An embittered disagreement between the governor general, Comte de
Frontenac, and the intendant, M. de Cheneau, M. Talon's successor,
rendered it necessary to recall both those officers from the colony. The
French court attributed the greater share of blame to the governor, but
the haughty and unbending disposition of the intendant was probably a
principal cause of those untoward disputes. M. le Fevre de la Barre and
M. de Meules succeeded them in their respective offices, with special
recommendation from the king to cultivate friendly relations with each
other, and with M. de Blenac, the governor general of the French
American islands.
New France had for many years remained in a state of great confusion,
and had made but little progress in prosperity or population, and now
the prospects of a disastrous war darkened the future of the colonists.
Various causes had united to revive the hostility of the Iroquois, their
ancient and powerful foes. Since New York had fallen into English hands,
the savages found it more advantageous to carry their trade thither than
to barter their furs with the privileged company of France. The falling
off of commercial intercourse soon led to further alienation, which the
death of an Iroquois chief by the hands of an Illinois, in the territory
of the Ottawas, then allies of the white men, soon turned into open
hostility. The Comte de Frontenac had failed in his attempts to
negotiate with the savages; and on the arrival of his successor, an
invasion of the colony was hourly expected. M. de la Barre at once
perceived the dangerous state of affairs; he therefore summoned an
assembly of all the leading men in the country, ecclesiastical, civil,
and military, and demanded counsel from them in the emergency.
The assembly was of opinion that the Iroquois aimed at the monopoly of
all the trade of Canada, by the instigation of the English and Dutch of
New York, who were also supposed to incite them to enmity against the
French, and that, consequently, those nations should be held hostile. It
was also believed that the savages had only endeavored to gain time by
their negotiations, while they either destroyed the tribes friendly to
the colonists, or seduced them from their alliance. With this view they
had already assailed the Illinois, and it was therefore the duty of the
French to save that nation from this attack, whatever might be the cost
or danger of the enterprise. For that purpose the colony could only
furnish 1000 men; and to procure even this number, it was necessary that
the labors of husbandry should be suspended. Re-enforcements of troops
and a supply of laborers were therefore urgently required for the very
existence of the settlements; and an earnest appeal for such assistance
was forwarded to the king, as the result of the deliberations of the
assembly. This application was immediately answered by the dispatch of
200 soldiers to New France, and by a remonstrance addressed to the King
of Great Britain, who instructed Colonel Dongan, the English governor of
New York, to encourage more friendly relations with his French
neighbors.
While M. de la Barre pushed on his preparations for war against the
Iroquois, he still kept up the hope of treating with them for peace in
such a manner as not to forfeit the dignity of his position. In the mean
time, however, he received intimation that a formidable expedition of
1500 warriors had assembled, ostensibly to wage war with the Illinois,
but in reality for the destruction of the Miamis and Ottawas, both
allies of the French. The governor promptly dispatched an envoy, who
arrived at the village where the Iroquois had mustered on the evening of
the day appointed for the beginning of their campaign. The envoy was
received with dignity and kindness; and he succeeded in obtaining a
promise that the expedition should be deferred, and that they would send
deputies to Montreal to negotiate with the French chief. But the wily
savages had promised only to deceive; and in the month of May following,
the governor received intelligence that 700 of these fierce warriors
were on their march to attack his Miami and Ottawa allies, while
another force was prepared to assail the settlements of the French
themselves. He attributed these dangerous hostilities to the instigation
of the English.
The governor made urgent representations to the minister at home as to
the necessity of crushing two of the Iroquois tribes, the most hostile
and the most powerful. For this purpose, he demanded that a
re-enforcement of 400 men should be sent to him from France as soon as
possible, and that an order should be obtained from the Duke of York, to
whom New York then belonged, to prevent the English from interfering
with or thwarting the expedition.
The Iroquois found the free trade with the English and Dutch more
advantageous than that with the French, which was paralyzed by an
injudicious monopoly; but they were still unwilling to come to an open
rupture with their powerful neighbors. They therefore sent deputies to
Montreal to make great but vague professions of attachment and good
will. For many reasons, De la Barre placed but little confidence in
these addresses: their object was obviously to gain time, and to throw
the French off their guard. He, however, received the deputies with
great distinction, and sent them back enriched with presents. But a few
months after this, however, a small detachment of Frenchmen was assailed
by the Iroquois, and plundered of merchandise which they were bearing to
traffic with the Illinois.
After this flagrant outrage, nothing remained for M. de la Barre but
war. He had received intelligence that the Iroquois were making great
preparations for an onslaught upon the French settlements, and that they
had sent embassadors to the Indians of the south for the purpose of
insuring peace in that quarter, while they threw all their power into
the struggle with the hated pale faces. The governor promptly determined
to adopt the bolder but safer course of striking the first blow, and
making the cantons of his savage enemies the field of battle. As yet,
few and small were the aids he had received from France, and a
considerable time must elapse ere the further supplies he anticipated
could arrive: he was, therefore, unwillingly compelled to avail himself
of the assistance of his Indian allies. The native tribes dwelling
around the shores of Lake Michigan entertained a deep and ancient
jealousy of the powerful confederacy of the Iroquois or Five Nations,
who aspired to universal dominion over the Northern Continent; they,
therefore, held themselves equally interested with the French in the
destruction of those formidable warriors. M. de la Durantaye, who
commanded the fort on the far-distant shores of Lake Michigan, announced
to his Indian neighbors that his countrymen were about to march against
the Iroquois, and requested that all the native warriors friendly to the
white men should meet them in the middle of August at Niagara. He was
not, however, very successful in making levies, and with difficulty led
500 warriors to the place of meeting, where, to his dismay, he found
that the French had not arrived: his followers were not easily
reconciled to this disappointment.
