POLITICAL.
It is not possible, even in the most cursory account of life and
manners in Hungary, to escape all mention of the conflicting political
interests which are making of Austro-Hungary one of the most curious
ethnographical problems ever presented by history. Taking even
Transylvania alone, we should find quite enough to fill a whole volume
merely by describing the respective relations of the different races
peopling the country. In addition to various minor nationalities, we
find here no less than three principal races diametrically opposed
to each other in origin, language, habits, and religion—to wit, the
Magyars, the Saxons, and the Roumanians, whose exact numbers I have
given on a preceding page. The gypsies, whose numbers figure next in
the list after the Saxons, need not here be taken into consideration,
being absolutely devoid of all political character; but of the other
three races, each has its individual aspirations and interests,
and each a political object in view which it pursues with dogged
persistency.
The Hungarians are at present the masters of the position, having
wealth and nobility on their side, besides the reins of government.
Since the year 1867, when Hungary, having regained her former
independence with extended rights and privileges, re-established a
purely Hungarian ministry and an independent Hungarian militia, the
progress achieved in the country, both intellectually and commercially,
has been remarkable, affording brilliant proof of what can be done by
a handful of energetic and intelligent men against a vast majority of
other races.
The total population of Hungary, rated at fifteen millions, counts
four millions only of purely Hungarian individuals; the rest of the
population is made up of Serbs, Croatians, Roumanians, Slovacks,
and Germans, all of which (if we except the Germans, whose numbers
are insignificant) are far inferior to the Magyars in point of
civilization; and here, as elsewhere, when intelligence and wealth are
supported by energy, the right of might belonged to the Hungarians,
who have always been able to produce skilful and efficient statesmen,
knowing their own minds, and clear-sighted as to the country’s
requirements.
Those now at the helm have had the discernment from the very outset to
foresee the danger likely to arise from the ever-increasing spirit of
nationality gaining ground among the non-Hungarian inhabitants of the
soil. Two courses were here open to them: either seeking to conciliate
the various nationalities by concessions to their pretensions; or
else, by pursuance of an inflexible policy, to sacrifice all alien
considerations to purely Hungarian interests, and impose their own
nationality on all without exception.
This latter course was the one adopted by Hungary, who for the last ten
years, introducing measures as practical as they are far-sighted, has
pursued this object with undeviating consistency.
First of all, the Hungarian tongue was everywhere established as the
official language. In all schools, whether of Serbs, Roumanians,
or Germans, it became compulsory to teach Hungarian; without a
thorough knowledge of the language no one was competent to aspire
to any official position; the courts of justice, even in completely
non-Hungarian districts, are held in Hungarian, and Hungarian likewise
is the word of command throughout the Honved army. Such are the means
by which the Government hopes to effect the Magyarization of all its
subjects.
But within the last few years we have beheld two new kingdoms spring
up at Hungary’s very door, Roumania and Serbia—incentive enough to
induce all Roumanians and Serbs living in Hungary strenuously to resist
this Magyarizing influence, and inspire them with the hope of being
one day amalgamated with their more independent countrymen. In Croatia
the case is more or less the same, for, being united by similarities
of language, custom, and religion to their Serbian neighbors, the
Croats far rather incline to assimilate with these than with the
tyrannical Magyars; while the Slovacks, continually stirred up by
Russian, Ruthenian, and Bohemian agitators, have likewise their reasons
for resistance. Add to this that the German colonies, which, far more
isolated than the races aforenamed, can never have a serious chance of
independent existence, are yet infatuated enough to harbor impossible
visions of a union with their father-land, and have consequently ranged
themselves among the most vehement opposers of Hungarian rule, and it
will be seen that the task which the Magyars have set themselves, of
bending all these conflicting interests to their own ends, is indeed
a stupendous one. But Hungary, in self-preservation, could not have
acted otherwise: it was for her a question of life or death; and having
the choice of becoming the hammer or the anvil, who can blame her for
choosing the former?
Whether this portentous struggle will outlast our generation, or find
its issue within the next few years, will depend upon outward political
constellations. So much, however, is certain, that should the Magyars
be able to carry through their system during a sufficient space of
time, they will have created a State which, by virtue of the richness
of its soil, the extent of its domains, and the vigor of its race, will
have acquired incontestable right to independent existence.
Should, however, the Oriental question, and with it the Panslavonian
one, bring about the inevitable collision of nationalities so long
foreseen; should the Balkan races begin to agitate ere Hungary have
accomplished her herculean task—then her downfall is certain. The
Magyars may, indeed, continue to exist as a nation, but not as a State,
and their fate will be that of Poland.
* * * * *
While in the one half of the Austro-Hungarian empire this system of
centralizing the power and assimilating all minor interests to the
Hungarian idea is being pursued with inflexible ardor, the Cis-Latin
provinces—that is to say, Austria proper—are being governed in
diametrically opposed fashion.
Till within a few years ago, the German language was the official
one in all Cis-Latin provinces, and Germans had there everywhere the
upperhand, as to-day the Magyars in the Trans-Latin countries; but
since the advent of Count Taafe’s Ministry, now seven years ago, the
situation has completely changed. The present government, wishing to
conciliate the different nationalities, such as Bohemians, Poles,
Ruthenians, etc., granted to each of these the free use of its own
tongue in school and office—a concession which may be said to mark the
beginning of Austria’s decomposition. The results of this deplorable
system as yet have been that the Germans, who in Austria form the
wealthiest and most intelligent part of the population, imbittered at
finding themselves degraded from their former position of leaders of
the State, have become the most formidable opponents of the Government;
while the minor races, only stimulated by the concessions received, are
ever clamoring for more. The Taafe Ministry has marvellously succeeded,
during the incredibly short space of seven years, in establishing chaos
in the administration of the Cis-Latin provinces, contenting no one,
and fostering racial contentions which can have but the most melancholy
results for the stability of the empire.
Whether a State, not only composed of such heterogeneous racial
elements, but, moreover, governed by two such diametrically opposed
systems, will have strength to resist attacks from without, who can
say?—for it still remains to be practically proved which of the two
governments has chosen the right road to success. So much, however,
is certain—the Hungarians know what they want, and pursue their
preconceived line of political action with consistent energy; while
the Austrian Government, never knowing its own mind, is swayed at
hazard by whichever of the minor nationalities happens to have the
momentary ascendancy, and behindhand, as ever, of “an idea and of an
army,” may almost be said to deserve the definition of one of its own
statesmen,[2] of being the “land of improbabilities.”
FOOTNOTES:
[2] The late Count Beust.