CHAPTER X.

The Protestant Reformation was eminently suited to the spirit of the

English people, although forced upon them in the first instance by the

absolute power of a capricious king, and unaccompanied by any

acknowledgment of those rights of toleration and individual judgment

upon which its strength seemed mainly to depend. The monarch, when

constituted the head of the Church, exacted the same spiritual obedience

from his subjects as they had formerly rendered to the Pope of Rome.

Queen Elizabeth adopted her father's principles: she favored the power

of the hierarchy, and the pomp and ceremony of external religious

observances. But the English people, shocked by the horrors of Mary's

reign, and terrified by the papal persecutions on the Continent, were

generally inclined to favor the extremes of Calvinistic simplicity, as a

supposed security against another reaction to the Romish faith. The

stern and despotic queen, encouraged by the counsels of Archbishop

Whitgift, assumed the groundless right of putting down the opinions of

the Puritans by force. (1583.) Various severities were exercised against

those who held the obnoxious doctrines; but, despite the storm of

persecution, the spirit of religious independence spread rapidly among

the sturdy people of England. At length a statute was passed of a nature

now almost incredible--secession from the Church was punishable by

banishment, and by death in case of refusal on return.[314] (1593.)

The Puritans were thus driven to extremity.[315] The followers of an

enthusiastic seceder named Brown[316] formed the first example of an

independent system: each congregation was in itself a Church, and the

spiritual power was wholly vested in its members. This sect was

persecuted to the uttermost: the leader was imprisoned in no less than

thirty-two different places, and many of his followers suffered death

itself for conscience' sake. Some of the Brownists took refuge in

Holland[317] (1598); but, impelled by a longing for an independent home,

or perhaps urged by the mysterious impulse of their great destiny, they

cast their eyes upon that stern Western shore, where the untrodden

wilderness offered them at least the "freedom to worship God." They

applied to the London Company for a grant of land, declaring that they

were "weaned from the delicate milk of their native country, and knit

together in a strict and sacred band, whom small things could not

discourage, nor small discontents cause to wish themselves home again."

After some delay they accomplished their object; however, the only

security they could obtain for religious independence was a promise

that, as long they demeaned themselves quietly, no inquiry should be

made.[318]

Much of the history of nations may be traced through the foundation and

progress of their colonies. Each particular era has shown, in the

settlements of the time, types of the several mother countries, examples

of their systems, and the results of their exigencies. At one time this

type is of an adventurous, at another of a religious character; now

formed by political, again by social influences. The depth and

durability of this impress may be measured by the strength of the first

motives, and the genius of the people from whom the emigration

flows.[319] The ancient colonies of Asia Minor displayed the original

characteristics of the mother country long after her states had become

utterly changed. The Roman settlements in Italy raised upon the ruins of

a subjugated nation a fabric of civilization and power that can never be

forgotten. The proud and adventurous, but ruthless spirit that

distinguished the Spanish nation at the time of their wonderful

conquests in the New World, is still exhibited in the haughty tyranny of

Cuba, and the sanguinary struggles of the South American republics. The

French Canadian of to-day retains most or many of the national

sentiments of those who crossed the Atlantic to extend the power of

France and of her proudest king. And still, in that great Anglo-Saxon

nation of the West, through the strife of democratic ambition, and amid

the toils and successes of an enormous commerce, we trace the

foundations, overgrown perhaps, but all unshaken, of that stern edifice

of civil and religious liberty[322] which the Pilgrim fathers raised

with their untiring labor, and cemented with their blood.

The peculiar nature of the first New England emigration was the result

of those strong tendencies of the British people soon afterward

strengthened into a determination sufficiently powerful to sacrifice

the monarch and subvert the Church and State.

The Brownists, or, as they are more happily called, the Pilgrim fathers,

set sail on the 12th of July, 1620, in two small vessels. There were in

all 120 souls, with a moderate supply of provisions and goods. On the

9th of November they reached Cape Cod, after a rough voyage; they had

been obliged to send one of their ships back to England. From ignorance

of the coast and from the lateness of the season, they could not find

any very advantageous place of settlement; they finally fixed upon New

Plymouth,[323] where they landed on the 21st of December. During the

remainder of the winter they suffered terribly from cold, want, and

sickness; no more than fifty remained alive when spring came to mitigate

their sufferings. The after progress of the little colony was for some

time slow and painful. The system of common property[324] had excited

grievous discontent; this tended to create an aversion to labor that was

to be productive of no more benefit to the industrious than to the idle;

in a short time it became necessary to enforce a certain degree of

exertion by the punishment of whipping. They intrusted all religious

matters to the gifted among their brethren, and would not allow of the

formation of any regular ministry. However, the unsuitableness of these

systems to men subject to the usual impulses and weakness of human

nature soon became obvious, and the first errors were gradually

corrected. In the course of ten years the population reached to 300, and

the settlement prospered considerably.

King James was not satisfied with the slow progress of American

colonization. (1620.) In the same year that the Pilgrim fathers landed

at Plymouth, he formed a new company under the title of the Grand

Council of Plymouth,[325] and appointed many people of rank and

influence to its direction. Little good, however, resulted from this

step. Though the council itself was incapable of the generous project of

planting colonies, it was ever ready to make sale of patents, which

sales, owing to Parliamentary opposition to their claims, soon became

their only source of revenue.[326] They sold to some gentlemen of

Dorchester a belt of land stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific,

and extending three miles south of the River Charles, and three miles

north of _every_ part of the River Merrimac. Other associates in the

enterprise were sought and found in and about London: Winthrop, Johnson,

Pinchon, Eaton, Saltonstall, Billingham, famous in colonial annals.

Endicott, the first governor of the new colony, was one of the original

purchasers of the patent. They were all kindred spirits, men of

religious fervor, uniting the emotions of enthusiasm with unbending

resolution in action.

The first winter brought to these colonists the usual privation,

suffering, and death, but a now rapidly-increasing emigration more than

filled up the places of all casualties. From this period, many men of

respectability and talent,[327] especially ministers of the Gospel,

sought that religious freedom[328] in America which was denied them at

home. A general impulse was given among the commercial and industrious

classes; vessels constantly crowded from the English ports across the

Atlantic, till at length the court took the alarm. A proclamation was

issued "to restrain the disorderly transportation of his majesty's

subjects, because of the many idle and refractory humors, 'whose only or

principal end is to live beyond the reach of authority.'" It has long

been a popular story that eight emigrant ships were seized when on the

point of sailing for America, and the passengers forced to land; among

whom were John Hampden,[329] Sir Arthur Hazlerig, and Oliver Cromwell.

