reorganize the three main Chinese arsenals under Japanese guidance, and

a further loan of eighty million yen to be expended on the Japanization

of the Chinese army. As a result of this publication, which rightly or

wrongly was declared to be without foundation, the editor of _The Peking

Gazette_ was seized in the middle of the night and thrown into gaol; but

Parliament so far from being intimidated passed the very next day (19th

May) a resolution refusing to consider in any form the declaration of

war against Germany until the Cabinet had been reorganized--which meant

the resignation of General Tuan Chi-jui. A last effort was made by the

reactionary element to jockey the President into submission by

presenting to the Chief Executive a petition from the Military Governors

assembled in Peking demanding the immediate dissolution of Parliament.

On this proposal being absolutely rejected by the President as wholly

unconstitutional, and the Military Governors soundly rated for their

interference, an ominous calm followed.

Parliament, however, remained unmoved and continued its work. Although

the draft of the Permanent Constitution had been practically completed,

important additions to the text were now proposed, such additions being

designed to increase parliamentary control and provide every possible

precaution against arbitrary acts in the future. Thus the new provision

that a simple vote of want of confidence in the Cabinet must be followed

by the President either dismissing the Cabinet or dissolving the House

of Representatives--but that the dissolution of the Lower House could

not be ordered without the approval of the Senate--was generally

recognized as necessary to destroy the last vestiges of the Yuan

Shih-kai régime. Furthermore a new article, conferring on the President

the right to dismiss the Premier summarily by Presidential Mandate

without the counter-signature of the other Cabinet Ministers, completed

the disarray of the conservatives who saw in this provision the dashing

of their last hopes.[25]

By the 21st May, the last remaining Cabinet Minister--the Minister of

Education--had resigned and the Premier was left completely isolated. On

the 23rd May the President, relying on the general support of the

nation, summarily dismissed General Tuan Chi-jui from the Premiership

and appointed the veteran diplomat Dr. Wu Ting-fang to act during the

interim period in his stead, at the same time placing the metropolitan

districts under four trustworthy Generals who were vested with

provost-marshals' powers under a system which gave them command of all

the so-called "precautionary troops" holding the approaches to the

capital. The Military Governors, who a few hours before these events had

left Peking precipitately in a body on the proclaimed mission of allying

themselves with the redoubtable General Chang Hsun at Hsuchowfu, and

threatening the safety of the Republic, were, however, coolly received

in the provinces in spite of all their most bitter attempts to stir up

trouble. This, however, as will be shown, had no influence on their

subsequent conduct. The quiet disappearance of the ex-Premier in the

midst of this upheaval caused the report to spread that all the members

of the corrupt camarilla which had surrounded him were to be arrested,

but the President soon publicly disclaimed any intention of doing

so,--which appears to have been a fatal mistake. It is disheartening to

have to state that nearly all the Allied Legations in Peking had been in

intimate relations with this gang--always excepting the American

Legation whose attitude is uniformly correct--the French Minister going

so far as to entertain the Military Governors and declare, according to

reports in the native press, that Parliament was of no importance at

all, the only important thing being for China promptly to declare war.

That some sort of public investigation into Peking diplomacy is

necessary before there can be any hope of decent relations between China

and the Powers seems indisputable.[26]

Before the end of May the militarists being now desperate, attempted the

old game of inciting the provincial capitals "to declare their

independence," although the mass of the nation was plainly against them.

Some measure of success attended this move, since the soldiery of the

northern provinces obediently followed their leaders and there was a

sudden wild demand for a march on Peking. A large amount of

rolling-stock on the main railways was seized with this object, the

confusion being made worse confounded by the fierce denunciations which

now came from the southernmost provinces, coupled with their threats to

attack the Northern troops all along the line as soon as they could

mobilize.

The month of June opened with the situation more threatening than it had

been for years. Emissaries of the recalcitrant Military Governors,

together with all sorts of "politicals" and disgruntled generals,

gathered in Tientsin--which is 80 miles from Peking--and openly

established a Military Headquarters which they declared would be

converted into a Provisional Government which would seek the recognition

of the Powers. Troops were moved and concentrated against Peking; fresh

demands were made that the President should dissolve Parliament; whilst

the Metropolitan press was suddenly filled with seditious articles. The

President, seeing that the situation was becoming cataclysmic, was

induced, through what influences is not known, to issue a mandate

summoning General Chang Hsun to Peking to act as a mediator, which was

another fatal move. He arrived in Tientsin with many troops on the 7th

June where he halted and was speedily brought under subversive

influences, sending at once up to Peking a sort of ultimatum which was

simply the old demand for the dissolution of Parliament.

Meanwhile on the 5th June, the United States, which had been alarmed by

these occurrences, had handed China the following Note hoping thereby to

steady the situation:

The Government of the United States learns with the most profound

regret of the dissension in China and desires to express the most

sincere desire that tranquillity and political co-ordination may be

forthwith re-established.

The entry of China into war with Germany--or the continuance of the

_status quo_ of her relations with that Government--are matters of

secondary consideration.

The principal necessity for China is to resume and continue her

political entity, to proceed along the road of national development

on which she has made such marked progress.