In the mean time, M. de la Barre had, on the 9th of July, 1683, marched
from Quebec to Montreal, where he appointed the troops to assemble for
the expedition. No precautions to insure success were neglected. He
dispatched a message to the English governor of New York to invite him
to join in the attack, or, at least, to secure his neutrality. He also
sent belts and presents to three of the Iroquois tribes, to induce them
to refrain from joining in the quarrel of those among their confederates
who alone had injured him and his nation. He arrived at Montreal on the
21st, with 700 Canadians, 130 soldiers, and 200 Indians: his force was
organized in three divisions. After a brief stay he continued his march
westward.
The governor had not proceeded far when he received intelligence that
the other Iroquois tribes had obliged the Tsonnonthouans, his especial
enemies, to accept of their mediation with the French, and that they
demanded the Sieur le Moyne, in whom they placed much confidence, to
conduct the negotiation. At the same time, he learned that the tribe he
proposed to assail had put all their provisions into a place of
security, and were prepared for a protracted and harassing resistance.
His appeals both to the remaining Iroquois tribes and to the English had
also failed, for the former would assuredly make common cause against
him in case of his refusing their mediation, and the latter had actually
offered to aid his enemies with 400 horse, and a like force of infantry.
Influenced by these untoward circumstances, he dispatched M. le Moyne to
treat, and agreed to await the Iroquois deputies on the shores of Lake
Ontario. In the mean time, M. de la Barre and his army underwent great
privations from the scarcity and bad quality of their provisions; they
could with difficulty hold their ground till the arrival of the savages,
and such was their extremity that the name of the Bay of Famine was
given to the scene of their sufferings.
The savage deputies met the French chief with great dignity, and, well
aware of the advantage given them by the starvation and sickness of the
white men, carried their negotiations with a high hand. They guaranteed
that the Tsonnonthouans should make reparation, for the injuries
inflicted on the French, but at the same time insisted that the governor
and his army should retire the very next day. With this ignoble
stipulation M. de la Barre was fain to agree. On his return to Quebec,
he found, to his chagrin, that considerable re-enforcements had just
arrived from France, which would have enabled him to dictate instead of
submitting to dictation. The new detachment was commanded by MM.
Monterlier and Desnos, captains of marine, who were commissioned by the
king to proceed to the most advanced and important posts, and to act
independently of the governor's authority. They were further instructed
to capture as many of the Iroquois as possible, and to send them to
France to labor in the galleys. In this same year the Chevalier de
Callieres, an officer of great merit, was sent from France to assume the
duties of governor of the Montreal district, as successor to M. Perrot,
who had embroiled himself with the members of the powerful Order of St.
Sulpicius.
In the year 1685, the Marquis de Denonville arrived at Quebec as
governor general in succession to M. de la Barre, whose advanced age and
failing health unfitted him for the arduous duties of the office. The
new governor was selected by the king for his known valor and prudence;
a re-enforcement of troops was placed at his disposal, and it was
determined to spare no effort to establish the colony in security and
peace. Denonville lost not a moment in proceeding to the advanced posts
on the lakes, and, at the same time, he devoted himself to a diligent
study of the affairs of Canada and the character of the Indians. His
keen perception promptly discovered the impossibility of the Iroquois
being reconciled and assimilated to the French, and he at once saw the
necessity of extirpating, or at least thoroughly humbling, these haughty
savages. But beyond the present dangers and difficulties of Indian
hostility, this clear-sighted politician discerned the far more
formidable evils that threatened the power of his country from the
advancing encroachments of the hardy traders and fearless adventurers of
the English colonies. He urged upon the king the advantage of building
and garrisoning a fort at Niagara to exclude the British from the
traffic of the lakes, and interrupt their communications with the
Iroquois, and also to check the desertion of the French, who usually
escaped by that route, and transferred the benefits of their experience
and knowledge of the country to the rival colonies. The Northwest
Company of merchants at Quebec earnestly desired this establishment, and
engaged to pay an annual rent of 30,000 livres to the crown for the
privilege of exclusive trade at the proposed station.
The suspicions of the Marquis de Denonville as to English encroachments
were soon confirmed. He received a letter from the governor of New York,
dated 29th of May, 1686, demanding explanations of the preparations
which were being made against the Iroquois--the subjects of England--as
any attack upon them would be a breach of the peace then existing
between England and France. The British governor also expressed surprise
that the French should contemplate erecting a fort at Niagara, "because
it should be known in Canada that all that country was a dependency of
New York." M. de Denonville, in reply, denied the pretensions of the
English to sovereignty in New France, and pointed out the impropriety of
hostile communications between inferiors, while the kings whom they
served remained on amicable terms. He rendered, however, some sort of
evasive explanation on the subject of his preparations against the
Iroquois.
The following year the governor general received from the court the
notification of a most important agreement between England and France,
that, "notwithstanding any rupture between the mother countries, the
colonies on the American continent should remain at peace."
Unfortunately, however, the force of national prejudice, and the
clashing of mutual interests, rendered this wise and enlightened
provision totally fruitless.