This tale has, however, been proved untrue by modern historians.[330]

Notwithstanding these unjust and mischievous prohibitions, a

considerable number of emigrants still found their way across the

Atlantic. But when the outburst of popular indignation swept away all

the barriers raised by a short-sighted tyranny against English freedom,

many flocked hack again to their native country to enjoy its

newly-acquired liberty. (1648.) The odious and iniquitous persecution of

the Puritans resulted in a great benefit to the human race, and gave the

first strong impulse to the spirit of resistance that ultimately

overthrew oppression. It caused, also, the colonization of New England

to be effected by a class of men far superior in industry, energy,

principle, and character to those who usually left their English homes

to seek their fortunes in new countries. That religion, for which they

had made so great a sacrifice, was the main-spring of all their social

and political systems. They were, however, too blindly zealous to

discriminate between the peculiar administration of a theocracy and the

catholic and abiding principles of the Gospel. If they did not openly

profess that the judicial law of Moses was still in force, they at any

rate openly practiced its stern enactments.

The intolerance of these martyrs of intolerance is a sad example of

human waywardness.[331] In their little commonwealth, seceders from the

established forms of faith were persecuted with an unholy zeal.

Imprisonment, banishment, and even death itself, were inflicted for that

free exercise of religious opinions which the Pilgrim fathers had

sacrificed all earthly interests to win for themselves. In those dark

days of fanatic faith or vicious skepticism, the softening influence of

true Christianity was but little felt. The stern denunciations and

terrible punishments of the Old Testament were more suited to the iron

temper of the age than the gentle dispensations of the New--the fiery

zeal of Joshua than the loving persuasiveness of St. John.

As the tenets of each successive sect rose into popularity and

influenced the majority, they became state questions,[332] distracted

the Church, and threatened the very existence of the colony. The first

schism that disturbed the peace of the settlements was raised by Roger

Williams at Salem. (1635.) This worthy and sincere enthusiast held many

just and sound views among others that were wild and injurious: he

stoutly upheld freedom of conscience, and inconveniently contested the

right of the British crown to bestow Indian lands upon Englishmen. On

the other hand, he contrived to raise a storm of fanatic hatred against

the red cross in the banner of St. George, which seriously disturbed

the state,[333] and led to violent writings and altercations. At length

Williams was banished as a distractor of the public peace, but a popular

uproar attended his departure, and the greater part of the inhabitants

were with difficulty dissuaded from following him. He retired to

Providence, Rhode Island[334] (1636), where a little colony soon settled

round him, and he there lived and died in general esteem and

regard.[335]

The Antinomian sect shortly after excited a still more dangerous

commotion in the colony. (1637.) Mrs. Hutchinson, a Lincolnshire lady of

great zeal and determination, joined by nearly the whole female

population, adopted these views in the strongest manner. The ministers

of the church, although decided Calvinists, and firmly opposed to the

Romish doctrines of salvation by works, earnestly pressed the

reformation of heart and conduct as a test of religion. Mrs. Hutchinson

and her followers held that to inculcate any rule of life or manners was

a crime against the Holy Spirit; in their actual deportment, however, it

must be confessed that their bitterest enemies could not find grounds of

censure. With the powerful advocacy of female zeal, these doctrines

spread rapidly, and the whole colony was soon divided between "the

covenant of works and the covenant of grace;" the ardor and obstinacy of

the disputants being by no means proportioned to their full

understanding of the point[336] in dispute. Sir Harry Vane,[337] whose

rank and character had caused him to be elected governor in spite of

his youth, zealously adopted Antinomian opinions, and, in consequence,

was ejected from office by the opposite party at the ensuing election,

Mrs. Hutchinson having failed to secure in the country districts that

superiority which she possessed in the town of Boston.[338] After some

ineffectual efforts to reconcile the seceders to the Church, the new

governor and the ministers summoned a general synod of the colonial

clergy to meet at Cambridge, where, after some very turbulent

proceedings, the whole of the Antinomian doctrines were condemned.

As might have been supposed, this condemnation had but little effect.

The obnoxious principles were preached as widely and zealously as

before, till the civil authority resorted to the rude argument of force,

banished Mr. Wheelwright, one of the leaders, with two of his followers,

from the colony, and fined and disfranchised others. Mrs. Hutchinson was

ultimately accused, condemned, and ordered to leave the colony in six

months. Although she made a sort of recantation of her errors, her

inexorable judges insisted in carrying out the sentence.[339] The

unhappy lady removed to Rhode Island, where her husband, through her

influence, was elected governor, and where she was followed by many of

her devoted adherents. (1638.) Thus the persecutions in the old

settlement of Massachusetts had the same effect as those in England--of

elevating a few stubborn recusants into the founders of states and

nations. After her husband's death Mrs. Hutchinson removed into a

neighboring Dutch settlement, where she and all her family met with a

dreadful fate; they were surprised by the Indians, and every one

destroyed. (1643.)

Although by these violent and unjust punishments, and by disarming the

disaffected, the Antinomian spirit was for a time put down, unity was by

no means restored. Pride and the love of novelty continually gave birth

to new sects. Ministers, who had possessed the highest reputation in

England, saw with sorrow that their colonial churches were neglected for

the sake of ignorant and mischievous enthusiasts. Even common

profligates and rogues, when other lesser villainies had failed, assumed

the hypocritical semblance of some peculiar religion, and enjoyed their

day of popularity.

The Anabaptists next carried away the fickle affections of the

multitude, and excited the enmity of their rulers. (1643.) This schism

first became perceptible by people leaving the church when the rites of

baptism were being administered; but at length private meetings for

worship were held, attended by large congregations. The magistrates, as

usual, practiced great severities against these seceders, first by fine,

imprisonment, and even whipping; finally by banishment. The Anabaptists

were, however, not put down by the arm of power, but were speedily

forgotten in the sudden appearance of a stranger sect than any that had

hitherto appeared even in New England.