With the form of Government in China or the personnel which

administers that Government, the United States has an interest only

in so far as its friendship impels it to be of service to China. But

in the maintenance by China of one Central United and alone

responsible Government, the United States is deeply interested, and

now expresses the very sincere hope that China, in her own interest

and in that of the world, will immediately set aside her factional

political disputes, and that all parties and persons will work for

the re-establishment of a co-ordinate Government and the assumption

of that place among the Powers of the World to which China is so

justly entitled, but the full attainment of which is impossible in

the midst of internal discord.

The situation had, however, developed so far and so rapidly that this

expression of opinion had little weight. The Vice-President of the

Republic, General Feng Kuo-chang, unwilling or unable to do anything,

had already tendered his resignation from Nanking, declaring that he

would maintain the "neutrality" of the important area of the lower

Yangtsze during this extraordinary struggle; and his action, strange as

it may seem, typified the vast misgivings which filled every one's mind

regarding the mad course of action which the rebellious camarilla had

decided upon.

Until Saturday the 9th June, the President had seemed adamant. On that

day he personally saw foreign press correspondents and assured them

that, in spite of every threat, he would in no conceivable

circumstances attempt the unconstitutional step of dissolving

Parliament,--unconstitutional because the Nanking Provisional

Constitution under which the country was still governed pending the

formal passage of the Permanent Constitution through Parliament, only

provided for the creation of Parliament as a grand constitutional

Drafting Committee but gave no power to the Chief Executive to dissolve

it during its "life" which was three years. As we have already shown,

the period between the _coup d'état_ of 4th November, 1913, and the

re-convocation of Parliament on 1st August, 1916, had been treated as a

mere interregnum: therefore until 1918, if the law were properly

construed, no power in the land could interrupt the Parliamentary

sessions except Parliament itself. Parliament, in view of these

threatening developments, had already expressed its willingness (a) to

reconsider certain provisions of the draft constitution in such a

conciliatory manner as to insure the passage of the whole instrument

through both houses within two weeks; (b) to alter the Election Law in

such fashion as to conciliate the more conservative elements in the

country; (c) to prorogue the second session (1916-1917) immediately

these things were done and after a very short recess to open the third

session (1917-1918) and close it within three months, allowing new

elections to be held in the early months of 1918,--the new Parliament to

be summoned in April, 1918, to form itself into a National Convention

and elect the President for the quinquennial period 1918-1923.

All these reasonable plans were knocked on the head on Sunday, the 10th

June, by the sudden report that the President having been peremptorily

told that the dissolution of Parliament was the sole means of saving the

Republic and preventing the sack of Peking, as well as an open armed

attempt to restore the boy-emperor Hsuan Tung, had at last made up his

mind to surrender to the inevitable. He had sealed a Mandate decreeing

the dissolution of Parliament which would be promulgated as soon as it

had received the counter-signature of the acting Premier, Dr. Wu

Ting-fang, such counter-signature being obligatory under Article 45 of

the Provisional Constitution.

At once it became clear again, as happens a thousand times during every

year in the East, that what is not nipped in the bud grows with such

malignant swiftness as finally to blight all honest intentions. Had

steps been taken on or about the 23rd May to detain forcibly in Peking

the ringleader of the recalcitrant Military Governors, one General Ni

Shih-chung of Anhui, history would have been very different and China

spared much national and international humiliation. Six years of stormy

happenings had certainly bred in the nation a desire for

constitutionalism and a detestation of military domination. But this

desire and detestation required firm leadership. Without that leadership

it was inchoate and powerless, and indeed made furtive by the constant

fear of savage reprisals. A great opportunity had come and a great

opportunity had been lost. President Li Yuan-hung's personal argument,

communicated to the writer, was that in sealing the Mandate dissolving

Parliament he had chosen the lesser of two evils, for although South

China and the Chinese Navy declared they would defend Parliament to the

last, they were far away whilst large armies were echeloned along the

railways leading into Peking and daily threatening action. The events of

the next year or so must prove conclusively, in spite of what has

happened in this month of June, 1917, that the corrupt power of the

sword can no longer even nominally rule China.

[Illustration: The Late President Yuan Shih-kai]

[Illustration: President Yuan Shi-kai photographed immediately after his

Inauguration as Provisional President, March 10th, 1912.]

Meanwhile the veteran Dr. Wu Ting-fang, true to his faith, declared that

no power on earth would cause him to sign a Mandate possessing no

legality behind it; and he indeed obstinately resisted every attempt to

seduce him. Although his resignation was refused he stood his ground

manfully, and it became clear that some other expedient would have to be

resorted to. In the small hours of the 13th June what this was was made

clear: by a rapid reshuffling of the cards Dr. Wu Ting-fang's

resignation was accepted and the general officer commanding the Peking

Gendarmerie, a genial soul named General Chiang Chao-tsung, who had

survived unscathed the vicissitudes of six years of revolution, was

appointed to act in his stead and duly counter-signed the fateful

Mandate which was at once printed and promulgated at four o'clock in the

morning. It has been stated to the writer that had it not been so issued

four battalions of Chang Hsun's savage pigtailed soldiery, who had been

bivouacked for some days in the grounds of the Temple of Heaven, would

have been let loose on the capital. The actual text of the Mandate

proves conclusively that the President had no hand in its drafting--one

argument being sufficient to prove that, namely the deliberate ignoring

of the fact that Parliament had been called into being by virtue of

article 53 of the Nanking Provisional Constitution and that under

article 54 its specific duty was to act as a grand constitutional

conference to draft and adopt the Permanent Constitution, article 55

furthermore giving Parliament the right summarily to amend the

Provisional Constitution before the Promulgation of the permanent

instrument, should that be necessary. Provisions of this sort would

naturally carry no weight with generals of the type of Chang Hsun, of

whom it is said that until recent years he possessed only the most

elementary education; but it is a dismal thing to have to record that

the Conservative Party in China should have adopted a platform of brute

force in the year of grâce, 1917.

