In the year 1534, Philip Chabot, admiral of France, urged the king to
establish a colony in the New World,[71] by representing to him in
glowing colors the great riches and power derived by the Spaniards from
their transatlantic possessions. Francis I., alive to the importance of
the design, soon agreed to carry it out. JACQUES CARTIER, an experienced
navigator of St. Malo, was recommended by the admiral to be intrusted
with the expedition, and was approved of by the king. On the 20th of
April, 1534, Cartier sailed from St. Malo with two ships of only sixty
tons burden each, and one hundred and twenty men for their crews:[72] he
directed his course westward, inclining rather to the north; the winds
proved so favorable, that on the twentieth day of the voyage he made
Cape Bonavista, in Newfoundland. But the harbors of that dreary country
were still locked up in the winter's ice, forbidding the approach of
shipping: he then bent to the southeast, and at length found anchorage
at St. Catharine, six degrees lower in latitude. Having remained here
ten days, he again turned to the north, and on the 21st of May reached
Bird Island, fourteen leagues from the coast.
Jacques Cartier examined all the northern shores of Newfoundland,
without having ascertained that it was an island, and then passed
southward through the Straits of Belleisle. The country appeared every
where the same bleak and inhospitable wilderness;[73] but the harbors
were numerous, convenient, and abounding in fish. He describes the
natives as well-proportioned men, wearing their hair tied up over their
heads like bundles of hay, quaintly interlaced with birds' feathers.[74]
Changing his course still more to the south, he then traversed the Gulf
of St. Lawrence, approached the main-land, and on the 9th of July
entered a deep bay; from the intense heat experienced there, he named it
the "Baye de Chaleurs." The beauty of the country, and the kindness and
hospitality of his reception, alike charmed him; he carried on a little
trade with the friendly savages, exchanging European goods for their
furs and provisions.
Leaving this bay, Jacques Cartier visited a considerable extent of the
gulf coast; on the 24th of July he erected a cross thirty feet high,
with a shield bearing the fleurs-de-lys of France, on the shore of Gaspe
Bay.[75] Having thus taken possession[76] of the country for his king in
the usual manner of those days, he sailed, the 25th of July, on his
homeward voyage: at this place two of the natives were seized by
stratagem, carried on board the ships, and borne away to France. Cartier
coasted along the northern shores of the Gulf till the 15th of August,
and even entered the mouth of the River St. Lawrence, but the weather
becoming stormy, he determined to delay his departure no longer: he
passed again through the Straits of Belleisle, and arrived at St. Malo
on the 5th of September, 1534, contented with his success, and full of
hope for the future.
Jacques Cartier was received with the consideration due to the
importance of his report. The court at once perceived the advantage of
an establishment in this part of America, and resolved to take steps for
its foundation. Charles de Moncy, Sieur de la Mailleraye, vice-admiral
of France, was the most active patron of the undertaking; through his
influence Cartier obtained a more effective force, and a new commission,
with ampler powers than before. When the preparations for the voyage
were completed, the adventurers all assembled in the Cathedral of St.
Malo, on Whitsunday, 1535, by the command of their pious leader; the
bishop then gave them a solemn benediction, with all the imposing
ceremonials of the Romish Church.
On the 19th of May Jacques Cartier embarked, and started on his voyage
with fair wind and weather. The fleet consisted of three small ships,
the largest being only one hundred and twenty tons burden. Many
adventurers and young men of good family accompanied the expedition as
volunteers. On the morrow the wind became adverse, and rose to a storm;
the heavens lowered over the tempestuous sea; for more than a month the
utmost skill of the mariners could only enable them to keep their ships
afloat, while tossed about at the mercy of the waves. The little fleet
was dispersed on the 25th of June: each vessel then made for the coast
of Newfoundland as it best might. The general's vessel, as that of
Cartier was called, was the first to gain the land, on the 7th of July,
and there awaited her consorts; but they did not arrive till the 26th of
the month. Having taken in supplies of fuel and water, they sailed in
company to explore the Gulf of St. Lawrence. A violent storm arose on
the 1st of August, forcing them to seek shelter. They happily found a
port on the north shore, at the entrance of the Great River, where,
though difficult of access, there was a safe anchorage. Jacques Cartier
called it St. Nicolas, and it is now almost the only place still bearing
the name he gave. They left their harbor on the 7th, coasting westward
along the north shore, and on the 10th came to a gulf filled with
numerous and beautiful islands.[77] Cartier gave this gulf the name of
St. Lawrence, having discovered it on that saint's festival day.[78]
On the 15th of August they reached a long, rocky island toward the
south, which Cartier named L'Isle de l'Assumption, now called
Anticosti.[79] Thence they continued their course, examining carefully
both shores of the Great River,[80] and occasionally holding
communication with the inhabitants, till, on the 1st of September, they
entered the mouth of the deep and gloomy Saguenay. The entrance of this
great tributary was all they had leisure to survey; but the huge rocks,
dense forests, and vast body of water, forming a scene of somber
magnificence such as had never before met their view, inspired them with
an exalted idea of the country they had discovered. Still passing to the
southwest up the St. Lawrence, on the 6th they reached an island
abounding in delicious filberts, and on that account named by the
voyagers Isle aux Coudres. Cartier, being now so far advanced into an
unknown country, looked out anxiously for a port where his vessels might
winter in safety. He pursued his voyage till he came upon another
island, of great extent, fertility, and beauty, covered with woods and
thick, clustering vines. This he named Isle de Bacchus:[81] it is now
called Orleans. On the 7th of September, Donnacona, the chief of the
country,[82] came with twelve canoes filled by his train, to hold
converse with the strangers, whose ships lay at anchor between the
island and the north shore of the Great River. The Indian chief
approached the smallest of the ships with only two canoes, fearful of
causing alarm, and began an oration, accompanied with strange and
uncouth gestures. After a time he conversed with the Indians who had
been seized on the former voyage, and now acted as interpreters. He
heard from them of their wonderful visit to the great nation over the
salt lake, of the wisdom and power of the white men, and of the kind
treatment they had received among the strangers. Donnacona appeared
moved with deep respect and admiration; he took Jacques Cartier's arm
and placed it gently over his own bended neck, in token of confidence
and regard. The admiral cordially returned these friendly
demonstrations. He entered the Indian's canoe, and presented bread and
wine, which they ate and drank together. They then parted in all amity.
