I learnt the death of the King upon awaking. Immediately after, I went

to pay my respects to the new monarch. The first blood had already

passed. I found myself almost alone. I went thence to M. le Duc

d'Orleans, whom I found shut in, but all his apartments so full that a

pin could not have fallen to the ground. I talked of the Convocation of

the States-General, and reminded him of a promise he had given me, that

he would allow the Dukes to keep their hats on when their votes were

asked for; and I also mentioned various other promises he had made. All

I could obtain from him was another promise, that when the public affairs

of pressing moment awaiting attention were disposed of, we should have

all we required. Several of the Dukes who had been witnesses of the

engagement M. le Duc d'Orleans had made, were much vexed at this; but

ultimately it was agreed that for the moment we would sacrifice our own

particular interests to those of the State.

Between five and six the next morning a number of us met at the house of

the Archbishop of Rheims at the end of the Pont Royal, behind the Hotel

de Mailly, and there, in accordance with a resolution previously agreed

upon, it was arranged that I should make a protest to the Parliament

before the opening of the King's will there, against certain other

usurpations, and state that it was solely because M. le Duc d'Orleans had

given us his word that our complaints should be attended to as soon as

the public affairs of the government were settled, that we postponed

further measures upon this subject. It was past seven before our debate

ended, and then we went straight to the Parliament.

We found it already assembled, and a few Dukes who had not attended our

meeting, but had promised to be guided by us, were also present; and then

a quarter of an hour after we were seated the bastards arrived. M. du

Maine was bursting with joy; the term is strange, but his bearing cannot

otherwise be described. The smiling and satisfied air prevailed over

that of audacity and of confidence, which shone, nevertheless, and over

politeness which seemed to struggle with them. He saluted right and

left, and pierced everybody with his looks. His salutation to the

Presidents had an air of rejoicing. To the peers he was serious, nay,

respectful; the slowness, the lowness of his inclination, was eloquent.

His head remained lowered even when he rose, so heavy is the weight of

crime, even at the moment when nothing but triumph is expected. I

rigidly followed him everywhere with my eyes, and I remarked that his

salute was returned by the peers in a very dry and cold manner.

Scarcely were we re-seated than M. le Duc arrived, and the instant after

M. le Duc d'Orleans. I allowed the stir that accompanied his appearance

to subside a little, and then, seeing that the, Chief-President was about

to speak, I forestalled him, uncovered my head, and then covered it, and

made my speech in the terms agreed upon. I concluded by appealing to M.

le Duc d'Orleans to verify the truth of what I had said, in so far as it

affected him.

The profound silence with which I was listened to showed the surprise of

all present. M. le Duc d'Orleans uncovered himself, and in a low tone,

and with an embarrassed manner, confirmed what I had said, then covered

himself again.

Immediately afterwards I looked at M. du Maine, who appeared, to be well

content at being let off so easily, and who, my neighbours said to me,

appeared much troubled at my commencement.

A very short silence followed my protest, after which I saw the Chief-

President say something in a low tone to M. le Duc d'Orleans, then

arrange a deputation of the Parliament to go in search of the King's

will, and its codicil, which had been put in the same place. Silence

continued during this great and short period of expectation; every one

looked at his neighbour without stirring. We were all upon the lower

seats, the doors were supposed to be closed, but the grand chamber was

filled with a large and inquisitive crowd. The regiment of guards had

secretly occupied all the avenues, commanded by the Duc de Guiche, who

got six hundred thousand francs out of the Duc d'Orleans for this

service, which was quite unnecessary.

The deputation was not long in returning. It placed the will and the

codicil in the hands of the Chief-President, who presented them, without

parting with them, to M. le Duc d'Orleans, then passed them from hand to

hand to Dreux, 'conseiller' of the Parliament, and father of the grand

master of the ceremonies, saying that he read well, and in a loud voice

that would he well heard by everybody. It may be imagined with what

silence he was listened to, and how all eyes? and ears were turned

towards him. Through all his; joy the Duc du Maine showed that his soul

was, troubled, as though about to undergo an operation that he must

submit to. M. le Duc d'Orleans showed only a tranquil attention.

I will not dwell upon these two documents, in which nothing is provided

but the grandeur and the power of the bastards, Madame de Maintenon and

Saint-Cyr, the choice of the King's education and of the council of the

regency, by which M. le Duc d'Orleans was to be shorn of all authority to

the advantage of M. le Duc du Maine.

I remarked a sadness and a kind of indignation which were painted upon

all cheeks, as the reading advanced, and which turned into a sort of

tranquil fermentation at the reading of the codicil, which was entrusted

to the Abbe Menguy, another conseiller. The Duc du Maine felt it and

grew pale, for he was solely occupied in looking at every face, and I in

following his looks, and in glancing occasionally at M. le Duc d'Orleans.

The reading being finished, that prince spoke, casting his eyes upon all

the assembly, uncovering himself, and then covering himself again, and

commencing by a word of praise and of regret for the late King;

afterwards raising his voice, he declared that he had only to approve

everything just read respecting the education of the King, and everything

respecting an establishment so fine and so useful as that of Saint-Cyr;

that with respect to the dispositions concerning the government of the

state, he would speak separately of those in the will and those in the

codicil; that he could with difficulty harmonise them with the assurances

the King, during the last days of his life, had given him; that the King

could not have understood the importance of what he had been made to do

for the Duc du Maine since the council of the regency was chosen, and M.

du Maine's authority so established by the will, that the Regent remained

almost without power; that this injury done to the rights of his birth,

to his attachment to the person of the King, to his love and fidelity for

the state, could not be endured if he was to preserve his honour; and

that he hoped sufficiently from the esteem of all present, to persuade

himself that his regency would be declared as it ought to be, that is to

say, complete, independent, and that he should be allowed to choose his

own council, with the members of which he would not discuss public

affairs, unless they were persons who, being approved by the public,

might also have his confidence. This short speech appeared to make a

great impression.