MANDATE DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT

In the 6th month of last year I promulgated a Mandate stating that

in order to make a Constitution it was imperative that Parliament

should be convened. The Republic was inaugurated five years ago and

yet there was no Constitution, which should be the fundamental law

of a nation, therefore it was ordered that Parliament be re-convened

to make the Constitution, etc., at once.

Therefore the main object for the re-convocation of Parliament was

to make a formal constitution for the country. Recently a petition

was received from Meng En-yuen, Tu-chun of Kirin, and others, to the

effect that "in the articles passed by the Constitution Conference

there were several points as follows: 'when the House of

Representatives passes a vote of want of confidence against the

Cabinet Ministers, the President may dismiss the Cabinet Ministers,

or dissolve the said House, but the dissolution of the House shall

have the approval of the Senate.' Again, 'When the President

dismisses his Prime Minister, it is unnecessary for him to secure

the counter-signature of the Cabinet Ministers.' Again 'when a bill

is passed by the Two Houses it shall have the force of the law.' We

were surprised to read the above provisions.

"According to the precedents of other nations the Constitution has

never been made by Parliament. If we should desire a good and

workable Constitution, we should seek a fundamental solution. Indeed

Parliament is more important than any other organ in the country;

but when the national welfare is imperilled, we must take action. As

the present Parliament does not care about the national welfare, it

is requested that in view of the critical condition of the country,

drastic measures be taken and both the House of Representatives and

the Senate be dissolved so that they may be reorganized and the

Constitution may be made without any further delay. Thus the form of

the Republican Government be preserved, etc."

Of late petitions and telegrams have been received from the military

and civil officials, merchants, scholars, etc., containing similar

demands. The Senate and the House of Representatives have held the

Constitution Conference for about one year, and the Constitution has

not yet been completed. Moreover at this critical time most of the

M.P.'s of both Houses have tendered their resignation. Hence it is

impossible to secure quorums to discuss business. There is therefore

no chance to revise the articles already passed. Unless means be

devised to hasten the making of the Constitution, the heart of the

people will never be satisfied.

I, the President, who desire to comply with the will of the populace

and to consolidate the foundation of the nation, grant the request

of the Tuchuns and the people. It is hereby ordered that the Senate

and the House of Representatives be dissolved, and that another

election be held immediately. Thus a Constitutional Government can

be maintained. It must be pointed out that the object for the

reorganization of Parliament is to hasten the making of the

Constitution, and not to abolish the Legislative Organ of the

Republic. I hope all the citizens of the Republic will understand my

motives.

A great agitation and much public uneasiness followed the publication of

this document; and the parliamentarians, who had already been leaving

Peking in small numbers, now evacuated the capital _en masse_ for the

South. The reasonable and wholly logical attitude of the

Constitutionalists is well-exhibited in the last Memorandum they

submitted to the President some days prior to his decision to issue the

Mandate above-quoted; and a perusal of this document will show what may

be expected in the future. It will be noted that the revolting Military

Governors are boldly termed rebels and that the constitutional view of

everything they may contrive as from the 13th June, 1917, is that it

will be bereft of all legality and simply mark a fresh interregnum.

Furthermore, it is important to note that the situation is brought back

by the Mandate of the 13th June to where it was on the 6th June, 1916,

with the death of Yuan Shih-kai, and that a period of civil commotion

seems inevitable.

MEMORANDUM

To the President: Our previous memorandum to Your Excellency must

have received your attention. We now beg further to inform you that

the rebels are now practically in an embarrassing predicament on

account of internal differences, the warning of the friendly Powers,

and the protest of the South-western provinces. Their position is

becoming daily more and more untenable. If Your Excellency strongly

holds out for another ten days or so, their movement will collapse.

Some one, however, has the impudence to suggest that with the entry

of Chang Hsun's troops into the Capital, and delay in the settlement

of the question will mean woe and disaster. But to us, there need be

no such fear. As the troops in the Capital have no mind to oppose

the rebels, Tsao Kun and his troops alone will be adequate for their

purposes in the Capital. But now the rebel troops have been halting

in the neighbourhood of the Capital for the last ten days. This

shows that they dare not open hostilities against the Government,

which step will certainly bring about foreign intervention and incur

the strong opposition of the South-western provinces. Having refused

to participate in the rebellion at the invitation of Ni Shih-chung

and Chang Tso-lin, Chang Hsun will certainly not do what Tsao Kun

has not dared to do. But the rebels have secret agents in the

Capital to circulate rumours to frighten the public and we hope that

the President will remain calm and unperturbed, lest it will give an

opportunity for the rebel agents to practise their evil tricks.

Respecting Parliament, its re-assembly was one of the two most

important conditions by means of which the political differences

between the North and the South last year were healed. The

dissolution of Parliament would mean the violation of the terms of

settlement entered into between the North and the South last year

and an open challenge to the South. Would the South remain silent

respecting this outrageous measure? If the South rises in arms

against this measure, what explanation can the Central Government

give? It will only serve to hasten the split between the North and

the South. From a legal point of view, the Power of Government is

vested in the Provisional Constitution. When the Government

exercises power which is not provided for by the Constitution, it

simply means high treason.