In the summer of 1687, M. de Denonville marched toward Lake Ontario with
a force of 2000 French and 600 Indians, having already received all the
supplies and re-enforcements which he had expected from France. His
first act of aggression was one that no casuistry can excuse, no
necessity justify--one alike dishonorable and impolitic. He employed two
missionaries, men of influence among the savages, to induce the
principal Iroquois chiefs to meet him at the fort of Cataracouy, under
various pretenses; he there treacherously seized the unsuspecting
savages, and instantly dispatched them to Quebec, with orders that they
should be forwarded to France to labor in the galleys. The missionaries
who had been instrumental in bringing the native chiefs into this
unworthy snare were altogether innocent of participation in the outrage,
never for a moment doubting the honorable intentions of their countrymen
toward the Indian deputies. One, who dwelt among the Onneyouths, was
immediately seized by the exasperated tribe, and condemned to expiate
the treachery of his nation, and his own supposed guilt, in the flames.
He was, however, saved at the last moment by the intervention of an
Indian matron, who adopted him as her son. The other--Lamberville by
name--was held in great esteem among the Onnontagues, to whose
instruction he had devoted himself. On the first accounts of the outrage
at Cataracouy, the ancients assembled and called the missionary before
them. They then declared their deep indignation at the wrong which they
had suffered; but, at the moment when their prisoner expected to feel
the terrible effects of their wrath, a chief arose, and with a noble
dignity addressed him:
"Thou art now our enemy--thou and thy race. We have held counsel, and
can not resolve to treat thee as an enemy. We know thy heart had no
share in this treason, though thou wert its tool. We are not unjust; we
will not punish thee, being innocent, and hating the crime as much as we
do ourselves. But depart from among us; there are some who might seek
thy blood; and when our young men sing the war-song, we may be no longer
able to protect thee." The magnanimous savages then furnished him with
guides, who were enjoined to convey him to a place of safety.
M. de Denonville halted for some time at Cataracouy, and sent orders to
the commanders of the distant western posts to meet him on the 10th of
July at the River Des Sables, to the eastward of the country of the
Tsonnonthouans, against whom they were first to act. The governor
marched upon this point with his army, and, by an accident of favorable
presage, he and the other detachments arrived at the same time. They
immediately constructed an intrenchment, defended by palisades, in a
commanding situation over the river, where their stores and provisions
were safely deposited. M. d'Orvilliers, with a force of 400 men, was
left for the protection of this depot, and to insure the rear of the
advancing army.
On the 13th the French pushed into the hostile country, and passed two
deep and dangerous defiles without opposition, but at a third they were
suddenly assailed by 800 of the Iroquois, who, after the first volley,
dispatched 200 of their number to outflank the invaders, while they
continued the front attack with persevering courage. The French were at
first thrown into some confusion by this fierce and unexpected
onslaught; but the allied savages, accustomed to the forest warfare,
boldly held their ground, and effectually covered the rallying of the
troops. The Iroquois, having failed in overpowering their enemies by
surprise, and conscious of their inferiority in numbers and arms, after
a time broke their array and dispersed among the woods. The French lost
five men killed and twenty wounded; the Iroquois suffered far
more--forty-five were left dead upon the field, and sixty more disabled
in the conflict. The Ottawas, serving under M. de Denonville, who had
been by no means forward in the strife, with savage ferocity mangled and
devoured the bodies of the slain. The Hurons, and the Iroquois
Christians following the French standard, fought with determined
bravery.
The army encamped in one of the four great villages of the
Tsonnonthouans, about eight leagues from the fort at the River Des
Sables: they found it totally deserted by the inhabitants, and left it
in ashes. For ten days they marched through the dense forest with great
hardship and difficulty, and met with no traces of the enemy, but they
marked their progress with ruin: they burned about 400,000 bushels of
corn, and destroyed a vast number of hogs. The general, fearing that his
savage allies would desert him if he continued longer in the field, was
then constrained to limit his enterprise. He, however, took this
opportunity of erecting a fort at Niagara, and left the Chevalier de la
Troye with 100 men in garrison. Unfortunately, a deadly malady soon
after nearly destroyed the detachment, and the post was abandoned and
dismantled. The constant and harassing enmity of the savages combined
with the bad state of the provisions left in the fort, to render the
disease which had broken out so fatal in its results.
The French had erected a fort called Chambly,[403] in a strong position
on the left bank of the important River Richelieu.[404] This little
stronghold effectually commanded the navigation of the stream, and
through it, the communication between Lake Champlain and the southern
districts with the waters of the St. Lawrence. On the 13th of November,
1687, a formidable party of the Iroquois suddenly attacked the fort; the
little garrison made a stout defense, and the assailants abandoned the
field with the morning light; the settlement which had grown up in the
neighborhood was, however, ravaged by the fierce Indians, and several of
the inhabitants carried away into captivity. The French attributed this
unexpected invasion to the instigation of their English neighbors, and
it would appear with reason, for, on the failure of the assault, the
governor of New York put his nearest town into a state of defense, as if
in expectation of reprisals.
In this same year there fell upon Canada an evil more severe than Indian
aggression or English hostility. Toward the end of the summer a deadly
malady visited the colony, and carried mourning into almost every
household. So great was the mortality, that M. de Denonville was
constrained to abandon, or rather defer, his project of humbling the
pride and power of the Tsonnonthouans. He had also reason to doubt the
faith of his Indian allies; even the Hurons of the far West, who had
fought so stoutly by his side on the shores of Lake Ontario, were
discovered to have been at the time in treacherous correspondence with
the Iroquois.