The people called Quakers had lately made their appearance in the north

of England. (1648.) They soon found their way to America, where they

were received with bitter hostility from the commencement. (1656.) The

dangerous enthusiasts who first went forth to preach the doctrines of

this strange sect were very different men from those who now command the

respect and good will of all classes by their industry, benevolence, and

love of order. The original propagandists believed that the divine

government was still administered on earth by direct and special

communication, as in the times chronicled by Holy Writ: they therefore

despised and disregarded all human authorities. To actual force, indeed,

they only opposed a passive resistance; and their patience and

obstinacy in carrying out this principle must excite astonishment, if

not admiration. But their language was most violent and abusive against

all priests and ministers, governors and magistrates.[340] The women of

this novel persuasion were even more fanatic than the men. Several

leaving their husbands and children in England, crossed the seas to bear

witness to their inspiration at Boston. They were, however, rudely

received, their books burned, and themselves either imprisoned or

scourged and banished. Nowise intimidated by these severities, several

other women brought upon themselves the vengeance of the law by frantic

and almost incredible demonstrations; and a man named Faubord endeavored

to sacrifice his first-born son under a supposed command from Heaven.

The ministers and magistrates came to the conclusion that the colony

could never enjoy peace while the Quakers continued among them. These

sectarians were altogether unmanageable by the means of ordinary power

or reason; they would neither pay fines nor work in prison, nor, when

liberated, promise to amend their conduct. The government now enacted

still more violent laws against them, one, among others, rendering them

liable to have their ears cut off for obstinacy; and yet this strange

fanaticism increased from day to day. At length the Quakers were

banished from the colony, under the threat of death in case of return.

They were, however, scarcely beyond the borders when a supposed

inspiration prompted them to retrace their steps to Boston: scarcely had

their absence been observed, when their solemn voices were again heard

denouncing the city of their persecutors.

The horrible law decreeing the punishment of death against the Quakers

had only been carried by a majority of thirteen to twelve in the

Colonial Court of Deputies, and after a strong opposition; but, to the

eternal disgrace of the local government, its atrocious provisions were

carried into effect, and four of the unhappy fanatics were judicially

murdered. The tidings of these executions filled England with horror.

Even Charles II. was moved to interpose the royal power for the

protection of at least the lives of the obnoxious sectarians. He issued

a warrant on the 9th of September, 1661, absolutely prohibiting the

punishment of death against Quakers, and directing that they should be

sent to England for trial. In consequence of this interference, no more

executions took place, but other penalties were continued with unabated

severity.

While the persecution of the Quakers and Anabaptists raged in New

England, an important addition to the numbers of the colonists was

gained, a large body of Nonconformists having fled across the Atlantic

from a fresh assault commenced against their liberties by Charles II.

This Puritan emigration was regarded with great displeasure by the king.

He speedily took an opportunity of arbitrarily depriving the colony of

its charter, and sent out Sir Edmund Andros to administrate as absolute

governor. The country soon felt painfully the despotic tyranny of their

new ruler; and the establishment of an English Church, with the usual

ritual, spread general consternation. When James ascended the throne, a

proclamation of tolerance somewhat allayed the fears of the settlers;

but the administration of temporal affairs became ruinously oppressive.

On the pretense that the titles of all land obtained under the old

charter had become void by its abrogation, new and exorbitant fees were

exacted, heavy and injudicious taxes arbitrarily imposed, and all right

of representation denied to the colonists. At length, in the year 1689,

a man, named Winslow, brought from Virginia the joyful news of the

Prince of Orange's proclamation; he was immediately arrested for

treason; but the people rose tumultuously, imprisoned the governor, and

re-established the authority of their old magistrates. On the 26th of

May, a vessel arrived with the intelligence that William and Mary had

been proclaimed in England. Although the new monarch declared himself

favorably disposed toward the colonists, he did not restore their

beloved charter. He, however, granted them a Constitution nearly similar

to that of the mother country, which rendered the people of New England

tolerably contented.

The colony was now fated to suffer from a delusion more frantic and

insane than any it had hitherto admitted, and which compromised its very

existence. The New Englanders had brought with them the belief in

witchcraft prevalent among the early reformers, and the wild and savage

wilderness where their lot was now cast tended to deepen the impressions

of superstition upon their minds. Two young girls, of the family of Mr.

Paris, minister of Salem, were suddenly afflicted with a singular

complaint, probably of an hysterical character, which baffled the united

skill of the neighboring physicians; till one, more decided than the

rest, declared that the sufferers were bewitched. From this time prayers

and fasting were the remedies adopted, and the whole town of Salem at

length joined in a day of humiliation. The patients, however, did not

improve, till an Indian servingwoman denounced another, named Tituba, as

the author of the evil. Mr. Paris assailed the accused, and tortured her

in the view of extracting a confession of guilt, which she at length

made, with many absurd particulars, hoping to appease her persecutor.

From this time the mischievous folly spread wider; a respectable

clergyman, Mr. Burroughs, was tried for witchcraft on the evidence of

five women, and condemned to death, his only defense being that he was

accused of that which had no existence, and was impossible. New charges

multiplied daily; the jails of Salem were full of the accused, and

prisoners were transferred to other towns, where the silly infection

spread, and filled the whole colony with alarm.

Nothing could afford stronger proof of the hold which this sad delusion

had taken of the popular mind than the readiness so constantly displayed

by the accused to confess the monstrous imputation, whose punishment was

infamy and death. Many detailed long consultations held with Satan for

the purpose of overthrowing the kingdom of heaven. In some cases these

confessions were the result of distempered understandings; but,

generally, they may be attributed to the hope of respite and ultimate

reprieve, as none but the supposed impenitent sorcerers were executed.

Thus only the truthful and conscientious suffered from the effects of

this odious insanity. Some among the wretched people who had confessed

witchcraft showed a subsequent disposition to retract. A man named

Samuel Wardmell, having solemnly recanted his former statement, was

tried, condemned, and executed. Despite this terrible warning, a few

others followed the conscientious but fatal example. Every one of the

sufferers during this dreadful period protested their innocence to the

last. It seems difficult to discover any adequate motives for these

atrocious and constant accusations. There is too much reason to believe

that the confiscation of the condemned persons' property, malice against

the accused, a desire to excite the public mind, and gain the notice and

favor of those in power, were generally the objects of the witnesses.