After this happy interview, Jacques Cartier, with his boats, pushed up
the north shore against the stream, till he reached a spot where a
little river flowed into a "goodly and pleasant sound," forming a
convenient haven.[83] He moored his vessels here for the winter on the
16th of September, and gave the name of St. Croix to the stream, in
honor of the day on which he first entered its waters; Donnacona,
accompanied by a train of five hundred Indians, came to welcome his
arrival with generous friendship. In the angle formed by the tributary
stream and the Great River, stood the town of Stadacona, the
dwelling-place of the chief; thence an irregular slope ascended to a
lofty height of table-land: from this eminence a bold headland frowned
over the St. Lawrence, forming a rocky wall three hundred feet in
height. The waters of the Great River--here narrowed to less than a mile
in breath--rolled deeply and rapidly past into the broad basin beyond.
When the white men first stood on the summit of this bold headland,
above their port of shelter, most of the country was fresh from the hand
of the Creator; save the three small barks lying at the mouth of the
stream, and the Indian village, no sign of human habitation met their
view. Far as the eye could reach, the dark forest spread; over hill and
valley, mountain and plain; up to the craggy peaks, down to the blue
water's edge; along the gentle slopes of the rich Isle of Bacchus, and
even from projecting rocks, and in fissures of the lofty precipice, the
deep green mantle of the summer foliage hung its graceful folds. In the
dim distance, north, south, east, and west, where mountain rose above
mountain in tumultuous variety of outline, it was still the same; one
vast leafy vail concealed the virgin face of Nature from the stranger's
sight. On the eminence commanding this scene of wild but magnificent
beauty, a prosperous city now stands; the patient industry of man has
felled that dense forest, tree by tree, for miles and miles around, and
where it stood, rich fields rejoice the eye; the once silent waters of
the Great River below now surge against hundreds of stately ships;
commerce has enriched this spot, art adorned it; a memory of glory
endears it to every British heart. But the name QUEBEC[85] still remains
unchanged; as the savage first pronounced it to the white stranger, it
stands to-day among the proudest records of our country's story.
The chief Donnacona and the French continued in friendly intercourse,
day by day exchanging good offices and tokens of regard. But Jacques
Cartier was eager for further discoveries; the two Indian interpreters
told him that a city of much larger size than Stadacona lay further up
the river, the capital of a great country; it was called in the native
tongue Hochelaga; thither he resolved to find his way. The Indians
endeavored vainly to dissuade their dangerous guests from this
expedition; they represented the distance, the lateness of the season,
the danger of the great lakes and rapid currents; at length they had
recourse to a kind of masquerade or pantomime, to represent the perils
of the voyage, and the ferocity of the tribes inhabiting that distant
land. The interpreters earnestly strove to dissuade Jacques Cartier from
proceeding on his enterprise, and one of them refused to accompany him.
The brave Frenchman would not hearken to such dissuasions, and treated
with equal contempt the verbal and pantomimic warnings of the alleged
difficulties. As a precautionary measure to impress the savages with an
exalted idea of his power as a friend or foe, he caused twelve cannon
loaded with bullets to be fired in their presence against a wood; amazed
and terrified at the noise, and the effects of this discharge, they
fled, howling and shrieking, away.
Jacques Cartier sailed for Hochelaga on the 19th of September; he took
with him the Hermerillon, one of his smallest ships, the pinnace, and
two long-boats, bearing thirty-five armed men, with their provisions and
ammunition. The two larger vessels and their crews were left in the
harbor of St. Croix, protected by poles and stakes driven into the water
so as to form a barricade. The voyage presented few of the threatened
difficulties; the country on both sides of the Great River was rich and
varied, covered with stately timber, and abounding in vines. The natives
were every where friendly and hospitable; all that they possessed was
freely offered to the strangers. At a place called Hochelai, the chief
of the district visited the French, and showed much friendship and
confidence, presenting Jacques Cartier with a girl seven years of age,
one of his own children.
On the 29th, the expedition was stopped in Lake St. Pierre by the
shallows, not having hit upon the right channel. Jacques Cartier took
the resolution of leaving his larger vessels behind and proceeding with
his two boats; he met with no further interruption, and at length
reached Hochelaga on the 2d of October, accompanied by De Pontbriand, De
la Pommeraye, and De Gozelle, three of his volunteers. The natives
welcomed him with every demonstration of joy and hospitality; above a
thousand people, of all ages and sexes, come forth to meet the
strangers, greeting them with affectionate kindness. Jacques Cartier, in
return for their generous reception, bestowed presents of tin, beads,
and other bawbles upon all the women, and gave some knives to the men.
He returned to pass the night in the boats, while the savages made great
fires on the shore, and danced merrily all night long. The place where
the French first landed was probably about eleven miles from the city
of Hochelaga, below the rapid of St. Mary.
On the day after his arrival Jacques Cartier proceeded to the town; his
volunteers and some others of his followers accompanied him, arrayed in
full dress; three of the natives undertook to guide them on their way.
The road was well beaten, and bore evidence of having been much
frequented: the country through which it passed was exceedingly rich and
fertile. Hochelaga stood in the midst of great fields of Indian corn; it
was of a circular form, containing about fifty large huts, each fifty
paces long and from fourteen to fifteen wide, all built in the shape of
tunnels, formed of wood, and covered with birch bark; the dwellings were
divided into several rooms, surrounding an open court in the center,
where the fires burned. Three rows of palisades encircled the town, with
only one entrance; above the gate, and over the whole length of the
outer ring of defense, there was a gallery, approached by flights of
steps, and plentifully provided with stones and other missiles to resist
attack. This was a place of considerable importance, even in those
remote days, as the capital of a great extent of country, and as having
eight or ten villages subject to its sway.