While doubt and disease paralyzed the power of the French, their
dangerous enemies were not idle. Twelve hundred Iroquois warriors
assembled at Lake St. Francis, within two days' march of Montreal, and
haughtily demanded audience of the governor, which was immediately
granted. Their orator proclaimed the power of his race and the weakness
of the white men with all the emphasis and striking illustration of
Indian eloquence. He offered peace on terms proposed by the governor of
New York, but only allowed the French four days for deliberation.
This high-handed diplomacy was backed by formidable demonstrations. The
whole country west of the River Sorel, or Richelieu, was occupied by a
savage host, and the distant fort of Cataracouy, on the Ontario shore,
was with difficulty held against 800 Iroquois, who had burned the farm
stores with flaming arrows, and slain the cattle of the settlers. The
French bowed before the storm they could not resist, and peace was
concluded on conditions that war should cease in the land, and all the
allies should share in the blessings of repose. M. de Denonville further
agreed to restore the Indian chiefs who had been so treacherously torn
from their native wilds, and sent to labor in the galleys of France.
But, in the mean time, some of the savage allies, disdaining the
peaceful conclusions of negotiation, waged a merciless war. The
Abenaquis, always the fiercest foes of the Iroquois confederacy, took
the field while yet the conferences pended, and fell suddenly upon the
enemy by the banks of the Sorel. They left death behind them on their
path, and pushed on even into the English settlements, where they slew
some of the defenseless inhabitants, and carried away their scalps in
savage triumph. On the other hand, the Iroquois of the Rapids of St.
Louis and the Mountain, made a deadly raid into the invaders'
territories.
The Hurons of Michillimakinack were those among the French allies who
most dreaded the conclusion of a treaty of which they feared to become
the first victims. Through the extraordinary machinations and cunning of
their chief, Kondiaronk, or the Rat, they continued to reawaken the
suspicions of the Iroquois against the French, and again strove to stir
up the desolating flames of war.
In the midst of these renewed difficulties M. de Denonville was recalled
to Europe, his valuable services being required in the armies of his
king. In colonial administration he had shown an ardent zeal for the
interests of the sovereign and the country under his charge, and his
plans for the improvement of Canada were just, sound, and comprehensive,
but he was deficient in tenacity of purpose, and not fortunate or
judicious in the selection of those who enjoyed his confidence. His
otherwise honorable and useful career can, however, never be cleansed
from the fatal blot of one dark act of treachery. From the day when that
evil deed was done, the rude but magnanimous Indian scorned as a broken
reed the sullied honor of the French.
The Comte de Frontenac was once again selected for the important post of
governor of New France, and arrived at Montreal on the 27th of October,
1689, where his predecessor handed over the arduous duties of office.
The state of New France was such as to demand the highest qualities in
the man to whose rule it was intrusted: trade languished, agriculture
was interrupted by savage aggression, and the very existence of the
colony threatened by the growing power of the formidable Iroquois
confederacy. At the same time, a plan for the reduction of New York was
being organized in Paris, which would inevitably call for the
co-operation of the colonial subjects of France, and, in the event of
failure, leave them to bear the brunt of the dangerous quarrel. M. de
Frontenac was happily selected in this time of need.
Impelled by the treacherous machinations of the Huron chief Kondiaronk,
the Iroquois approached the colony in very different guise from that
expected. While M. de Denonville remained in daily hopes of receiving a
deputation of ten or twelve of the Indians to treat for peace, he was
astounded by the sudden descent of 1200 warriors upon the island of
Montreal.[405] Terrible indeed was the devastation they caused; blood
and ashes marked their path to within three leagues of the territory,
where they blockaded two forts, after having burned the neighboring
houses. A small force of 100 soldiers and 50 Indians, imprudently sent
against these fierce marauders, was instantly overpowered, and taken or
destroyed. When the work of destruction was completed, the Iroquois
re-embarked for the Western lakes, their canoes laden with plunder, and
200 prisoners in their train.
This disastrous incursion filled the French with panic and astonishment.
They at once blew up the forts of Cataracouy and Niagara, burned two
vessels built under their protection, and altogether abandoned the
shores of the Western lakes. The year was not, however, equally
unfortunate in all parts of New France. While the island of Montreal was
swept by the storm of savage invasion, M. d'Iberville supported in the
north the cause of his country, and the warlike Abenaquis avenged upon
the English settlers the evils which their Iroquois allies had inflicted
upon, Canada. Upon his arrival, the Comte de Frontenac determined to
restore the falling fortunes of his people by means of his great
personal influence among the triumphant Iroquois, backed as he was with
the presence of those prisoners who had been so treacherously seized by
his predecessor, but whose entire confidence and good-will he had
acquired while bringing them back to their native country. A chief named
Oureouhare, the most distinguished among the captives, undertook to
negotiate with his countrymen--a duty which was performed more honestly
than efficiently: an exchange of prisoners took place, but nothing
further was accomplished.
The Northern Indians, allies of the French, had long desired to share
the benefits of English commerce with the Iroquois; it had, however,
been the policy of the Canadian government to keep these red tribes
continually at war, with the view of interrupting the communications of
traffic through their country. But the allied savages soon began to see
the necessity of making peace with the Iroquois, in order to establish
relations with the traders of the British settlements. With this view
the Ottawas sent embassadors to the cantons of the Five Nations,
restoring the prisoners captured in the war, and proffering peace and
amity. The agents and missionaries of the French strongly remonstrated
against these proceedings, but in vain; their former allies replied by
insulting declarations of independence, and contemptuous scoffs at their
want of power and courage to meet the enemy in the field; their
commerce, too, was spoken of as unjust, injurious, and inferior to that
of the English, of which they had endeavored to deprive those whom they
could not protect in war; the French were also accused of endeavoring to
shelter themselves under a dishonorable treaty, regardless of the safety
and interests of the Indians who had fought and bled in their cause.