The evil at length attained such a frightful magnitude that the firmest

believers in witchcraft began to waver. In two months nineteen unhappy

victims had been executed, eight more remained under sentence of death,

150 accused were still in prison, and there was no more room for the

crowds daily brought in. No character or position was a shield against

these absurd imputations; all lay at the mercy of a few mad or malignant

beings. The first mitigation of the mischief was effected by the

governor assembling the ministers to discuss whether what was called

specter evidence should be held sufficient for the condemnation of the

accused. The assembly decided against that particular sort of evidence

being conclusive; but, at the same time, exhorted the governor to

persevere in the vigorous prosecution of witchcraft, "according to the

wholesome statutes of the English nation."[341] Public opinion,

however, soon began to run strongly against those proceedings, and

finally the governor took the bold step of pardoning all these under

sentence for witchcraft, throwing open all the prisons, and turning a

deaf ear to every accusation (January, 1693). From that time the

troubles of the afflicted were heard of no more. Those who had confessed

came forward to retract or disclaim their former statements, and the

most active judges and persecutors publicly expressed contrition for the

part they had taken in the fatal and almost incredible insanity. In the

reaction that ensued, many urged strict inquiry into the fearful

prejudices that had sacrificed innocent lives; but so general had been

the crime, that it was deemed wisest to throw a vail of oblivion over

the whole dreadful scene.[342]

While the settlers of New England were distracted by their own madness

and intolerance, they had to contend with great external difficulties

from the animosity of the Indians. The native races in this part of the

continent appear to have been in some respects superior to those

dwelling by the shores of the St. Lawrence and the Great Lake. They

acknowledged the absolute power of a sachem or king, which gave a

dangerous vigor and unity to their actions. They at first received the

English with hospitality and kindness, and the colonists, on their part,

passed laws to protect not only the persons of the natives, but to

insure them an equitable price for their lands. The narrowed limits of

their hunting-grounds, however, and the rapid advance of the white men,

soon began to alarm the Indians.[343] When their jealousy was thus

aroused, occasions of quarrel speedily presented themselves; the baneful

influence of strong liquors, largely furnished in spite of the strictest

prohibitions, increased their excitement. Some Englishmen were slain;

the murderers were seized, tried, and executed by the colonial

government, according to British law. These proceedings kindled a deep

resentment among the savages, and led to measures of retaliation at

their hands.

It has been an unfortunate feature of European settlement in America,

that the border population, those most in contact with the natives, have

been visually men of wild and desperate character, the tainted foam of

the advancing tide of civilization. Those reckless adventurers were

little scrupulous in their dealings with the simple savage; they utterly

disregarded those rights which his weakness could not defend, and by

intolerable provocation excited him to a bloody but futile resistance.

The Indians naturally confounded the whole English race with these

contemptuous oppressors, and commenced a war that resulted in their own

extermination. They did not face the English in the field, but hovered

round the border, and, with sudden surprise, overwhelmed detached posts

and settlements in a horrible destruction. The astute colonists soon

adopted the policy of forming alliances, and taking advantage of ancient

enmities to stir up hostilities among them. By this means they

accomplished the destruction of the warlike Pequods,[344] their

bitterest foes. Other enemies, however, soon came into the field, and

at length, the original allies of the English, jealous of the

encroaching power of the white strangers, also took arms against them.

The Indian chiefs, after a time, began to adopt European tactics of war,

and for many years kept the colony in alarm by their formidable attacks:

they were, however, finally driven altogether from the field.

The New England settlers showed more sincerity than other adventurers in

endeavoring to accomplish their principal professed object of

colonization, that of teaching Christianity to the Indians.[345] They

appointed zealous and pious ministers for the mission,[346] and

established a seminary for the education of the natives, whence some

scholars were to be selected to preach the Gospel among their savage

countrymen. Great obstacles were encountered in this good work; the

Indians showed a bigoted attachment to their own strange religious

conceits, and their priests and conjurers used all their powerful

influence against Christianity, denouncing in furious terms all who

forsook their creed for the English God. Despite these difficulties, a

number of savages were induced to form themselves in villages, and lead

a civilized[347] and Christian life, under the guidance of ministers of

their own race.[348] In a few years thirty congregations of "praying

Indians,"[349] their numbers amounting to 3000, were established in

Massachusetts.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 314: 35 Eliz., c. 1, stat. 4, p. 841-843; _Parl. Hist._, p.

863; Strype's _Whitgift_, p. 414, &c.; Neale's _Puritans_, vol. i., p.

526, 527, quoted by Bancroft, vol. i., p. 290.]

[Footnote 315: "The _Gospel Advocate_ asserts that 'the judicial law of

Moses being still in force, no prince or law ought to save the lives of

(_inter alios_) heretics, willful breakers of the Sabbath, neglecters of

the sacrament without just reason.' Well may the historian of the

Puritans (Neale) say, 'Both parties agreed in asserting the necessity of

a uniformity of public worship, _and of using the sword of the

magistrate in support of their respective principles_.' It should never

be forgotten by those who are inclined to blame the severe laws passed

against these Nonconformists, that the English government was dealing

with men whose avowed wish and object it was not simply to be tolerated,

but to subvert existing institutions in Church and State, and set up in

their place those approved by themselves."--Godley's _Letters from

America_, vol. ii., p. 135.]

[Footnote 316: "The most noisy advocate of the new opinions was Brown, a

man of rashness, possessing neither true courage nor constancy. He has

acquired historical notoriety because his hot-headed indiscretion urged

him to undertake the defense of separation.... Brown eventually

purchased a living in the English Church by conformity."--Bancroft's

_History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 287.]

[Footnote 317: "But, although Holland is a country of the greatest

religious freedom, they were not better satisfied there than in England.

They were tolerated, indeed, but watched. Their zeal began to have

dangerous languor for want of opposition, and being without power and

influence, they grew tired of the indolent security of their sanctuary.

They were desirous of removing to a country where they should see no

superior."--Russell's _Modern Europe_, vol. ii., p. 427.

"They were restless from the consciousness of ability to act a more

important part on the theater of the world ... they were moved by an

enlightened desire of improving their condition ... the honorable

ambition of becoming the founders of a state."--Bancroft's _History of

the United States_, vol. i., p. 303.]

[Footnote 318: This was a promise from James I., who had now succeeded

to the throne of England.]