The inhabitants spoke the language of the great Huron nation, and were
more advanced in civilization than any of their neighbors: unlike other
tribes, they cultivated the ground and remained stationary. The French
were well received by the people of Hochelaga; they made presents, the
Indians gave fetes; their fire-arms, trumpets, and other warlike
equipments filled the minds of their simple hosts with wonder and
admiration, and their beards and clothing excited a curiosity which the
difficulties of an unknown language prevented from being satisfied. So
great was the veneration for the white men, that the chief of the town,
and many of the maimed, sick, and infirm, came to Jacques Cartier,
entreating him, by expressive signs, to cure their ills. The pious
Frenchman disclaimed any supernatural power, but he read aloud part of
the Gospel of St. John, made the sign of the cross over the sufferers,
and presented them with chaplets and other holy symbols; he then prayed
earnestly that the poor savages might be freed from the night of
ignorance and infidelity. The Indians regarded these acts and words with
deep gratitude and respectful admiration.
Three miles from Hochelaga, there was a lofty hill, well tilled and very
fertile;[86] thither Jacques Cartier bent his way, after having examined
the town. From the summit he saw the river and the country for thirty
leagues around, a scene of singular beauty. To this hill he gave the
name of Mont Royal; since extended to the large and fertile island on
which it stands, and to the city below. Time has now swept away every
trace of Hochelaga; on its site the modern capital of Canada has arisen;
fifty thousand people of European race, and stately buildings of carved
stone, replace the simple Indians and the huts of the ancient town.
Jacques Cartier, having made his observations, returned to the boats,
attended by a great concourse; when any of his men appeared fatigued
with their journey, the kind Indians carried them on their shoulders.
This short stay of the French seemed to sadden and displease these
hospitable people, and on the departure of the boats they followed their
course for some distance along the banks of the river. On the 4th of
October Jacques Cartier reached the shallows, where the pinnace had been
left; he resumed his course the following day, and arrived at St. Croix
on the 11th of the same month.
The men who had remained at St. Croix had busied themselves during their
leader's absence in strengthening their position, so as to secure it
against surprise, a wise precaution under any circumstances among a
savage people, but especially in the neighborhood of a populous town,
the residence of a chief whose friendship they could not but distrust,
in spite of his apparent hospitality.
The day after Jacques Cartier's arrival, Donnacona came to bid him
welcome, and entreated him to visit Stadacona. He accepted the
invitation, and proceeded with his volunteers and fifty sailors to the
village, about three miles from where the ships lay. As they journeyed
on, they observed that the houses were well provided and stored for the
coming winter, and the country tilled in a manner showing that the
inhabitants were not ignorant of agriculture; thus they formed, on the
whole, a favorable impression of the docility and intelligence of the
Indians during this expedition.
When the awful and unexpected severity of the winter set in, the French
were unprovided with necessary clothing and proper provisions; the
scurvy attacked them, and by the month of March twenty-five were dead,
and nearly all were infected; the remainder would probably have also
perished; but when Jacques Cartier was himself attacked with the
dreadful disease, the Indians revealed to him the secret of its cure:
this was the decoction of the leaf and bark of a certain tree, which
proved so excellent a remedy that in a few days all were restored to
health.[87]
Jacques Cartier, on the 21st of April, was first led to suspect the
friendship of the natives from seeing a number of strong and active
young men make their appearance in the neighboring town; these were
probably the warriors of the tribe, who had just then returned from the
hunting grounds, where they had passed the winter, but there is now no
reason to suppose that their presence indicated any hostility. However,
Jacques Cartier, fearing treachery, determined to anticipate it. He had
already arranged to depart for France. On the 3d of May he seized the
chief, the interpreters, and two other Indians, to present them to
Francis I.: as some amends for this cruel and flagrant violation of
hospitality, he treated his prisoners with great kindness; they soon
became satisfied with their fate. On the 6th of May he made sail for
Europe, and, after having encountered some difficulties and delays,
arrived safely at St. Malo the 8th of July, 1536.
The result of Jacques Cartier's expedition was not encouraging to the
spirit of enterprise in France; no mines had been discovered,[88] no
rare and valuable productions found.[89] The miserable state to which
the adventurers had been reduced by the rigorous climate and loathsome
diseases, the privations they had endured, the poverty of their
condition, were sufficient to cool the ardor of those who might
otherwise have wished to follow up their discoveries. But, happily for
the cause of civilization, some of those powerful in France judged more
favorably of Jacques Cartier's reports, and were not to be disheartened
by the unsuccessful issue of one undertaking; the dominion over such a
vast extent of country, with fertile soil and healthy climate, inhabited
by a docile and hospitable people, was too great an object to be lightly
abandoned. The presence of Donnacona, the Indian chief, tended to keep
alive an interest in the land whence he had come; as soon as he could
render himself intelligible in the French language, he confirmed all
that had been said of the salubrity, beauty, and richness of his native
country. The pious Jacques Cartier most of all strove to impress upon
the king the glory and merit of extending the blessed knowledge of a
Savior to the dark and hopeless heathens of the West; a deed well worthy
of the prince who bore the title of Most Christian King and Eldest Son
of the Church.
Jean Francois de la Roque, lord of Roberval, a gentleman of Picardy, was
the most earnest and energetic of those who desired to colonize the
lands discovered by Jacques Cartier; he bore a high reputation in his
own province, and was favored by the friendship of the king. With these
advantages he found little difficulty in obtaining a commission to
command an expedition to North America; the title and authority of
lieutenant general and viceroy was conferred upon him; his rule to
extend over Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle,
Carpon, Labrador, La Grand Baye, and Baccalaos, with the delegated
rights and powers of the crown. This patent was dated the 15th of
January, 1540. Jacques Cartier was named second in command. The orders
to the leaders of the expedition enjoined them to discover more than had
been hitherto accomplished, and, if possible, to reach the country of
Saguenay, where, from some reports of the Indians, they still hoped to
find mines of gold and silver. The port of St. Malo was again chosen for
the fitting out of the expedition: the king furnished a sum of money to
defray the expenses.[90]
Jacques Cartier exerted himself vigorously in preparing the little fleet
for the voyage, and awaited the arrival of his chief with the necessary
arms, stores, and ammunition; Roberval was meanwhile engaged at Honfleur
in fitting out two other vessels at his own cost, and being urged to
hasten by the king, he gave his lieutenant orders to start at once, with
full authority to act as if he himself were present. He also promised to
follow from Honfleur with all the required supplies. Jacques Cartier
sailed on the 23d of May, 1541, having provisioned his fleet for two
years. Storms and adverse winds dispersed the ships for some time, but
in about a month they all met again on the coast of Newfoundland, where
they hoped Roberval would join them. They awaited his coming for some
weeks, but at length proceeded without him to the St. Lawrence; on the
23d of August they reached their old station near the magnificent
headland of Quebec.