Some one has suggested that it would not be an illegal act for the

Government to dissolve Parliament, since it is not provided in the

Provisional Constitution as to how Parliament should be dissolved,

nor does that instrument specifically prohibit the Government from

dissolving Parliament. But this is a misinterpretation. For

instance, the Provisional Constitution has not provided that the

President shall not proclaim himself Emperor, nor does it prohibit

him from so doing. According to such interpretation, it would not be

illegal, if the President were to proclaim himself Emperor of the

country.

In short, the action taken by Ni Shih-chung and others is nothing

short of open rebellion. From the legal point of view, any

suggestion of compromise would be absurd. It has already been a

fatal mistake for the President to have allowed them to do what they

like, and if he again yields to their pressure by dissolving

Parliament, he will be held responsible, when the righteous troops

rise and punish the rebels. If the President, deceived by ignoble

persons, take upon himself to dissolve the assembly, his name will

go down in history as one committing high treason against the

Government, and the author of the break between the North and the

South. The President has been known as the man by whose hands the

Republic was built. We have special regard for his benevolent

character and kind disposition. We are reluctant to see him

intimidated and misled by evil counsels to take a step which will

undo all his meritorious services to the county and shatter the

unique reputation he has enjoyed.

The unrolling of these dramatic events was the signal for the greatest

subterranean activity on the part of the Japanese, who were now

everywhere seen rubbing their hands and congratulating themselves on the

course history was taking. General Tanaka, Vice-Chief of the Japanese

General Staff, who had been on an extensive tour of inspection in China,

so _planned as to include every arsenal north of the Yangtsze_ had

arrived at the psychological moment in Peking and was now deeply engaged

through Japanese field-officers in the employ of the Chinese Government,

in pulling every string and in trying to commit the leaders of this

unedifying plot in such a way as to make them puppets of Japan. The

Japanese press, seizing on the American Note of the 5th June as an

excuse, had been belabouring the United States for some days for its

"interference" in Chinese affairs, and also for having ignored Japan's

"special position" in China, which according to these publicists

demanded that no Power take any action in the Far East, or give any

advice, without first consulting Japan. That a stern correction will

have to be offered to this presumption as soon as the development of the

war permits it is certain. But not only Japanese military officers and

journalists were endlessly busy: so-called Japanese advisers to the

Chinese Government had done their utmost to assist the confusion. Thus

Dr. Ariga, the Constitutional expert, when called in at the last moment

for advice by President Li Yuan-hung had flatly contradicted Dr.

Morrison, who with an Englishman's love of justice and constitutionalism

had insisted that there was only one thing for the President to do--to

be bound by legality to the last no matter what it might cost him. Dr.

Ariga had falsely stated that the issue was a question of expediency,

thus deliberately assisting the forces of disruption. This is perhaps

only what was to be expected of a man who had advised Yuan Shih-kai to

make himself Emperor--knowing full well that he could never succeed and

that indeed the whole enterprise from the point of view of Japan was an

elaborate trap.

The provincial response to the action taken on the 13th June became what

every one had expected: the South-western group of provinces, with their

military headquarters at Canton, began openly concerting measures to

resist not the authority of the President, who was recognized as a just

man surrounded by evil-minded persons who never hesitated to betray him,

but to destroy the usurping generals and the corrupt camarilla behind

them; whilst the Yangtsze provinces, with their headquarters at Nanking,

which had hitherto been pledged to "neutrality," began secretly

exchanging views with the genuinely Republican South. The group of

Tientsin generals and "politicals," confused by these developments,

remained inactive; and this was no doubt responsible for the mad coup

attempted by the semi-illiterate General Chang Hsun. In the small hours

of July 1st General Chang Hsun, relying on the disorganization in the

capital which we have dealt with in our preceding account entered the

Imperial City with his troops by prearrangement with the Imperial Family

and at 4 o'clock on the morning of the 1st July the Manchu boy-emperor

Hsuan Tung, who lost the Throne on the 12th February, 1912, was

enthroned before a small assembly of Manchu nobles, courtiers and

sycophantic Chinese. The capital woke up to find military patrols

everywhere and to hear incredulously that the old order had returned.

The police, obeying instructions, promptly visited all shops and

dwelling-houses and ordered every one to fly the Dragon Flag. In the

afternoon of the same day the following Restoration Edict was issued,

its statements being a tissue of falsehoods, the alleged memorial from

President Li Yuan-hung, which follows the principal document, being a

bare-faced forgery, whilst no single name inserted in the text save that

of Chang Hsun had any right to be there. There is also every reason to

believe that the Manchu court party was itself coerced, terror being

felt from the beginning regarding the consequences of this mad act which

was largely possible because Peking is a Manchu city.

IMPERIAL EDICT

Issued the 13th day of the 5th Moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung.

While yet in our boyhood the inheritance of the great domain was

unfortunately placed in our possession; and since we were then all

alone, we were unable to weather the numerous difficulties. Upon the

outbreak of the uprising in the year of Hsin Hai, (1911) Our

Empress, Hsiao Ting Chin, owing to her Most High Virtue and Most

Deep Benevolence was unwilling to allow the people to suffer, and

courageously placed in the hands of the late Imperial Councillor,

Yuan Shih-kai, the great dominion which our forefathers had built

up, and with it the lives of the millions of Our People, with orders

to establish a provisional government.