[Footnote 319: "A strongly-marked distinction exists between the

Southern and Northern Americans. The two extremes are formed by the New

Englanders[320] and the Virginians. The former are certainly the more

respectable. They are industrious, frugal, enterprising, regular in

their habits, pure in their manners, and strongly impressed with

sentiments of religion. The name Yankee, which we apply as one of

reproach and derision to Americans in general, is assumed by them as

their natural and appropriate designation.[321] It is a common proverb

in America, that a Yankee will live where another would starve. Their

very prosperity, however, with a certain reserve in their character, and

supposed steady attention to small gains, renders them not excessively

popular with those among whom they settle. They are charged with a

peculiar species of finesse, called 'Yankee tricks,' and the character

of being 'up to every thing' is applied to them, we know not exactly

how, in a sense of reproach. The Virginian planter, on the contrary, is

lax in principle, destitute of industry, eager in the pursuit of rough

pleasures, and demoralized by the system of negro slavery, which exists

in almost a West Indian form. Yet, with all the Americans who attempt to

draw the parallel, he seems rather the favorite. He is frank,

open-hearted, and exercising a splendid hospitality. Both Cooper and

Judge Hall report him as a complete gentleman; by which they evidently

mean, not the finished courtier, but the English country gentleman or

squire, though the opening afforded by the political constitution of his

country causes him to cultivate his mind more by reading and inquiry. A

large proportion of the most eminent and ruling statesmen in

America--Washington, Jefferson, Madison--were Virginians. Surrounded

from their infancy with ease and wealth, accustomed to despise, and to

see despised, money on a small scale, and no laborious exertions made

for its attainment, they imbibe from youth the habits and ideas of the

higher classes. Luxurious living, gaming, horse-racing, cock-fighting,

and other rough, turbulent amusements, absorb a great portion of their

life. Although, therefore, the leisure enjoyed by them, when well

improved, may have produced some very elevated and accomplished

characters, they can not, taken at the highest, be considered so

respectable a class as their somewhat despised northern brethren; and

the lower ranks are decidedly in a state of comparative moral

debasement."--Murray, vol. ii., p. 394.]

[Footnote 320: Descendants of the Puritans.]

[Footnote 321: "The word Yankees (which is the Indian corruption of

English _Yengeese_) is both offensive and incorrect as applied to any

but New Englanders."--Godley's _Letters from America_.]

[Footnote 322: "James I. ranked among their party, as much as he was

able by severe usage, all those who stood up in defense even of civil

liberty."--Bolingbroke's _Remarks upon English History_, p. 283.]

[Footnote 323: "In memory of the hospitalities which the company had

received at the last English port from which they had sailed, this

oldest New England colony obtained the name of Plymouth. The two vessels

which conveyed the Pilgrim fathers from Delft Haven were the _Mayflower_

and the _Speedwell_. The Mayflower alone proceeded to America."--Bancroft,

vol. i., p. 313.]

[Footnote 324: "Under the influence of this wild notion, the colonists

of New Plymouth, in imitation of the primitive Christians, threw all

their property into a common stock."--Robertson's _America_, book x. One

of the many errors with which the volume of Robertson teems. There was

no attempt at imitating the primitive Christians; the partnership was a

consequence of negotiation with British merchants; the colonists

preferred the system of private property, and acted upon it, as far and

as soon as was possible.--Bancroft's _History of the United States_,

vol. i., p. 306.]

[Footnote 325: "The remonstrances of the Virginia corporation and a

transient regard for the rights of the country could delay, but could

not defeat, a measure that was sustained by the personal favorites of

the monarch. King James issued to forty of his subjects, some of them

members of his household and his government, the most wealthy and

powerful of the English nobility, a patent, which in American annals,

and even in the history of the world, has but one parallel. The

territory conferred on the patentees in absolute property, with

unlimited jurisdiction, the sole powers of legislation, the appointment

of all officers and all forms of government, comprised, and at the time

was believed to comprise, much more than a million of square miles: it

was, by a single signature of King James, given away to a corporation

within the realm, composed of but forty individuals."--Bancroft, vol.

i., p. 273.]

[Footnote 326: "The very extent of the grant rendered it of little

value. The results which grew out of the concession of this charter form

a new proof, if any were wanting, of that mysterious connection of

events by which Providence leads to ends that human councils had not

conceived."--Bancroft, vol. i., p. 273.

The Grand Council of Plymouth resigned their charter in 1635.]

[Footnote 327: "The circumstance which threw a greater luster on the

colony than any other was the arrival of Mr. John Cotton, the most

esteemed of all the Puritan ministers in England. He was equally

distinguished for his learning, and for a brilliant and figurative

eloquence. He was so generally beloved that his nonconformity to the

ritual of the Established Church, of which he was a minister, was for a

considerable time disregarded. At last, however, he was called before

the ecclesiastical commission, and he determined upon emigration, 'Some

reverend and renowned ministers of our Lord' endeavored to persuade him

that the forms to which he refused obedience were 'sufferable trifles,'

and did not actually amount to a breach of the second commandment. Mr.

Cotton, however, argued so forcibly on the opposite side, that several

of the most eminent became all that he was, and afterward followed his

example. There went out with him Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, who were

esteemed to make 'a glorious triumvirate,' and were received in New

England with the utmost exultation. It was doubtless a severe trial to

these ministers, who appear really to have been, as they say, 'faithful,

watchful, painful, serving their flock daily with prayers and tears,'

who possessed such a reputation at home and over Europe, to find that no

sooner did any half-crazed enthusiast spring up or arrive in the colony,

that the people could be prevented only by the most odious compulsion

from deserting their churches and flocking to him in a mass. Vainly did

Mr. John Cotton strive to persuade Roger Williams, the sectary, that the

red cross on the English banner, or his wife's being in the room while

he said grace, were 'sufferable trifles,' and 'Mrs. Hutchinson and her

ladies' treated his advice and exhortations with equal disregard and

contempt. One of them sent him a pound of candles to intimate his need

of more spiritual light. This was then the freedom for which his church

and his country had been deserted."--Mather; Neale; Hutchinson.]