Donnacona's successor as chief of the Indians at Stadacona came in state
to welcome the French on their return, and to inquire after his absent
countrymen. They told him of the chief's death, but concealed the fate
of the other Indians, stating that they were enjoying great honor and
happiness in France, and would not return to their own country. The
savages displayed no symptoms of anger, surprise, or distrust at this
news; their countenances exhibited the same impassive calm, their
manners the same quiet dignity as ever; but from that hour their hearts
were changed; hatred and hostility took the place of admiration and
respect, and a sad foreboding of their approaching destruction darkened
their simple minds. Henceforth the French were hindered and molested by
the inhabitants of Stadacona to such an extent that it was deemed
advisable to seek another settlement for the winter. Jacques Cartier
chose his new position at the mouth of a small river three leagues
higher on the St. Lawrence;[91] here he laid up some of his vessels
under the protection of two forts, one on a level with the water, the
other on the summit of an overhanging cliff; these strongholds
communicated with each other by steps cut in the solid rock; he gave the
name of Charlesbourg Royal to this new station. The two remaining
vessels of the fleet he sent back to France with letters to the king,
stating that Roberval had not yet arrived.
Under the impression that the country of the Saguenay, the land of
fabled wealth, could be reached by pursuing the line of the St.
Lawrence, Jacques Cartier set forth to explore the rapids above
Hochelaga on the 7th of September, 1541. The season being so far
advanced, he only undertook this expedition with a view to being better
acquainted with the route, and to being provided with all necessary
preparations for a more extensive exploration in the spring. In passing
up the Great River he renewed acquaintance with the friendly and
hospitable chief of Hochelai, and there left two boys under charge of
the Indians to learn the language. On the 11th he reached the sault or
rapids above Hochelaga, where the progress of the boats was arrested by
the force of the stream; he then landed and made his way to the second
rapid. The natives gave him to understand that above the next sault
there lay a great lake; Cartier, having obtained this information,
returned to where he had left the boats; about four hundred Indians had
assembled and met him with demonstrations of friendship; he received
their good offices and made them presents in return, but still regarded
them with distrust on account of their unusual numbers. Having gained
as much information as he could, he set out on his return to
Charlesbourg Royal, his winter-quarters. The chief was absent when
Jacques Cartier stopped at Hochelai on descending the river; he had gone
to Stadacona to hold counsel with the natives of that district for the
destruction of the white men. On arriving at Charlesbourg Royal, Jacques
Cartier found confirmation of his suspicions against the Indians; they
now avoided the French, and never approached the ships with their usual
offerings of fish and other provisions; a great number of men had also
assembled at Stadacona. He accordingly made every possible preparation
for defense in the forts, and took due precautions against a surprise.
There are no records extant of the events of this winter in Canada, but
it is probable that no serious encounter took place with the natives;
the French, however, must have suffered severely from the confinement
rendered necessary by their perilous position, as well as from want of
the provisions and supplies which the bitter climate made requisite.
Roberval, though high-minded and enterprising, failed in his engagements
with Jacques Cartier: he did not follow his adventurous lieutenant with
the necessary and promised supplies till the spring of the succeeding
year. On the 16th of April, 1542, he at length sailed from Rochelle with
three large vessels, equipped principally at the royal cost. Two hundred
persons accompanied him, some of them being gentlemen of condition,
others men and women purposing to become settlers in the New World. Jean
Alphonse, an experienced navigator of Saintonge, by birth a Portuguese,
was pilot of the expedition. After a very tedious voyage, they entered
the Road of St. John's, Newfoundland, on the 8th of June, where they
found no fewer than seventeen vessels engaged in the inexhaustible
fisheries of those waters.
While Roberval indulged in a brief repose at this place, the unwelcome
appearance of Jacques Cartier filled him with disappointment and
surprise. The lieutenant gave the hostility of the savages and the
weakness of his force as reasons for having abandoned the settlement
where he had passed the winter. He still, however, spoke favorably of
the richness and fertility of the country, and gladdened the eyes of
the adventurers by the sight of a substance that resembled gold ore, and
crystals that they fancied were diamonds, found on the bold headland of
Quebec. But, despite these flattering reports and promising specimens,
Jacques Cartier and his followers could not be induced, by entreaties or
persuasions, to return. The hardships and dangers of the last terrible
winter were too fresh in memory, and too keenly felt, to be again
braved. They deemed their portion of the contract already complete, and
the love of their native land overcame the spirit of adventure, which
had been weakened, if not quenched, by recent disappointment and
suffering. To avoid the chance of an open rupture with Roberval, the
lieutenant silently weighed anchor during the night, and made all sail
for France. This inglorious withdrawal from the enterprise paralyzed
Roberval's power, and deferred the permanent settlement of Canada for
generations then unborn. Jacques Cartier died soon after his return to
Europe.[92] Having sacrificed his fortune in the pursuit of discovery,
his heirs were granted an exclusive privilege of trade to Canada for
twelve years, in consideration of his sacrifices for the public good;
but this gift was revoked four months after it was bestowed.