The power of State was thus voluntarily given to the whole country

with the hope that disputes might disappear, disturbances might stop

and the people enabled to live in peace. But ever since the form of

State was changed into a Republic, continuous strife has prevailed

and several wars have taken place. Forcible seizure, excessive

taxation and bribery have been of everyday occurrence. Although the

annual revenue has increased to 400 millions this amount is still

insufficient to meet the needs. The total amount of foreign

obligations has reached a figure of more than ten thousand millions

yet more loans are being contracted. The people within the seas are

shocked by this state of affairs and interest in life has forsaken

them. The step reluctantly taken by Our Empress Hsiao Ting Chin for

the purpose of giving respite to the people has resulted untowardly

in increasing the burdens of Our People. This indeed Our Empress

Hsiao Ting Chin was unable to foresee, and the result must have made

her Spirit in Heaven to weep sorely. And it is owing to this that we

have been praying to Heaven day and night in the close confines of

the palace, meditating and weeping in silent suffering.

Recently party strife has resulted in war and the country has

remained too long in an unsettled condition. The Republic has fallen

to pieces and means of remedy have been exhausted.

Chang Hsun, Feng Kuo-chang and Lu Yung-ting have jointly

memorialized the Throne stating that the minds of people are

disturbed and they are longing to see the old régime restored, and

asking that the throne be reoccupied in order to comfort the people.

Chu Hung-chi and others have also memorialized us stating that the

country is in imminent danger and that the people have lost their

faith in the Republic, and asking that we ascend the Throne in

obedience to the mandate of Heaven and man.

Li Yuan-hung has also memorialized the throne, returning the great

power of State to us in order to benefit the country and save the

people.

A perusal of the said memorials, which are worded in earnest terms,

has filled our heart with regret and fear. On the one hand We, being

yet in Our boyhood, are afraid to assume the great responsibilities

for the existence of the country but on the other hand We are

unwilling to turn our head away from the welfare of the millions

simply because the step might affect Our own safety.

After weighing the two sides and considering the mandates of Heaven

and man, we have decided reluctantly to comply with the prayers, and

have again occupied the Court to attend to the affairs of State

after resuming possession of the great power on the 13th day of the

5th moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung.

A new beginning will be made with our people. Hereafter the

principles of morality and the sacred religion shall be our

constitution in spirit, and order, righteousness, honesty and

conscience will be practised to rebind the minds of the people who

are now without bonds. People high and low will be uniformly treated

with sincerity, and will not depend on obedience of law alone as the

means of co-operation. Administration and orders will be based on

conscientious realization and no one will be allowed to treat the

form of State as material for experiment. At this time of exhaustion

when its vitality is being wasted to the last drop and the existence

of the country is hanging in the balance, we, as if treading on thin

ice over deep waters, dare not in the slightest degree indulge in

license on the principle that the Sovereign is entitled to

enjoyment. It is our wish therefore that all officials, be they high

or low, should purify their hearts and cleanse themselves of all

forms of old corruption; constantly keeping in mind the real

interests of the people. Every bit of vitality of the people they

shall be able to preserve shall go to strengthen the life of the

country for whatever it is worth. Only by doing so can the danger be

averted and Heaven moved by our sincerity.

THE NINE ARTICLES

Herewith we promulgate the following principal things, which we must

either introduce as reforms or abolish as undesirable in

restoration.

1. We shall obey the edict of Emperor Teh Tsung Chin (Kuang Hsu),

namely, that the sovereign power shall be controlled by the Court

(state) but the detailed administration shall be subject to public

opinion. The country shall be called The Empire of Ta Ching; and the

methods of other constitutional monarchies shall be carefully

copied.

2. The allowance for the Imperial House shall be the same as before,

namely, $4,000,000 per year. The sum shall be paid annually and not

a single cent is to be added.

3. We shall strictly obey the instructions of our forefathers to the

extent that no member of the imperial family shall be allowed to

interfere with administrative affairs.

4. The line of demarcation between Man (Manchu) and Han (Chinese)

shall be positively obliterated. All Manchurian and Mongolian posts

which have already been abolished shall not be restored. As to

intermarriage and change of customs the officials concerned are

hereby commanded to submit their views on the points concerning them

respectively.

5. All treaties and loan agreements, money for which has already

been paid, formally concluded and signed with any eastern and

western countries before this 13th day of the 5th Moon of the 9th

year of Hsuan Tung, shall continue to be valid.

6. The stamp duty which was introduced by the Republic is hereby

abolished so that the people may be relieved of their burdens. As to

other petty taxes and contributions the Viceroys and Governors of

the provinces are hereby commanded to make investigations and report

on the same for their abolition.

7. The criminal code of the Republic is unsuited to this country. It

is hereby abolished. For the time being the provisional criminal

code as adopted in the first year of Hsuan Tung shall be observed.

8. The evil custom of political parties is hereby forbidden. Old

political offenders are all pardoned. We shall, however, not be able

to pardon those who deliberately hold themselves aloof and disturb

peace and order.

9. All of our people and officials shall be left to decide for

themselves the custom of wearing or cutting their queues as

commanded in the 9th moon of the 3rd year of Hsuan Tung.