[Footnote 328: "Robertson is astonished that Neale (see Neale, p. 56)

should assert that freedom of religious worship was granted, when the

charter expressly asserts the king's supremacy. But this, in fact, was

never the article at which they demurred; for the spirit of loyalty was

still very strong. It seems quite clear, from the confidence with which

they went, and the manner in which they acted when there, that, though

there was no formal or written stipulation, the most full understanding

existed that very ample latitude was to be allowed in this respect. We

have seen on every occasion the vast sacrifices which kings were willing

to make in order to people their distant possessions; and the necessity

was increased by the backwardness hitherto visible."--Murray's

_America_, vol. i., p. 249.]

[Footnote 329: During the year 1635 we find the name of John Hampden

joined with those of six other gentlemen of family and fortune, who

united with the Lords Say and Brooke in making a purchase from the Earl

of Warwick of an extensive grant of land in a wide wilderness then

called Virginia, but which now forms a part of the State of Connecticut.

That these transatlantic possessions were designed by the associates

ultimately, or under certain contingencies, to serve as an asylum to

themselves and a home to their posterity, there is no room to doubt; but

it is evident that nothing short of circumstances constituting a moral

necessity would have urged persons of their rank, fortunes, and habits

of life to encounter the perils, privations, and hardships attendant

upon the pioneers of civilization in that inhospitable clime.

Accordingly, they for the present contented themselves with sending out

an agent to take possession of these territories and to build a fort.

This was done, and the town called Saybrook, from the united names of

the two noble proprietors, still preserves the memory of the enterprise.

They finally abandoned the whole design, and sold the land in 1636,

probably.--Miss Aikin's _Life of Charles I._, p. 471. Bancroft, vol. i.,

p. 384.]

[Footnote 330: "In one of these embargoed ships had actually embarked

for their voyage across the Atlantic two no less considerable personages

than John Hampden and his kinsman, Oliver Cromwell."--_Life of Hampden_,

by Lord Nugent, vol. i., p. 254. London, 1832.

Lord Nugent has fallen into the vulgar error, an invention, probably, of

the Puritan historian, and unanswerably disproved by a reference to

Parliamentary records. See Miss Aikin's _Life of Charles I._, vol. i.,

p. 472; Bancroft's _History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 411. The

exultation of the Puritan writers on the subject is excessive. They

ascribe all the subsequent misfortunes of Charles I. in connection with

the scheme of Providence to this tyrannical edict, as they call

it.--Russell's _Modern Europe_, vol. ii., p. 237. See Bancroft's

_History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 412.

"Nothing could be more barbarous than this! To impose laws on men which

in conscience they thought they could not comply with, to punish them

for their noncompliance, and continually revile them as undutiful and

disobedient subjects by reason thereof, and yet not permit them

peaceably to depart and enjoy their own opinions in a distant part of

the world, yet dependent on the sovereign: to do all this was base,

barbarous, and inhuman. But persecutors of all ages and nations are near

the same; they are without the feelings and the understandings of men.

Cromwell or Hampden could have given little opposition to the measures

of Charles in the wilds of North America. In England they engaged with

spirit against him, and he had reason to repent his hindering their

voyage. May such at all times be the reward of those who attempt to rule

over their fellow-men with rigor: may they find that they will not be

slaves to kings or priests, but that they know the rights by nature

conferred on them, and will assert them! This will make princes cautious

how they give themselves up to arbitrary counsels, and dread the

consequences of them."--Harris's _Life of Cromwell_, p. 56.]

[Footnote 331: "Mr. Dudley, one of the most respectable of the

governors, was found, at his death, with a copy of verses in his pocket,

which included the following couplet:

"'Let men of God in court and churches watch

O'er such as do a toleration hatch'"--CHALMERS.]

[Footnote 332: "The cutting the hair very close, which seemed supported

by St. Paul's authority, was the chief outward symbol of a Puritan. In

the case of a minister, it was considered essential that the ear should

be thoroughly uncovered. Even after the example of Dr. Owen and other

eminent divines had given a sanction to letting the hair grow, and even

to periwigs, a numerous association was formed at Boston (where Mr. John

Cotton was pastor), with Mr. Endicot, the governor, at their head, the

members of which bound themselves to stand by each other in resisting

long hair to the last extremity. Vane, a young man of birth and fashion,

continued for some time a recusant against the uncouth test of his

principles, but at last we find a letter congratulating him on having

'glorified God by cutting his hair.'"--Hutchinson's _Massachusetts_,

quoted by Murray.]

[Footnote 333: One of Williams's disciples, who held some command, cut

the cross out, and trampled it under foot. This red cross had nearly

subverted the colony. One part of the trained bands would not march

with, another would not march without it.--Mather, Neale, &c., quoted by

Murray.]

[Footnote 334: The town of Providence, now the capital of Rhode Island,

was founded by Williams. The Indian name was Mooshausick, but he changed

it to Providence in commemoration of his wonderful escape from

persecution.--Arfwedson, vol. i., p. 224.]

[Footnote 335: Mather, vol. vii., ch. ii.; Neale, ch. i., p. 138;

Hutchinson, p. 37, 39.]

[Footnote 336: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 337: "Mr. Controller, Sir Harry Vane's eldest son, hath left

his father, his mother, his country, and that fortune which his father

would have left him here, and is for conscience' sake gone into New

England, there to lead the rest of his days, being about twenty years of

age. He had abstained two years from taking the sacrament in England,

because he could get nobody to administer it to him standing."--_Strafford

Letters_, September, 1635, quoted by Miss Aikin, _Life of Charles I._,

vol. i., p. 479.

"Sir Harry Vane returned to England immediately after the loss of his

election. His personal experience of the uncharitableness and

intolerance exercised upon one another by men who had themselves been

the victims of a similar spirit at home, seems to have produced for some

time a tranquilizing effect upon the mind of Vane. He was reconciled to

his father, married by his direction a lady of family, obtained the

place of joint treasurer of the navy, and exhibited for some time no

hostility to the measures of the government. But his fire was smothered

only, not extinguished."--Miss Aikin's _Life of Charles I._, vol. i., p.

481.

"After the Restoration of Charles II., Sir Harry Vane suffered death

upon the block. (See Hallam, vol. ii., p. 443.) The manner of his death

was the admiration of his times."--Bancroft, vol. ii., p. 40.]

[Footnote 338: Boston was the capital of Massachusetts, and the center

of the most fervent Puritanism.