When M. de Frontenac became aware of this formidable disaffection, he
boldly determined to strike a blow at the English power that should
restore the military character of France among the savages, and deprive
the recreant Indians of their expected succor. He therefore organized
three expeditions to invade the British settlements by different
avenues. The first, consisting of 110 men, marched from Montreal,
destined for New York, but only resulted in the surprise and destruction
of the village of Corlar,[407] or Schenectady, and the massacre and
capture of some of the inhabitants. They retreated at noon the following
day, bearing with them forty prisoners; after much suffering from want
of provisions, they were obliged to separate into small parties, when
they were attacked by their exasperated enemies, and sustained some
loss. Many would have perished from hunger in this retreat, but that
they found a resource in living upon horse flesh: their cavalry, from
fifty, was reduced to six by the time they regained the shelter of
Montreal.
The second invading division was mustered at Three Rivers, and only
numbered fifty men, half being Indians. They reached an English
settlement, called Sementels (Salmon Falls), after a long and difficult
march and succeeded in surprising and destroying the village, with most
of its defenders. In their retreat they were sharply attacked, but
succeeded in escaping, through the aid of an advantageous post, which
enabled them to check the pursuers at a narrow bridge. They soon after
fell in with M. de Mamerval, governor of Acadia, with the third party,
and, thus re-enforced, assailed the fortified village of Kaskebe upon
the sea-coast, which surrendered after a heavy loss of the defenders.
To regain the confidence of his Indian allies, M. de Frontenac saw the
necessity of rendering them independent of English commerce, and safe
from the hostility of the Iroquois. To accomplish these objects, he
dispatched a large convoy to the west, escorted by 143 men, and bearing
presents to the savage chiefs. On the way they encountered a party of
the Five Nations, and defeated them after a sanguinary engagement.
All these vigorous measures produced a marked effect: the convoy arrived
at Michillimackinack at the time when the embassadors of the French
allies were on the point of departing to conclude a treaty with the
Iroquois. When, however, the strength of the detachment was seen, and
the valuable presents and merchandise were displayed, the French
interests again revived with the politic savages, and they hastened to
give proofs of their renewed attachment: 110 canoes, bearing furs to the
value of 100,000 crowns, and manned by 300 Indians, were dispatched soon
after for Montreal, to be laid before the governor general. He dismissed
the escort with presents, and exhorted them and their nation to join
with him in humbling their mutual and deadly foe. They departed well
pleased with their reception, and renewed professions of friendship for
the French.
In the mean time the terrible war-cry of the Iroquois was never silent
in the Canadian settlements. Bands of these fierce and merciless
warriors suddenly emerged from the dense forests when least expected,
and burst upon isolated posts and villages with more or less success,
but always with great loss of life to the assailants and assailed,[408]
and with great destruction of the fruits of industry. These disastrous
events caused much disquietude to the governor. He called to his
counsels the Iroquois chief Oureouhare, who still remained attached to
him by the closest bonds of friendship and esteem, and complained of the
bitter hostility of his nation: "You must either not be a true friend,"
said M. de Frontenac, "or you must be powerless in your nation, to
permit them to wage this bitter war against me." The generous chief was
mortified at this discourse, and answered that his remaining with the
French, instead of returning to his own hunting grounds, where he was
ardently beloved, was a proof of his fidelity, and that he was ready to
do any thing that might be required of him, but that it would certainly
need time and the course of circumstances to allay the fury of his
people against those who had treacherously injured them. The governor
could not but acknowledge the justice of Oureouhare's reply; he gave him
new marks of esteem and friendship, and determined more than before to
confide in this wise and important ally.[409]
But now the greatest danger that had ever yet menaced the power of
France upon the American continent hung over the Canadian shores. The
men of New England were at last aroused to activity by the constant
inroads and cruel depredations of their northern neighbors, and in
April, 1690, dispatched a small squadron from Boston, which took
possession of Port Royal and all the province of Acadia. In a month the
expedition returned, with sufficient plunder to repay its cost.
Meanwhile the British settlers deputed six commissioners to meet at New
York in council for their defense. On the first of May, 1690, these
deputies assembled, and promptly determined to set an expedition on foot
for the invasion of Canada. Levies of 800 men were ordered for the
purpose, the contingents of the several states fixed, and general rules
appointed for the organization of their army. A fast-sailing vessel was
dispatched to England with strong representations of the defenseless
state of the British colonies, and with an earnest appeal for aid in the
projected invasion of New France; they desired that ammunition and other
warlike stores might be supplied to their militia for the attempt by
land, and that a fleet of English frigates should be directed up the
River St. Lawrence to co-operate with the colonial force. But at that
time England was still too much weakened by the unhealed wounds of
domestic strife to afford any assistance to her American children, and
they were thrown altogether on their own resources.
New York and New England boldly determined, unaided, to prosecute their
original plans against Canada. General Winthrop, with 800 men, was
marched by the way of Lake Champlain, on the shores of which he was to
have met 500 of the Iroquois warriors; but, through some unaccountable
jealousy, only a small portion of the politic savages came to the place
of muster. Other disappointments also combined to paralyze the British
force: the Indians had failed to provide more than half the number of
canoes necessary for the transport of the troops across the lake, and
the contractor of the army had imprudently neglected to supply
sufficient provisions. No alternative remained for Winthrop but to fall
back upon Albany for subsistence.