We swear that we and our people shall abide by these articles. The

Great Heaven and Earth bear witness to our words. Let this be made

known to all.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun,

Member of the Imperial Privy Council.

ALLEGED MEMORIAL BY PRESIDENT LI YUAN-HUNG

In a memorial submitted this day, offering to return the sovereign

power of State and praying that we again ascend the throne to

control the great empire, Li Yuan-hung states that some time ago he

was forced by mutinous troops to steal the great throne and falsely

remained at the head of the administration but failed to do good to

the difficult situation. He enumerates the various evils in the

establishment of a Republic and prays that we ascend the throne to

again control the Empire with a view that the people may thereby be

saved. As to himself he awaits punishment by the properly instituted

authorities, etc. As his words are so mournful and full of remorse

they must have been uttered from a sincere heart. Since it was not

his free choice to follow the rebellion, the fact that he has

returned the great power of administration to us shows that he knows

the great principle of righteousness. At this time of national

danger and uncertainty, he has taken the lead of the people in

obeying their sovereign, and decided before others the plan to save

the country from ruin. The merit is indeed great, and we are highly

pleased with his achievement. Li Yuan-hung is hereby to have

conferred on him the dignity of Duke of the first class so as to

show our great appreciation. Let him accept our Edict and for ever

receive our blessings.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun,

Member of the Privy Council.

PRIVY COUNCIL

At this time of restoration a Privy Council is hereby established in

order that we may be assisted in our duties and that responsibility

may be made definite. Two Under-Secretaries of the Council are also

created. Other officials serving outside of the capital shall remain

as under the system in force during the first year of Hsuan Tung.

All civil and military officials who are now serving at their

various posts are hereby commanded to continue in office as

hitherto.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun.

(Hereafter follow many appointments of reactionary Chinese officials.)

The general stupefaction at the madness of this act and the military

occupation of all posts and telegraph-offices in Peking allowed 48 hours

to go by before the reaction came. On the 2nd July Edicts still

continued to appear attempting to galvanize to life the corpse of

Imperialism and the puzzled populace flew the Dragon Flag. On the

morning of the 3rd, however, the news suddenly spread that President Li

Yuan-hung, who had virtually been made a prisoner in the Presidential

Palace, had escaped at nine o'clock the night before by motorcar

accompanied by two aides-de-camp, and after attempting to be received at

the French Hospital in the Legation Quarter, had proceeded to the

Japanese Legation where he was offered a suitable residence. On the

evening of the 3rd the Japanese Legation issued the following official

communique (in French) defining its attitude:

TRANSLATION

President Li, accompanied by two members of his staff, came at 9.30

on the evening of July 2 to the residence of General Saito, Military

Attaché of the Japanese Legation, and asked protection from him. He

arrived in a spontaneous manner and without previous notice.

Under these circumstances, the Imperial Japanese Legation, following

international usage, has decided to accord him the necessary

protection and has placed at his disposal a part of the military

barracks.

The Legation further declares that as long as President Li remains

there, it will not permit any political action on his part.

Following this sensational development it became known that President Li

Yuan-hung had completely frustrated the efforts of the Imperialists by

sending away a number of important telegraphic Mandates by courier to

Tientsin as well as the Presidential Seal. By a masterly move in one of

these Mandates General Tuan Chi-jui was reappointed Premier, whilst

Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang was asked to officiate as President, the

arrangements being so complete as at once to catch Chang Hsun in his own

net.

Here is the text of these four historically important messages:

(1) Dated July 1. To-day Inspector General Chang Hsun entered the

city with his troops and actually restored the monarchy. He stopped

traffic and sent Liang Ting-fen and others to my place to persuade

me. Yuan-hung refused in firm language and swore that he would not

recognize such a step. It is his hope that the Vice-President and

others will take effective means to protect the Republic.

Li Yuan-hung.

(2) Dated July 1. As Heaven does not scorn calamity so has the

monarchy been restored. It is said that in an edict issued by the

Ching House it is stated that Yuan-hung had actually memorialized to

return the power of State to the said House. This is an

extraordinary announcement. China changed from autocracy to a

Republic by the unanimous wish of the five races of the country.

Since Yuan-hung was entrusted by the people with the great

responsibilities it is his natural duty to maintain the Republic to

the very end. Nothing more or less than this will he care to say. He

is sending this in order to avoid misunderstanding.

Li Yuan-hung.

(3) The President to the Vice-President.

To the Vice-President Feng at Nanking--It is to be presumed that the

two telegrams sent on the 1st have safely reached you. I state with

deepest regret and greatest sorrow that as the result of my lack of

ability to handle the situation the political crisis has eventually

affected the form of government. For this Yuan-hung realizes that he

owes the country apology. The situation in Peking is daily becoming

more precarious. Since Yuan-hung is now unable to exercise his power

the continuity of the Republic may be suddenly interrupted. You are

also entrusted by the citizens with great responsibilities; I ask

you to temporarily exercise the power and functions of the President

in your own office in accordance with the provisions of Article 42

of the Provisional Constitution and Article 5 of the Presidential

Election Law. As the means of communication is effectively blocked

it is feared that the sending of my seal will meet with difficulty

and obstruction. Tuan Chih-chuan (Tuan Chi-jui) has been appointed

Premier, and is also ordered to temporarily protect the seal, and

later to devise a means to forward it on to you. Hereafter

everything pertaining to the important question of saving the

country shall be energetically pushed by you and Chih-chuan with

utmost vigour. The situation is pressing and your duty is clear. In

great anxiety and expectation I am sending you this telegram.