"Boston may be ranked as the seat of the Unitarians, as Baltimore is

that of the Roman Catholics, and Philadelphia that of the Quakers.... No

axiom is more applicable to the pensive, serious, scrutinizing

inhabitant of the New England States than this: 'What I do not

understand, I reject as worthless and false;' so said one of the most

learned men of Boston to me. 'Why occupy the mind with that which is

incomprehensible? Have we not enough of that which appears clear and

plain around us?' ... The greater part of the Bostonians, including

every one of wealth, talents, and learning, have adopted this

doctrine."--Arfwedson, vol. i., p. 179.

"In Boston all the leading men are Unitarians, a creed peculiarly

acceptable to the pride and self-sufficiency of our nature, asserting,

as it does, the independence and perfectibility of man, and denying the

necessity of atonement or sanctification by supernatural influences.

"Though every where in New England the greatest possible decency and

respect with regard to morals and religion is still observed, I have no

hesitation in saying that I do not think the New Englanders a

_religious_ people. The assertion, I know, is paradoxical, but it is

nevertheless true, that is, if a strong and earnest belief be a

necessary element in a religious character: to me it seems to be its

very essence and foundation. I am not now speaking of belief in _the

truth_, but belief in something or any thing which is removed from the

action of the senses.... I am not trusting to my own limited observation

in arriving at this conclusion; I find in M. de Tocqueville's work an

assertion of the same fact. He accounts for it, indeed, in a different

way.... What I complain of is, not the absence of nominal, but of real,

heartfelt, unearthly religion, such as led the Puritan Nonconformists to

sacrifice country and kindred, and brave the dangers of the ocean and

the wilderness for the sake of what they believed God's truth. In my

opinion, those men were prejudiced and mistaken, and committed great and

grievous faults; but there was, at least, a redeeming element in their

character--that of high conscientiousness. There was no compromise of

truth, no sacrifice to expediency about them; they believed in the

invisible, and they acted on that belief. Every where the tone of

religious feeling, since that time, has been altered and relaxed, but

perhaps nowhere so much as in the land where the descendants of those

Pilgrims lived."--Godley's _Letters from America_, vol. ii., p. 90,

133.]

[Footnote 339: "The arbitrary will of the single tyrant, the excesses of

the prerogative, seem light when compared with their (the Puritans')

more intolerant, more arbitrary, and more absolute power."--_Commentaries

on the Life and Reign of Charles I._, vol. iii., p. 28, by I. D'Israeli.

London, 1830.]

[Footnote 340: Mather affirms that the Quakers used to go about saying,

"We deny thy Christ: we deny thy God, whom thou callest Father, Son, and

Spirit; thy Bible is the word of the devil." They used to rise up

suddenly in the midst of a sermon, and call upon the preacher to cease

his abomination. One writer says, "For hellish reviling of the painful

ministers of Christ, I know no people can match them." The following

epithets bestowed by Fisher on Dr. Owen are said to be fair specimens of

their usual addresses: "Thou green-headed trumpeter! thou hedgehog and

grinning dog! thou tinker! thou lizard! thou whirligig! thou firebrand!

thou louse! thou mooncalf! thou ragged tatterdemalion! thou livest in

philosophy and logic, which are of the devil." Even Penn is said to have

addressed the same respected divine as, "Thou bane of reason and beast

of the earth." When the governor or any magistrate came in sight, they

would call out, "Woe to thee, thou oppressor," and in the language of

Scripture prophecy would announce the judgments that were about to fall

upon their head.--Neale, cap. i., p. 341-345. Mather, b. vii., cap. iv.

Hutchinson, p. 196-205.]

[Footnote 341: "Sir Matthew Hale burned two persons for witchcraft in

1664. Three thousand were executed in England during the Long

Parliament. Two pretended witches were executed at Northampton in 1705.

In 1716, Mrs. Hicks and her daughter, aged nine, were hanged at

Huntingdon. The last sufferer in Scotland was in 1722, at Dornoch. The

laws against witchcraft had lain dormant for many years, when an

ignorant person attempting to revive them by finding a bill against a

poor old woman in Surrey for the practice of witchcraft, they were

repealed, 10 George II., 1736."--Viner's _Abridgement_.]

[Footnote 342: Neale, vol. ii., p. 164-170. Mather, vol. ii., p. 62-64.

Arfwedson says, "Close to the town of Salem is Beverley, a small,

insignificant place, remarkable only in the annals of history as having

formerly contained a superstitious population. Many lives have here been

cruelly sacrificed, and the barren hill is still in existence where

persons accused of witchcraft were hung upon tall trees. Tradition

points out the place where the witches of old resided. Cotton Mather

records in a work, truly original for that age, that the good people who

lived near Massachusetts Bay were every night roused from their slumbers

by the sound of a trumpet, summoning all the witches and

demons."--Cotton Mather's _Magnalia_; Arfwedson, vol. i., p. 186.

"And thrice that night the trumpet rang,

And rock and hill replied;

And down the glen strange shadows sprang--

Mortal and fiend--a wizard gang,

Seen dimly, side by side.

"They gathered there from every land

That sleepeth in the sun;

They came with spell and charm in hand,

Waiting their master's high command--

Slaves to the Evil One."--_Legends of New England._]

[Footnote 343: "During the war with Philip, the Indians took some

English alive, and set them upright in the ground, with this sarcasm:

'You English, since you came into this country, have grown considerably

above ground; let us now see how you will grow when planted into the

ground.'"--_Narrative of the Wars in New England_, 1675.-_Harleian

Miscellany_, vol. v., p. 400.]

[Footnote 344: "The Pequods were a powerful nation on the Connecticut

border, who could muster a thousand warriors. The English might have

found it difficult to withstand them but for an alliance with the second

most powerful people, the Narragansets, whose ancient enmity to the

Pequods for a time prevailed over their jealousy of the foreigners. But

at length, when the Pequods were nearly exterminated, the Narragansets,

seeing the power of the strangers paramount, began to side with their

enemies. The Indian chiefs began to imitate the English mode of

fighting, and even to assume English names, with some characteristic

epithet. One-eyed John, Stone-wall John, and Sagamore Sam, kept the

colony in perpetual alarm. But their most deadly and formidable enemy

was Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags. No Indian was ever more dreaded by

civilized man. A century and a half has now elapsed since this hero of

Pokanoket fell a victim to his own race, but even to this day his name

is respected, and the last object supposed to have been touched by him

in his lifetime is considered by every American as a valuable relic.