Roberval determined to proceed on his expedition, although deprived of
the powerful assistance and valuable experience of his lieutenant. He
sailed from Newfoundland for Canada, and reached Cap Rouge, the place
where Jacques Cartier had wintered, before the end of June, 1542. He
immediately fortified himself there, as the situation best adapted for
defense against hostility, and for commanding the navigation of the
Great River. Very little is known of Roberval's proceedings during the
remainder of that year and the following winter. The natives do not
appear to have molested the new settlers; but no progress whatever was
made toward a permanent establishment. During the intense cold, the
scurvy caused fearful mischief among the French; no fewer than fifty
perished from that dreadful malady during the winter. Demoralized by
misery and idleness, the little colony became turbulent and lawless, and
Roberval was obliged to resort to extreme severity of punishment before
quiet and discipline were re-established.
Toward the close of April the ice broke up, and released the French from
their weary and painful captivity. On the 5th of June, 1543, Roberval
set forth from Cap Rouge to explore the province of Saguenay, leaving
thirty men and an officer to protect their winter-quarters: this
expedition produced no results, and was attended with the loss of one of
the boats and eight men. In the mean time the pilot, Jean Alphonse, was
dispatched to examine the coasts north of Newfoundland, in hopes of
discovering a passage to the East Indies; he reached the fifty-second
degree of latitude, and then abandoned the enterprise; on returning to
Europe, he published a narrative of Roberval's expedition and his own
voyage, with a tolerably accurate description of the River St. Lawrence,
and its navigation upward from the Gulf. Roberval reached France in
1543; the war between Francis I. and the Emperor Charles V. for some
years occupied his ardent spirit, and supplied him with new occasions
for distinction, till the death of the king, his patron and friend, in
1547. In the year 1549 he collected some adventurous men, and,
accompanied by his brave brother, Achille, sailed once again for Canada;
but none of this gallant band were ever heard of more. Thus, for many a
year, were swallowed up in the stormy Atlantic all the bright hopes of
founding a new nation in America:[93] since these daring men had failed,
none others might expect to be successful.
In the reign of Henry II., attention was directed toward Brazil;
splendid accounts of its wealth and fertility were brought home by some
French navigators who had visited that distant land. The Admiral Gaspard
de Coligni was the first to press upon the king the importance of
obtaining a footing in South America, and dividing the magnificent prize
with the Portuguese monarch. This celebrated man was convinced that an
extensive system of colonization was necessary for the glory and
tranquillity of France. He purposed that the settlement in the New World
should be founded exclusively by persons holding that Reformed faith to
which he was so deeply attached, and thus would be provided a refuge for
those driven from France by religious proscription and persecution. It
is believed that Coligni's magnificent scheme comprehended the
possession of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, gradually colonizing
the banks of these great rivers into the depths of the Continent, till
the whole of North America, from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Gulf of
Mexico, should be hemmed in by this gigantic line of French outposts.
However, the first proposition was to establish a colony on the coast of
Brazil; the king approved the project, and Durand de Villegagnon,
vice-admiral of Brittany, was selected to command in 1555; the
expedition, however, entirely failed, owing to religious differences.
Under the reigns of Francis II. and Charles IX., while France was
convulsed with civil war, America seemed altogether forgotten. But
Coligni availed himself of a brief interval of calm to turn attention
once more to the Western World. He this time bethought himself of that
country to which Ponce de Leon had given the name of Florida, from the
exuberant productions of the soil and the beauty of the scenery and
climate. The River Mississippi[94] had been discovered by Ferdinand de
Soto,[95] about the time of Jacques Cartier's last voyage, 1543;
consequently, the Spaniards had this additional claim upon the
territory, which, they affirmed, they had visited in 1512, twelve years
before the date of Verazzano's voyage in 1524. However, the claims and
rights of the different European nations upon the American Continent
were not then of sufficient strength to prevent each state from pursuing
its own views of occupation. Coligni obtained permission from Charles
IX. to attempt the establishment of a colony in Florida,[96] about the
year 1562. The king was the more readily induced to approve of this
enterprise, as he hoped that it would occupy the turbulent spirits of
the Huguenots, many of them his bitter enemies, and elements of discord
in his dominions. On the 18th of February, 1562, Jean de Ribaut, a
zealous Protestant, sailed from Dieppe with two vessels and a picked
crew; many volunteers, including some gentlemen of condition, followed
his fortunes. He landed on the coast of Florida, near St. Mary's River,
where he established a settlement and built a fort. Two years afterward
Coligni sent out a re-enforcement, under the command of Rene de
Laudonniere; this was the only portion of the admiral's great scheme
ever carried into effect: when he fell, in the awful massacre of Saint
Bartholomew, his magnificent project was abandoned. (1568.) After six
years of fierce struggle with the Spaniards, the survivors of this
little colony returned to France.[97]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 71: Hist. de la Nouvelle France, par le Pere Charlevoix, de la
Compagnie de Jesus, vol. i., p. 11; Fastes Chronologiques, 1534.]
[Footnote 72: Prima Relatione de Jacques Cartier della Terra Nouva,
detta la Nouva Francia, in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 435.]
[Footnote 73: "Se la terra fosse cosi buono; come vi sono buoni porti,
sarebbe un gran bene, ma ella non si debba chiamar Terra Nouva, anzi
sassi e grebani salvatichi, e proprij luoghi da fiere, per cio che in
tutto l'isola di Tramontana--[translated by Hakluyt "the northern part
of the island"]--io non vidi tanta terra che se ne potesse coricar un
carro, e vi smontai in parecchi luoghi, e all' isola di Bianco Sabbione
non v'e altro che musco, e piccioli spini dispersi, secchi, e morti, e
in somma io penso che questa sia la terra che Iddio dette a Caino."--J.
Cartier, in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 436.
The journal of the first two voyages of Cartier is preserved almost
entire in the "Histoire de la Nouvelle France," by L'Escarbot; there is
an Italian translation in the third volume of Ramusio. They are written
in the third person, and it does not appear that he was himself the
author.]
[Footnote 74: "Sono uomini d'assai bella vita e grandezza ma indomiti e
salvatichi: portano i capelli in cuna legati e stretti a guisa d'un
pugno di fieno rivolto, mettendone in mezzo un legnetto, o altra cosa in
vece di chiodo, e vi legano insieme certe penne d'uccelli."--J. Cartier,
in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 436.]
[Footnote 75: De Laet., vol. i., p. 58.]