In the mean time, Major Schuyler, who had before crossed Lake Champlain
with a smaller British force, pushed on against the French post of La
Prairie de la Madeleine, and attacked it with spirit. He soon overcame
the handful of Canadian militia and Indians who formed the garrison, and
compelled them to fall back upon Chambly, a fort further to the north.
Having met M. de Sanermes and a considerable force advancing to their
relief, they turned and faced their pursuers. Schuyler rashly ventured
to attack this now superior enemy; he was soon forced to retire, with
the loss of nearly thirty men. The French, however, suffered much more
severely in this affair, no less than thirteen officers and nearly
seventy of their men having been killed and wounded.
The naval expedition against Quebec was assembled in Nantasket Road,
near Boston, and consisted of thirty-five vessels of various size, the
largest being a 44-gun frigate. Nearly 2000 troops were embarked in this
squadron, and the chief command was confided by the people of New
England to their distinguished countryman, Sir William Phipps, a man of
humble birth, whose own genius and merit had won for him honor, power,
and universal esteem. The direction of the fleet was given to Captain
Gregory Sugars. The necessary preparations were not completed, and the
fleet did not get under way till the season was far advanced; contrary
winds caused a still further delay; however, several French posts on the
shores of Newfoundland and of the Lower St. Lawrence were captured
without opposition, and the British force arrived at Tadoussac, on the
Saguenay, before authentic tidings of the approaching danger had reached
Quebec.
When the brave old Frontenac learned from his scouts that Winthrop's
corps had retreated, and that Canada was no longer threatened by an
enemy from the landward side, he hastened to the post of honor at
Quebec, while by his orders M. de Ramsey and M. de Callieres assembled
the hardy militia of Three Rivers and the adjoining settlements to
re-enforce him with all possible dispatch. The governor found that Major
Provost, who commanded at Quebec before his arrival, had made vigorous
preparation to receive the invaders;[410] it was only necessary,
therefore, to continue the works, and confirm the orders given by his
worthy deputy. A party, under the command of M. de Longueuil, was sent
down the river to observe the motions of the British, and, if possible,
to prevent their landing. At the same time, two canoes were dispatched
by the shallow channel north of the island of Orleans to seek for some
ships with supplies, which were daily expected from France, and to warn
them of the presence of the hostile fleet.
The Comte de Frontenac continued the preparations for defense with
unwearied industry. The regular soldiers and militia were alike
constantly employed upon the works, till in a short time Quebec was
tolerably secure from the chances of a sudden assault. Lines of strong
palisades, here and there armed with small batteries, were formed round
the crown of the lofty headland, and the gates of the city were
barricaded with massive beams of timber and casks filled with earth. A
number of cannon were mounted on advantageous positions, and a large
wind-mill of solid masonry was fitted up as a cavalier. The lower town
was protected by two batteries each of three guns, and the streets
leading up the steep, rocky face of the height were embarrassed with
several intrenchments and rows of "chevaux de frise." Subsequently
during the siege two other batteries were erected a little above the
level of the river. The commanding natural position of the stronghold,
however, offered far more serious obstacles to the assailants than the
hasty and imperfect fortifications.
At daylight on the 5th of October the white sails of the British fleet
were seen rounding the headland of Point Levi, and crowding to the
northern shore of the river, near the village of Beauport; at about ten
o'clock they dropped anchor, lowered their canvas, and swung round with
the receding tide. There they remained inactive till the following
morning. On the 6th, Sir William Phipps sent a haughty summons to the
French chief, demanding an unconditional surrender in the name of King
William of England, and concluding with this imperious sentence: "Your
answer positive in an hour, returned with your own trumpet, with the
return of mine, is required upon the peril that will ensue."
The British officer who bore the summons was led blind-fold through the
town, and ushered into the presence of Comte Frontenac in the
council-room of the castle of Quebec. The bishop, the intendant, and all
the principal officers of the government surrounded the proud old noble.
"Read your message," said he. The Englishman read on, and when he had
finished, laid his watch upon the table with these words: "It is now
ten; I await your answer for one hour." The council started from their
seats, surprised out of their dignity by a burst of sudden anger. The
comte paused for a time ere he could restrain his rage sufficiently to
speak, and then replied, "I do not acknowledge King William, and I well
know that the Prince of Orange is a usurper, who has violated the most
sacred rights of blood and religion ... who wishes to persuade the
nation that he is the saviour of England and the defender of the faith,
though he has violated the laws and privileges of the kingdom, and
overturned the Church of England: this conduct, the Divine Justice to
which Phipps appeals will one day severely punish."
The British officer, unmoved by the storm of indignation which his
message had aroused, desired that this fierce reply should be rendered
to him in writing for the satisfaction of his chief. "I will answer your
master by the mouth of my cannon," replied the angry Frenchman, "that he
may learn that a man of my rank is not to be summoned in this manner."
Thus ended the laconic conference.