This extraordinary man, whose real name was Metacom, succeeded his

brother in the government of the Wampanoags. The wrongs and grievances

suffered by this brother, added to those which he had himself

experienced from the English colonists, induced him to engage in a war

against them. The issue might, perhaps, have been less doubtful, had not

one of his followers defeated his plans by a premature explosion before

he had time to summon and concentrate his warriors and allies. From this

time no smiles were seen on his face. But though he soon perceived that

the great enterprise he had formed was likely to be frustrated, he never

lost that elevation of soul which distinguished him to the last moments

of his life. By his exertions and energy, all the Indian nations

occupying the territory between Maine and the River Connecticut, a

distance of nearly 200 miles, took up arms. Every where the name of King

Philip was the signal for massacre and flames. But fraud and treason

soon accomplished what open warfare could not effect; his followers gave

way to numbers; his nearest relations and friends forsook him, and a

treacherous ball at last struck his heart. His head was carried round

the country in triumph, and exposed as that of a traitor; but posterity

has done him justice. Patriotism was his only crime, and his death was

that of a hero."--Arfwedson, vol. i., p. 229.]

[Footnote 345: "This was not the case in the earlier and more northern

settlements, where Mather mentions a clergyman who, from the pulpit,

alluded to this as the main object of his flock's coming out, when one

of the principal members rose and said, 'Sir, you are mistaken; our main

object was to catch fish.'"--Murray's _America_.

"To this day the Council of Massachusets, in the impress of their public

seal, have an Indian engraven, with these words: 'Come over and help

us,' alluding to Acts, xv., 9."--_Narrative of the Wars in New England_,

1675. _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. v., p. 400.]

[Footnote 346: "Among these was the celebrated Eliot. Notwithstanding

the almost incredible hardships endured by Eliot during his missionary

labors, he lived to the age of eighty-six. He expired in 1690, and has

ever since been known by the well-earned title of Apostle to the

Indians."--_Missionary Records_, p. 34.

Dr. Dwight says of him, "He was naturally qualified beyond almost any

other man for the business of a missionary. In promoting among the

Indians agriculture, health, morals, and religion, this great and good

man labored with constancy, faithfulness, and benevolence which place

his name not unworthily among those who are arranged immediately after

the apostles of our Divine Redeemer." Eliot translated the Holy

Scriptures into the Indian language. In 1661, the New Testament,

dedicated to Charles II., was printed at Cambridge, in New England, and

about three years afterward, it was followed by the Old Testament. This

was the first Bible ever printed in America; and, though the impression

consisted of 2000 copies, a second edition was required in

1685.--_Ibid._, p. 27.

"When at Harvard College, a copy of the Bible was shown me by Mr. Jared

Sparks, translated by the missionary, Father Eliot, into the Indian

tongue. It is now a dead language, although preached for several

generations to crowded congregations."--Lyell's _America_, vol. i., p.

260.

"Eliot had become an acute grammarian by his studies at the English

university of Cambridge. Having finished his laborious and difficult

work, the Indian grammar, at the close of it, under a full sense of the

difficulties he had encountered, and the acquisition he had made, he

said, 'Prayers and pains, through faith in Christ Jesus, do any

thing.'"--_Life of Eliot_, p. 55.

"The Honorable Robert Boyle often strengthened Eliot's hands and

encouraged him in his work--he who was not more admirable among

philosophers for his discoveries in science, than he was beloved by

Christians for his active kindness and his pious spirit."--_Ibid._, p.

64.

"Nor was Eliot alone. In the islands round Massachusetts, and within the

limits of the Plymouth patent, missionary zeal and missionary enterprise

were active; and the gentle Mayhew, forgetting the pride of learning,

endeavored to win the natives to a new religion. At a later day, he took

passage for New England to awaken interest there, and the ship in which

he sailed was never more heard of. But such had been the force of his

example, that his father, though bowed down with the weight of seventy

years, resolved on assuming the office of the son whom he had lost, and

till beyond the age of fourscore years and twelve, continued to instruct

the natives, and with the happiest results. The Indians within his

influence, though twenty times more numerous than the whites in their

immediate neighborhood, preserved an immutable friendship with

Massachusetts."--Bancroft's _Hist of the United States_, vol. ii., p.

97. See _Missionary Records_; _Life of Eliot_; Mayhew's _Indian

Converts_; T. Prince's _Account of English Ministers_.]

[Footnote 347: "History has no example to offer of any successful

attempt, however slight, to introduce civilization among savage tribes

in colonies or in their vicinity, except through the influence of

religious missionaries. This is no question of a balance of

advantages--no matter of comparison between opposite systems. I repeat

that no instance can be shown of the reclaiming of savages by any other

influence than that of religion. There are two obvious reasons why such

should be the case: the first, that religion only can supply a motive to

the governors, placed in obscure situations, and without the reach of

responsibility, to act with zeal, perseverance, and charity; the other,

that it alone can supply a motive to the governed to undergo that

alteration of habits through which the reclaimed savage must pass, and

to which the hope of mere temporal advantage will very rarely induce him

to consent." This position is well stated in the words of Southey: 'The

wealth and power of governments may be vainly employed in the endeavor

to conciliate and reclaim brute man, if religious zeal and Christian

charity, in the true import of the word, be wanting.'--Merivale _on

Colonization_, vol. i., p. 289.]

[Footnote 348: "The attempt to organize an Indian priesthood at this

period failed altogether, the converts possessing neither the steadiness

nor the sobriety requisite for the holy office. The duty, therefore,

devolved upon European teachers, who in many cases scarcely obtained the

wages of a day laborer, and that very precariously. The formation,

however, of a society in England for the propagation of the Gospel in

this settlement, and pretty liberal contributions raised in the

principal towns, in some degree remedied these evils. After the lapse of

a few more generations, the Indian character, in its slow but steady

upward progress under the teaching of devoted and enlightened Christian

ministers, underwent a change so effectual, that the native teachers and

preachers of the present day may well bear comparison in zeal, piety,

and eloquence with their European colleagues."--Catlin's _American

Indians_; Cotton's _American Lakes_.]

[Footnote 349: "The Indians about this time (1653) obtained the

appellation of 'Praying Indians,' and the court appointed Major Daniel

Gookin their ruler."--_Life of Eliot_, p. 53.]

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