[Footnote 76: This was ingeniously represented to the natives as a
religious ceremony, and, as such, excited nothing but the "grandissima
ammirazione" of the natives present; it was, however, differently
understood by their chief. "Ma essendo noi ritornati alle nostra navi,
venne il Capitano lor vestito d'im pella vecchia d'orso negro in una
barca con tre suoi figliuoli, e ci fece un lungo sermone mostrandaci
detta croce e facendo il segno della croce con due dita poi ci mostrava
la terra tutta intorno di noi come s'avesse voluto dice che tutta era
sua, e che noi non dovevamo piantar detta croce senza sua licenza."--J.
Cartier, in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 439.]
[Footnote 77: "Trovavamo un molto bello e gran golfo pieno d'isole e
buone entrate e passaggi, verso qual vento si possa fare."--J. Cartier,
in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 441.]
[Footnote 78: "Carthier donna au golphe le nom de St. Laurent, ou plutot
il le donna a une baye qui est entre l'isle d'Anticoste et la cote
septentrionale, d'ou ce nom s'est etendu a tout le golphe dont cette
baye fait partie."--_Hist. de la Nouvelle France_, tom. i., p. 15.]
[Footnote 79: "Des sauvages l'appelloient Natiscotec, le nom d'Anticosti
parait lui avoir ete donne par les Anglais."--Charlevoix, tom. i., p.
16. This island is one hundred and twenty-five miles long, and in its
widest part thirty miles, dividing the River St. Lawrence into two
channels. Throughout its whole extent it has neither bay nor harbor
sufficiently safe to shelter ships. It is uncultivated, being generally
of an unprofitable soil, upon which any attempted improvements have met
with very unpromising results. Since the year 1809, establishments have
been formed on the island for the relief of shipwrecked persons; two men
reside there, at two different stations, all the year round, furnished
with provisions for the use of those who may have the misfortune to need
them. Boards are placed in different parts describing the distance and
direction to these friendly spots; instances of the most flagrant
inattention have, however, occurred, which were attended with the most
distressing and fatal consequences."--Bonchette, vol. i., p. 169.
"At present the whole island might be purchased for a few hundred
pounds. It belongs to some gentlemen in Quebec; and you might, for a
very small sum, become one of the greatest land-owners in the world, and
a Canadian _seigneur_ into the bargain."--Grey's _Canada_.]
[Footnote 80: This is the first discovery of the River St. Lawrence,
called by the natives the River Hochelaga, or the River of Canada.
Jacques Cartier accurately determined the breadth of its mouth ninety
miles across. Cape Rosier, a small distance to the north of the point of
Gaspe, is properly the place which marks the opening of the gigantic
river. "V'e tra le terre d'ostro e quelle di tramontana la distantia di
trenta leghe in circa, e piu di dugento braccia di fondo. Ci dissero
anche i detti salvatichi e certificarono quivi essere il cammino e
principio del gran fiume di Hochelaga e strada di Canada."--J. Cartier,
in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 442.
J. Cartier always afterward speaks of the St. Lawrence as the River of
Hochelaga, or Canada. Charlevoix says, "Parceque le fleuve qu'on
appelloit auparavant la Riviere de Canada se decharge dans le Golphe de
St. Laurent, il a insensiblement pris le nom de Fleuve de St. Laurent,
qu'il porte aujourd'hui (1720)."]
[Footnote 81: "Lorsque Jacques Carthier decouvrit cette ile, il la
trouva toute remplie de vignes, et la nomma l'Ile de Bacchus. Ce
navigateur etait Breton, apres lui sont venus des Normands qui ont
arrache les vignes et a Bacchus ont substitute Pomone et Ceres. En effet
elle produit de bon froment et d'excellent fruits."--_Journal
Historique_, lettre ii., p. 102.
Charlevoix also mentions that, when he visited the islands in 1720, the
inhabitants were famed for their skill in sorcery, and were supposed to
hold intercourse with the devil!
The Isle of Orleans was, in 1676, created an earldom, by the title of
St. Laurent, which, however, has long been extinct. The first Comte de
St. Laurent was of the name of Berthelot.--Charlevoix, vol. v., p. 99.]
[Footnote 82: "Il signor de Canada (chiamato Donnacona per nome, ma per
signore il chiamano Agouhanna)."--J. Cartier, in Ramusio, tom. iii., p.
442. Agouhanna signified chief or lord.
Here, says Jacques Cartier, begins the country of Canada. "Il settimo
giorno di detto mese la vigilia della Madonna, dopo udita la messa ci
partimmo dall' isola de' nocellari per andar all'insu di detta fiume, e
arrivamo a quattordici isole distanti dall' isola de Nocellari intorno
setto in otto leghe, e quivi e il principio della provincia, e terra di
Canada."--J. Cartier, in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 442.]
[Footnote 83: The writer of these pages adds the testimony of an
eye-witness to the opinion of the ingenious author of the "Picture of
Quebec," as to the localities here described. The old writers, even
Charlevoix himself, have asserted that the "Port St. Croix was at the
entrance of the river now called Jacques Cartier, which flows into the
St. Lawrence about fifteen miles above Quebec." Charlevoix, indeed,
mentions that "Champlain pretend que cette riviere est celle de St.
Charles, mais," he adds, "il se trompe," &c. However, the localities are
still unchanged; though three centuries have since elapsed, the
description of Jacques Cartier is easily recognized at the present day,
and marks out the mouth of the little River St. Charles[84] as the first
winter station of the Europeans in Canada. The following are J.