On the return of the messenger, Sir William Phipps called a council of
war: it was determined at once to attack the city. At noon, on the 8th,
1300 men were embarked in the boats of the squadron, under the command
of Major Walley, and landed without opposition at La Canardiere, a
little to the east of the River St. Charles. While the main body was
being formed on the muddy shore, four companies pushed on toward the
town, in skirmishing order, to clear the front; they had scarcely begun
the ascent of the sloping banks when a sharp fire was poured upon them
by 300 of the Canadian militia, posted among the rocks and bushes on
either flank, and in a small hamlet to the right. Some of the British
winced under this unexpected volley, fired, and fell back; but the
officers, with prompt resolution, gave the order to charge, and
themselves gallantly led the way; the soldiers followed at a rapid pace,
and speedily cleared the ground. Major Walley then advanced with his
whole force to the St. Charles River, still, however, severely harassed
by dropping shots from the active light troops of the French: there he
bivouacked for the night, while the enemy retreated into the garrison.
Toward evening of the same day the four largest vessels of Phipps's
squadron moved boldly up the river, and anchored close against the town.
They opened a spirited but ineffectual fire; their shot, directed
principally against the lofty eminence of the Upper Town, fell almost
harmless, while a vigorous cannonade from the numerous guns of the
fortress replied with overwhelming power. When night interrupted the
strife, the British ships had suffered severely, their rigging was torn
by the hostile shot, and the crews had lost many of their best men. By
the first light of morning, however, Phipps renewed the action with
pertinacious courage, but with no better success. About noon the contest
became evidently hopeless to the stubborn assailants; they weighed
anchor, and, with the receding tide, floated their crippled vessels down
the stream, beyond the reach of the enemy's fire.[411]
The British troops, under Major Walley, although placed in battle array
at daylight, remained inactive, through some unaccountable delay, while
the enemy's attention was diverted by the combat with Phipps's squadron.
At length, about noon, they moved upon the formidable stronghold along
the left bank of the River St. Charles. Some allied savages plunged into
the bush in front to clear the advance, a line of skirmishers protected
either flank, and six field-pieces accompanied the march of the main
body. After having proceeded for some time without molestation, they
were suddenly and fiercely assailed by 200 Canadian volunteers under M.
de Longueuil; the Indians were at once swept away, the skirmishers
overpowered, and the British column itself was forced back by their
gallant charge. Walley, however, drew up his reserve in some brushwood a
little in the rear, and finally compelled the enemy to retreat. During
this smart action, M. de Frontenac, with three battalions, placed
himself upon the opposite bank of the river, in support of the
volunteers, but showed no disposition to cross the stream. That night,
the English troops, harassed, depressed, diminished in numbers, and
scantily supplied, again bivouacked upon the marshy banks of the stream:
a severe frost, for which they were but ill prepared, chilled the weary
limbs of the soldiers and enhanced their sufferings.
On the 10th, Walley once more advanced upon the French positions, in the
hope of breaching their palisades by the fire of his field pieces; but
this attempt was altogether unsuccessful. His flanking parties fell into
ambuscades, and were very severely handled, and his main body was
checked and finally repulsed by a heavy fire from a fortified house on a
commanding position which he had ventured to attack. Utterly dispirited
by this failure, the British fell back in some confusion to the
landing-place, yielding up in one hour what they had so hardly won. That
night many of the soldiers strove to force their way into the boats, and
order was with great difficulty restored; the next day they were
harassed by a continual skirmish. Had it not been for the gallant
conduct of "Captain March, who had a good company, and made the enemy
give back," the confusion would probably have been irretrievable. When
darkness put an end to the fire on both sides, the English troops
received orders to embark in the boats, half a regiment at a time. But
all order was soon lost; four times as many as the boats could sustain
crowded down at once to the beach, rushed into the water, and pressed on
board. The sailors were even forced to throw some of these
panic-stricken men into the river, lest all should sink together. The
noise and confusion increased every moment, despite the utmost exertions
of the officers, and daylight had nearly revealed the dangerous posture
of affairs before the embarkation was completed. The guns were
abandoned, with some valuable stores and ammunition. Had the French
displayed, in following up their advantages, any portion of the energy
and skill which had been so conspicuous in their successful defense, the
British detachment must infallibly have been either captured or totally
destroyed.
Sir William Phipps, having failed by sea and land, resolved to withdraw
from the disastrous conflict. After several ineffectual attempts to
recover the guns and stores which Major Walley had been forced to
abandon, he weighed anchor and descended the St. Lawrence to a place
about nine miles distant from Quebec, whence he sent to the Comte de
Frontenac to negotiate for an exchange of prisoners. Humbled and
disappointed, damaged in fortune and reputation, the English chief
sailed from the scene of his defeat; but misfortune had not yet ceased
to follow him, for he left the shattered wrecks of no less than nine of
his ships among the dangerous shoals of the St. Lawrence. The government
of Massachusetts was dismayed at the disastrous news of which Phipps was
himself the bearer. He arrived at Boston on the 19th of November, with
the remains of his fleet and army, his ships damaged and weather beaten,
and his men almost in a state of mutiny from having received no pay. In
these straits the colonial government found it impracticable to raise
money, and resorted to "bills of credit," the first paper money which
had ever been issued on the American continent.
Great indeed was the joy and triumph of the French when the British
fleet disappeared from the beautiful basin of Quebec. With a proud heart
the gallant old Comte de Frontenac penned the dispatch which told his
royal master of the victory. He failed not to dwell upon the
distinguished merit of the colonial militia, by whose loyalty and
courage the arms of France had been crowned with success. In grateful
memory of this brave defense, the French king caused a medal to be
struck, bearing the inscription, "FRANCIA IN NOVO ORBE VICTRIX: KEBECA
LIBERATA.--A.D., M.D.C.X.C." In the lower town a church was built by the
inhabitants to celebrate their deliverance from the British invaders,
and dedicated to "Notre Dame de la Victoire."