Li Yuan-hung.

(4) Dated July 3. To Vice-President Feng, Tu Chuns and Governors of

the Provinces, Provincial Assemblies, Inspector General Lu:--I

presume that the two telegrams dated 1st and one dated 3rd inst.

have safely reached your place. With bitter remorse to myself I now

make the statement that the political crisis has resulted in

affecting the form of government. Tuan Chih-chuan has been appointed

on the 1st inst. as Premier; and the Vice-President has been asked

to exercise the power and functions of the President in accordance

of office by the Vice-President. Premier Tuan is authorized to act

at his discretion. All the seal and documents have been sent to

Tientsin, and Premier Tuan has been told to keep and guard the same

for the time being. He has also been asked to forward the same to

the Vice-President. The body guards of the President's Office have

suddenly been replaced and I have been pressed to give up the Three

Lakes. Yuan-hung has therefore removed to a sanctuary. As regards

the means to save the country I trust that you will consult and work

unitedly with Vice-President Feng and Premier Tuan. In great

expectation, and with much of my heart not poured out.

Li Yuan-hung.

Meanwhile, whilst these dramatic events were occurring in Peking, others

no less sensational were taking place in the provinces. The Tientsin

group, suddenly realizing that the country was in danger, took action

very swiftly, disclosing that in spite of all disputes Republicanism had

become very dear to every thinking man in the country, and that at last

it was possible to think of an united China. The Scholar Liang Chi Chao,

spokesman of Chinese Liberalism, in an extraordinarily able message

circularized the provinces in terms summarizing everything of

importance. Beginning with the fine literary flight that "heaven has

refused to sympathize with our difficulties by allowing traitors to be

born" he ends with the astounding phrase that although he had proposed

to remain silent to the end of his days, "at the sight of the fallen

nest he has, however, spat the stopper out of his throat," and he calls

upon all China to listen to his words which are simply that the Republic

must be upheld or dissolution will come.

Arms now united with Literature. General Tuan Chi-jui, immediately

accepting the burden placed on him, proceeded to the main entrenched

camp outside Tientsin and assumed command of the troops massed there,

issuing at the same time the following manifesto:

TUAN CHI-JUI'S MANIFESTO

To Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang, Inspector General of Wumin, Tu

Chuns, Governors, Tu-tungs....

Heaven is chastening this country by the series of disturbances that

have taken place. Chang Hsun, filled with sinister designs, has

occupied the capital by bringing up his troops under the pretext of

effecting a compromise with the astounding result that last night

the Republican form of government was overthrown. The question of

the form of Government is the very fundamental principle on which

the national existence depends. It requires assiduous efforts to

settle the form of government and once a decision has been reached

on the subject, any attempt to change the same is bound to bring on

unspeakable disasters to the country. To-day the people of China are

much more enlightened and democratic in spirit than ever before. It

is, therefore, absolutely impossible to subjugate the millions by

holding out to the country the majesty of any one family.

When the Republic of China was being founded, the Ching House, being

well aware of the general inclinations of modern peoples, sincerely

and modestly abdicated its power. Believing that such spirit

deserved handsome recognition the people were willing to place the

Ching House under the protection of special treatment and actually

recorded the covenant on paper, whereby contentment and honour were

vouchsafed the Ching House. Of the end of more than 20 dynasties of

Chinese history, none can compare with the Ching dynasty for peace

and safety.

Purely for sake of satisfying his ambitions of self-elevation Chang

Hsun and others have audaciously committed a crime of inconceivable

magnitude and are guilty of high treason. Like Wang Mang and Tung

Tso he seeks to sway the whole nation by utilizing a young and

helpless emperor. Moreover he has given the country to understand

that Li Yuan-hung has memorialized the Ching House that many evils

have resulted from republicanism and that the ex-emperor should be

restored to save the masses. That Chang Hsun has been guilty of

usurpation and forging documents is plain and the scandal is one

that shocks all the world.

Can it be imagined that Chang Hsun is actuated by a patriotic

motive? Surely despotism is no longer tolerated in this stage of

modern civilization. Such a scheme can only provoke universal

opposition. Five years have already passed since the friendly Powers

accorded their recognition of the Chinese Republic and if we think

we could afford to amuse ourselves with changes in the national

fabric, we could not expect foreign powers to put up with such

childishness. Internal strife is bound to invite foreign

intervention and the end of the country will then be near.

Can it be possible that Chang Hsun has acted in the interest of the

Ching House? The young boy-emperor lives in peace and contentment

and has not the slightest idea of ever ruling China again. It is

known that his tutors have been warning him of the dangers of

intriguing for power. That the boy-emperor has been dragged on the

throne entirely against his own wishes is undeniable. History tells

us that no dynasty can live for ever. It is an unprecedented

privilege for the Ching dynasty to be able to end with the gift of

special treatment. How absurd to again place the Tsing house on the

top of a high wall so that it may fall once more and disappear for

ever.