Cartier's words: "Per cercar luogo e porto sicuro da metter le nave, e
andammo al contrario per detto fiume intorno di dieci leghe costezziando
detta isola (di Bacchus) e in capo di quella trovammo un gorgo d'acqua
bello e ameno ("the beautiful basin of Quebec," as it is called in the
"Picture of Quebec")--nel quel luogo e un picciol fiume e porto, dove
per il flusso e alta l'acqua intorno a tre braccia, ne parve questo
luogo comodo per metter le nostre navi, per il che quivi le mettemmo in
sicuro, e lo chiamammo Santa Croce, percio che nel detto giorno v' eramo
giunti.... Alla riva e lito di quell' isola di Bacchus verso ponente v'e
un goejo d'acque molto bello e dilettevole, e convenientemente da
mettere navilij, dove e uno stretto del detto fiume molto corrente e
profondo ma non e lungo piu d'un terzo di lega intorno, per traverso del
quale vi e una terra tutta di colline di buona altezza ... quive e la
stanza e la terra di Donnacona, e chiamasi il luogo Stadacona ... sotto
la qual alta terra verso tramontana e il fiume e porto di Santa Croce,
nel qual luogo e porto siamo stati dalli 15 di Settembre fino alli 16 di
Maggio 1536, nel qual luogo le navi rimasero in secco." The "one place"
in the River St. Lawrence, "deep and swift running," means, of course,
that part directly opposite the Lower Town, and no doubt it appeared, by
comparison, "very narrow" to those who had hitherto seen the noble river
only in its grandest forms. The town of Stadacona stood on that part of
Quebec which is now covered by the suburbs of St. Roch, with part of
those of St. John, looking toward the St. Charles. The area, or ground
adjoining, is thus described by Cartier, as it appeared three centuries
ago: "terra Tanta buona, quanto sia possibile di vedere, e e molto
fertile, piena di bellissimi arbori della sorte di quelli di Francia,
come sarebbeno quercie, olmi, frassine, najare, nassi, cedri, vigne,
specie bianchi, i quali producono il frutto cosi grosso come susine
damaschini, e di molte altre specie d'arbori, sotto de quali vi nasce e
cresce cosi bel canapo come quel di Francia, e nondimeno vi nasce senza
semenza, e senza opera umana o lavoro alcuno."--Jacques Cartier, in
Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 443, 449, 450.
The exact spot in the River St. Charles where the French passed the
winter is supposed, on good authority, to have been the site of the old
bridge, called Dorchester Bridge, where there is a ford at low water,
close to the Marine Hospital. That it was on the east bank, not far from
the residence of Charles Smith, Esq., is evident from the river having
been frequently crossed by the natives coming from Stadacona to visit
the French.--_Picture of Quebec_, p. 43-46; 1834.]
[Footnote 84: It received this name, according to La Potherie, in
compliment to Charles des Boues, grand vicar of Pontoise, founder of the
first mission of Recollets in New France. The River St. Charles was
called Coubal Coubat by the natives, from its windings and
meanderings.--Smith's _Canada_, vol. i., p. 104.]
[Footnote 85: "Quebec en langue Algonquine signifie _retrecissement_.
Les Abenaquis dont la langue est une dialecte Algonquine, le nomment
Quelibec, qui veut dire _ce qui est ferme_, parceque de l'entree de la
petite riviere de la Chaudiere par ou ces sauvages venaient a Quebec, le
port de Quebec ne paroit qu'une grande barge."--Charlevoix, vol. i., p.
50.
"Trouvant un lieu le plus etroit de la riviere que les habitans du pays
nomment Quebec;" "la pointe de Quebec, ainsi appellee des
sauvages."--Champlain, vol. i., p. 115, 124.
Others give a Norman derivation for the word: it is said that Quebec was
so called after Caudebec, on the Seine.
La Potherie's words are: "On tient que les Normands qui etoient avec J.
Cartier a sa premiere decouverte, apercevant en bout de l'isle
d'Orleans, un cap fort eleve, s'ecrierent 'Quel bec!' et qu' a la suite
du tems la nom de Quebec lui est reste. Je ne suis point garant de cette
etymologie." Mr. Hawkins terms this "a derivation entirely illusory and
improbable," and asserts that the word is of Norman origin. He gives an
engraving of a seal belonging to William de la Pole, earl of Suffolk,
dated in the 7th of Henry V., or A.D. 1420. The legend or motto is,
"Sigillum Willielmi de la Pole, Comitis Suffolckiae, Domine de Hamburg et
de Quebec." Suffolk was impeached by the Commons of England in 1450, and
one of the charges brought against him was, his unbounded influence in
Normandy, where he lived and ruled like an independent prince; it is
not, therefore, improbable that he enjoyed the French title of Quebec in
addition to his English honors.
The Indian name Stadacona had perished before the time of Champlain,
owing, probably, to the migration of the principal tribe and the
succession of others. The inhabitants of Hochelaga, we are told by
Jacques Cartier, were the only people in the surrounding neighborhood
who were not migratory.]
[Footnote 86: "In mezzo di quelle campagne, e posta la terra d'Hochelaga
appresso e congiunta con una montagna coltivata tutta attorno e molto
fertile, sopra la qual si vede molto lontano. Noi la chiamammo il Monto
Regal.... Parecchi uomini e donne ci vennero a condur e menar sopra la
montagna, qui dinanzi detta, la qual chiamammo Monte Regal, distante da
detto luogo poco manco d'un miglio, sopra la quale essendo noi, vedemmo
e avemmo notitia di piu di trenta leghe attorno di quella, e verso la
parte di tramontana si vede una continuazione di montagne, li quali
corrono avante e ponente, e altra tante verso il mezzo giorno, fra le
quali montagna e la terra, piu bella che sia possibile a veder."--J.
Cartier, in Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 447, 448.
"Cartier donna le nom de Mont Royal a la montagne au pied de laquelle
etoit la bourgade de Hochelaga. Il decouvrit de la une grande etendue de
pays dont la vue le charma, et avec raison, car il en est peu au monde
de plus beau et de meilleur."--Charlevoix, tom. i., p. 20.]
[Footnote 87: "This tree is supposed to have been the spruce fir, _Pinus
Canadensis_. It is called 'Ameda' by the natives. Spruce-beer is known
to be a powerful anti-scorbutic."--Champlain. part i., p. 124.
Charlevoix calls the tree _Epinette Blanche_.]