On the 12th of November, the vessels, long expected from France, arrived
in safety at Quebec, having escaped the observation of the English fleet
by ascending for some distance the land-locked waters of the Saguenay.
Their presence, however, only tended to increase a scarcity then
pressing upon the colony, the labor of the fields in the preceding
spring having been greatly interrupted by the harassing incursions of
the Iroquois. The troops were distributed into those parts of the
country where supplies could most easily be obtained, and were
cheerfully received by those who had through their valor been protected
from the hated dominion of the stranger.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 403: Afterward called Sorel.]
[Footnote 404: The River Iroquois, or Sorel. "Dans les premieres annees
de notre etablissement en Canada les Iroquois, pour faire des courses
jusque dans le centre de nos habitations, descenderent cette riviere a
laquelle pour cette raison on donna le nom de riviere des Iroquois. On
l'a depuis appelle la Riviere de Richelieu, a cause d'un fort qui
portoit ce nom et qu'on avoit construit a son embouchure. Ce fort ayant
ete ruine, M. de Sorel en fit construire un autre auquel on donna son
nom; ce nom s'est communique a la riviere qui le conserve encore
aujourd'hui, quoique le fort ne subsiste plus depuis longtemps
(1721)."--Charlevoix, tom. v., p. 221.
"There is another Iroquois river marked on the French maps, falling into
the Teakiki. It received this name from a defeat experienced by the
Iroquois from the Illinois, a race whom they had always
despised."--Charlevoix, vol. vi., p. 118.]
[Footnote 405: Charlevoix says of Montreal in 1721, "Elle n'est point
fortifiee, une simple palisade bastionnee et assez mal entretenue fait
toute sa defence, avec une assez mauvaise redoute sur un petit tertre,
qui sert de boulevard, et va se terminer en douce pente a une petite
place quarree. C'est ce qu'on rencontre d'abord en arrivant de Quebec.
Il n'y a pas meme quarante ans, que la ville etoit toute ouverte, et
tous les jours exposee a etre brulee par les sauvages ou par les
Anglois. Ce fut le Chevalier de Callieres, frere du plenipotentiaire de
Riswick, qui la fit fermer, tandis qu'il en etoit gouverneur. On
projette depuis quelques annees de l'environner de murailles,[406] mais
il ne sera pas aise d'engager les habitans a y contribuer. Ils sont
braves et ils ne sont pas riches: on les a deja trouve difficiles a
persuader de la necessite de cette depense, et fort convaincus que leur
valeur est plus que suffisante pour defendre leur ville centre quiconque
osoit l'attaquer."]
[Footnote 406: "Ce projet est presentement execute 1740."]
[Footnote 407: "Corlar was the name of a Dutchman of consideration, who
founded the village of Schenectady. This man enjoyed great influence
with the Indians, who, after his death, always addressed the governor of
New York with the title of Corlar, as the name most expressive of
respect with which they were acquainted."--Graham, vol. ii., p. 288.
"Au-dessus de la ville d'Orange il y a un fort avec une bourgade, qui
confinent avec les cantons Iroquois, el qu'on appelle Corlar, d'ou ces
sauvages se sont accoutumes a donner le nom de Corlar au gouverneur de
New York."--Charlevoix, tom. i., p. 222.]
[Footnote 408: "Colden relates that, during the war between the French
and Iroquois, two old men were cut to pieces, and put into the
war-kettle for the Christian Indians to feast on."--Colden, vol. i., p.
81.
"Frontenac stands conspicuous among all his nation for deeds of cruelty
to the Indians. Nothing was more common than for his Indian prisoners to
be given up to his Indian allies to be tormented. One of the most
horrible of these scenes on record was perpetrated under his own eye at
Montreal in 1691."--Colden, vol. i., p. 441, quoted by Howitt.
"Les habitans en firent bruler, persuades que le seul moyen de corriger
ces barbares de leurs cruantes, etoit de les trailer eux-meme comme ils
traitoient les autres."--Charlevoix, _Jesuite_, tom., iii., p. 139.]
[Footnote 409: "Oureouhare mourut en vrai Chretien, l'an 1697. Le
missionnaire qui l'assista pendant sa maladie, lui parlant un jour des
opprobres et des ignominies de la passion du Sauveur des hommes; il
entra dans un si grand mouvement d'indignation centre les Juifs, qu'il
s'ecria, 'Que n'etois-je la? je les aurois bien empeche de traiter ainsi
mon Dieu.' The similar exclamation of the Frank monarch, Clovis, is well
known."--Charlevoix, tom. iii., p. 332.]
[Footnote 410: "It does not appear that the fortifications of Quebec
were of much importance till after the year 1690, when eleven stone
redoubts which served as bastions, were erected in different parts of
the heights of the Upper Town. The remains of several of these redoubts
are still in existence. They were connected with each other by a strong
line of cedar picketing, ten or twelve feet high, banked up with earth
on the inside. This proved sufficient to resist the attacks of the
hostile Indians for several years."--Lambert's _Travels_, vol. i., p.
39.
"In 1720 a more extensive system of fortification was commenced, under
the direction of M. de Lery."--Smith's _Canada_, vol. i., p. 184.]
[Footnote 411: The flag of the rear admiral was shot away, and, drifting
toward the shore, a Canadian swam out into the stream and brought it in
triumphantly. For many years the precious trophy was hung up in the
parish church of Quebec.]