Chi-jui, after his dismissal, resolved not to participate in

political affairs, but as he has had a share, however insignificant,

in the formation of the Chinese Republic, and having served the

Republic for so long he cannot bear to see its destruction without

stretching out a helping hand. Further, he has been a recipient of

favours from the defunct dynasty, and he cannot bear to watch

unmoved, the sight of the Ching House being made the channel of

brigandage with suicidal results. Wherever duty calls, Chi-jui will

go in spite of the danger of death. You, gentlemen, are the pillars

of the Republic of China and therefore have your own duties to

perform. In face of this extraordinary crisis, our indignation must

be one. For the interest of the country we should abide by our oath

of unstinted loyalty; and for the sake of the Tsing House let us

show our sympathy by sane and wise deeds. I feel sure you will put

forth every ounce of your energy and combine your efforts to combat

the great disaster. Though I am a feeble old soldier, I will follow

you on the back of my steed.

(Sgd) TUAN CHI-JUI.

Following the publication of this manifesto a general movement of troops

began. On the 5th July the important Peking-Tientsin railway was

reported interrupted forty miles from the capital--at Langfang which is

the station where Admiral Seymour's relief expedition in 1900 was nearly

surrounded and exterminated. Chang Hsun, made desperate by the swift

answer to his coup, had moved out of Peking in force stiffening his own

troops with numbers of Manchu soldiery, and announcing that he would

fight it out to the bitter end, although this proved as false as the

rest had been. The first collision occurred on the evening of the 5th

July and was disastrous for the King-maker. The whole Northern army,

with the exception of a Manchu Division in Peking, was so rapidly

concentrated on the two main railways leading to the capital that Chang

Hsun's army, hopelessly outnumbered and outmanoeuvred, fell back after a

brief resistance. Chang Hsun himself was plainly stupefied by the

discovery that imperialism of the classic type was as much out of date

in the North as in the South; and within one week of his _coup_ he was

prepared to surrender if his life and reputation were spared. By the 9th

July the position was this: the Republican forces had surrounded

Peking: Chang Hsun had resigned every appointment save the command of

his own troops: the Manchu Court party had drafted a fresh Edict of

Renunciation, but being terrorized by the pigtailed troops surrounding

the Palace did not dare to issue it.

The usual bargaining now commenced with the Legation Quarter acting as a

species of middleman. No one was anxious to see warfare carried into the

streets of Peking, as not only might this lead to the massacres of

innocent people, but to foreign complications as well. The novelty had

already been seen of a miniature air-raid on the Imperial city, and the

panic that exploding bombs had carried into the hearts of the Manchu

Imperial Family made them ready not only to capitulate but to run away.

The chief point at issue was, however, not the fate of the monarchy,

which was a dead thing, but simply what was going to happen to Chang

Hsun's head--a matter which was profoundly distressing Chang Hsun. The

Republican army had placed a price of £10,000 on it, and the firebrands

were advocating that the man must be captured, dead or alive, and suffer

decapitation in front of the Great Dynastic Gate of the Palace as a

revenge for his perfidy. Round this issue a subtle battle raged which

was not brought to a head until the evening of the 11th July, when all

attempts at forcing Chang Hsun to surrender unconditionally having

failed, it was announced that a general attack would be made on his

forces at daylight the next morning.

Promptly at dawn on the 12th July a gun-signal heralded the assault.

Large Republican contingents entered the city through various Gates, and

a storm of firing aroused terror among the populace. The main body of

Chang Hsun's men, entrenched in the great walled enclosure of the Temple

of Heaven, were soon surrounded, and although it would have been

possible for them to hold out for several days, after a few hours'

firing a parley began and they quietly surrendered. Similarly in the

Imperial city, where Chang Hsun had taken up his residence, this leader,

in spite of his fire-eating declarations, soon fled to the Legation

Quarter and besought an asylum. His men held out until two in the

afternoon, when their resistance collapsed and the cease-fire sounded.

The number of casualties on both sides was infinitesimal, and thus after

eleven days' farce the Manchu dynasty found itself worse off than ever

before. It is necessary, however, not to lose sight of the main problem

in China, which is the establishment of a united government and a

cessation of internecine warfare,--issues which have been somewhat

simplified by Chang Hsun's escapade, but not solved. That a united

government will ultimately be established is the writer's belief, based

on a knowledge of all the facts. But to attain that further provincial

struggles are inevitable, since China is too large a unit to find common

ground without much suffering and bitterness. President Li Yuan-hung

having declared that nothing would induce him to resume office,

Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang has become the legal successor and has

quietly assumed office. Chang Hsun's abortive coup has already cleared

the air in North China to this extent: that the Manchu Imperial Family

is to be removed from Peking and the Imperial allowance greatly reduced,

whilst the proscription of such out-and-out imperialists as Kang Yu-wei

has destroyed the last vestiges of public support. Finally the

completion of China's foreign policy, _i.e._ the declaration of war

against Germany and Austria, has at last been made on the 14th August,

1917, and a consistent course of action mapped out.

[Illustration: The National Assembly sitting as a National Convention

engaged on the Draft of the Permanent Constitution.

_Specially photographed by permission of the Speakers for the Present

Work_.]

[Illustration: View from rear of Hall of the National Assembly sitting

as a National Convention engaged on the Draft of the Permanent

Constitution.

_Specially photographed by permission of the Speakers for the Present

Work_.]

FOOTNOTES:

[25] The final text of the Permanent Constitution as it stood on the

28th May, 1917, will be found in the appendix. Its accuracy has been

guaranteed to the writer by the speakers of the two Houses.

[26] Since this was written certain diplomatists in Peking have been

forced to resign.