[Footnote 88: Any information given by the natives as to the existence
of mines was vague and unsatisfactory, "Poscia ci mostrarono con segni,
che passate dette tre cadute si poteva navigar per detto fiume il spazio
di tre lune: noi pensammo che quello sia il fiume che passa per il passe
di Saguenay, e senza che li facessimo dimanda presero la catena del
subiotto del capitano che era d'argento, e il manico del pugnale di uno
de nostre compagni marinari, qual era d'ottone giallo quanto l'oro, e ci
mostrarono che quello veniva di sopra di detto fiume ... Il capitan
mostro loro del rame rosso, qual chiamano _Caignetadze_ dimostrandoli
con segni voltandosi verso detto paese li dimandava se veniva da quelle
parti, e eglino cominciarono a crollar il capo, volendo dir no, ma ben
ne significarono che veniva da _Saguenay_.
"Piu ci hanno detto e fatto intendere, che in quel paese di _Saguenay_
sono genti vestite di drappi come noi, ... e che hanno gran quantita
d'oro e rame rosso ... e che gli nomini e donne di quella terra sono
vestite di pelli come loro, noi li dimandammo se ci e oro e rame rosso,
ci risposero di si. Io penso che questo luogo sia verso la Florida per
quanto ho potuto intendere dalli loro segni e indicij."--J. Cartier, in
Ramusio, tom. iii., p. 448-450.]
[Footnote 89: The only valuable the natives seemed to have in their
possession was a substance called _esurgny_, white as snow, of which
they made beads and wore them about their necks. This they looked upon
as the most precious gift they could bestow on the white men. The mode
in which it was prepared is said by Cartier to be the following: When
any one was adjudged to death for a crime, or when their enemies are
taken in war, having first slain the person, they make long gashes over
the whole of the body, and sink it to the bottom of the river in a
certain place, where the esurgny abounds. After remaining ten or twelve
hours, the body is drawn up and the esurgny or _cornibotz_ is found in
the gashes. These necklaces of beads the French found had the power to
stop bleeding at the nose. It is supposed that in the above account the
French misunderstood the natives or were imposed upon by them; and there
is no doubt that the "valuable substance" described by Cartier was the
Indian wampum.]
[Footnote 90: See Appendix, No. XIV. (see Vol II)]
[Footnote 91: The precise spot on which the upper fort of Jacques
Cartier was built, afterward enlarged by Roberval, has been fixed by an
ingenious gentleman at Quebec at the top of Cape Rouge Height, a short
distance from the handsome villa of Mr. Atkinson. A few months ago, Mr.
Atkinson's workmen, in leveling the lawn in front of the house, and
close to the point of Cape Rouge Height, found beneath the surface some
loose stones which had apparently been the foundation of some building
or fortification. Among these stones were found several iron balls of
different sizes, adapted to the caliber of the ship guns used at the
period of Jacques Cartier's and Roberval's visit. Upon the whole, the
evidence of the presence of the French at Cape Rouge may be considered
as conclusive. Nor is there any good reason to doubt that Roberval took
up his quarters in the part which Jacques Cartier had left.--_Picture of
Quebec_, p. 62-469.]
[Footnote 92: Jacques Cartier was born at St. Malo about 1500. The day
of his birth can not be discovered, nor the time and place of his death.
Most probably he finished his useful life at St. Malo; for we find,
under the date of the 29th of November, 1549, that the celebrated
navigator with his wife, Catharine des Granges, founded an obit in the
Cathedral of St. Malo, assigning the sum of four francs for that
purpose. The mortuary registers of St. Malo make no mention of his
death, nor is there any tradition on the subject.]
[Footnote 93: The name of America was first given to the New World in
1507. "L'opinion anciennement emise et encore tres repandue que Vespuce,
dans l'exercice de son emploi de Piloto mayor, et charge de corriger les
cartes hydrographiques de 1508 a 1512, ait profite de sa position pour
appeler de son nom le Nouveau Monde, n'a aucun fondement. La
denomination d'Amerique a ete proposee loin de Seville, en Lorraine, en
1507, une annee avant la creation de l'office d'un Piloto mayor de
Indias. Les Mappe Mondes qui portent le nom d'Amerique n'ont paru que 8
our 10 ans apres la mort de Vespuce, et dans des pays sur lequels ni lui
ni ses parents n'exercaient aucune influence. Il est probable que
Vespuce n'a jamais su quelle dangereuse gloire on lui preparoit a Saint
Die, dans un petit endroit, situe au pied des Vosges, et dont
vraisembablement le nom meme lui etoit inconnu. Jusqu' a l'epoque de sa
mort, le mot Amerique, employe comme denomination d'un continent ne
s'est trouve imprime que dans deux seuls ouvrages, dans la Cosmographiae
Introductio de Martin Waldseemuller, et dans le Globus Mundi (Argentor,
1509). On n'a jusqu'ici aucun rapport direct de Waldseemuller
imprimateur de Saint Die, avec le navigateur Florentin."--Humboldt's
_Geogr. du Nouveau Continent_, vol. v., p. 206.]
[Footnote 94: Nomoesi-Sipu, _Fish River_, Moesisip by corruption. This
river is called Cucagna by Garcilasso.]
[Footnote 95: For the romantic details of Ferdinand de Soto's perilous
enterprise, see Vega Garcilasso de Florida del Ynca, b. i., ch. iii.,
iv.; Herrera, Dec. VI., b. vii., ch. ix.; Purchas, 4, 1532; "Purchas,
his Pilgrimage," otherwise called "Hackluytus Posthumus;" a voluminous
compilation by a chaplain of Archbishop Abbot's, designed to comprise
whatever had been related concerning the religion of all nations, from
the earliest times.--Miss Aikin's _Charles I._, vol. i., p. 39.]
[Footnote 96: "La colonie Francaise etablie sous Charles IX. comprenoit
la partie meridionnale de la Caroline Angloise, la Nouvelle Georgie,
d'aujourd'hui (1740) San Matteo, appelle par Laudonniere Caroline en
l'honneur du roi Charles, St. Augustin, et tout ce que les Espagnols ont
sur cette cote jusqu'au Cap Francois, n'a jamais ete appellee autrement
que la Floride Francaise, ou la Nouvelle France, ou la France
Occidentale."--Charlevoix, tom. vi., p. 383.]
[Footnote 97: See Appendix, Nos. XV., XVI. (see Vol II)]