The Duc du Maine wished to speak. As he was about to do so, M. le Duc

d'Orleans put his head in front of M. le Duc and said, in a dry tone,

"Monsieur, you will speak in your turn." In one moment the affair turned

according to the desires of M. le Duc d'Orleans. The power of the

council of the regency and its composition fell. The choice of the

council was awarded to M. le Duc d'Orleans, with all the authority of the

regency, and to the plurality of the votes of the council, the decision

of affairs, the vote of the Regent to be counted as two in the event of

an equal division. Thus all favours and all punishments remained in the

hands of M. le Duc d'Orleans alone. The acclamation was such that the

Duc du Maine did not dare to say a word. He reserved himself for the

codicil, which, if adopted, would have annulled all that M. le Duc

d'Orleans had just obtained.

After some few moments of silence, M. le Duc d'Orleans spoke again. He

testified fresh surprise that the dispositions of the will had not been

sufficient for those who had suggested them, and that, not content with

having established themselves as masters of the state, they themselves

should have thought those dispositions so strange that in order to

reassure them, it had been thought necessary to make them masters of the

person of the King, of the Regent, of the Court, and of Paris. He added,

that if his honour and all law and rule had been wounded by the

dispositions of the will, still more violated were they by those of the

codicil, which left neither his life nor his liberty in safety, and

placed the person of the King in the absolute dependence of those who had

dared to profit by the feeble state of a dying monarch, to draw from him

conditions he did not understand. He concluded by declaring that the

regency was impossible under such conditions, and that he doubted not the

wisdom of the assembly would annul a codicil which could not be

sustained, and the regulations of which would plunge France into the

greatest and most troublesome misfortune. Whilst this prince spoke a

profound and sad silence applauded him without explaining itself.

The Duc du Maine became of all colours, and began to speak, this time

being allowed to do so. He said that the education of the King, and

consequently his person, being confided to him, as a natural result,

entire authority over his civil and military household followed, without

which he could not properly serve him or answer for his person. Then he

vaunted his well-known attachment to the deceased King, who had put all

confidence in him.

M. le Duc d'Orleans interrupted him at this word, and commented upon it.

M. du Maine wished to calm him by praising the Marechal de Villeroy, who

was to assist him in his charge. M. le Duc d'Orleans replied that it

would be strange if the chief and most complete confidence were not

placed in the Regent, and stranger still if he were obliged to live under

the protection and authority of those who had rendered themselves the

absolute masters within and without, and of Paris even, by the regiment

of guards.

The dispute grew warm, broken phrases were thrown from one to the other,

when, troubled about the end of an altercation which became indecent and

yielding to the proposal that the Duc de la Force had just made me in

front of the Duc de la Rochefoucauld, who sat between us, I made a sign

with my hand to M. le Duc d'Orleans to go out and finish this discussion

in another room leading out of the grand chamber and where there was

nobody. What led me to this action was that I perceived M. du Maine grew

stronger, that confused murmurs for a division were heard, and that M. le

Duc d'Orleans did not shine to the best advantage since he descended to

plead his cause, so to speak, against that of the Duc du Maine.

M. le Duc d'Orleans was short-sighted. He was entirely absorbed in

attacking and repelling; so that he did not see the sign I made. Some

moments after I increased it, and meeting with no more success, rose,

advanced some steps, and said to him, though rather distant, "Monsieur,

if you passed into the fourth chamber with M. du Maine you could speak

there more easily," and advancing nearer at the same time I pressed him

by a sign of the head and the eyes that he could distinguish. He replied

to me with another sign, and scarcely was I reseated than I saw him

advance in front of M. le Duc to the Duc du Maine, and immediately after

both rose and went into the chamber I had indicated. I could not see who

of the scattered group around followed them, for all present rose at

their departure, and seated themselves again directly in complete

silence. Some time after, M. le Comte de Toulouse left his place and

went into the Chamber. M. le Duc followed him in a little while soon

again the Duc de la Force did the same.

He did not stay long. Returning to the assembly; he passed the Duc de la

Rochefoucauld and me, put his head between that of the Duc de Sully and

mine, because he did not wish to be heard by La Rochefoucauld, and said

to me, "In the name of God go there; things are getting on badly. M. le

Duc d'Orleans gives way; stop the dispute; make M. le Duc d'Orleans come

back; and, as soon as he is in his place, let him say that it is too late

to finish, that the company had better go to dinner, and return to finish

afterwards, and during this interval," added La Force, "send the King's

people to the Palais Royal, and let doubtful peers be spoken to, and the

chiefs among other magistrates."

The advice appeared to me good and important. I left the assembly and

went to the chamber. I found a large circle of spectators. M. le Duc

d'Orleans and the Duc du Maine stood before the fireplace, looking both

very excited. I looked at this spectacle some moments; then approached

the mantelpiece like a man who wishes to speak. "What is this,

Monsieur?" said M. le Duc d'Orleans to me, with an impatient manner.

"A pressing word, Monsieur, that I have to say to you," said I. He

continued speaking to the Duc du Maine, I being close by. I redoubled my

instances; he lent me his ear. "No, no," said I, "not like that, come

here," and I took him into a, corner by the chimney. The Comte de

Toulouse, who was there, drew completely back, and all the circle on that

side. The Duc du Maine drew back also from where he was.

I said to M. le Duc d'Orleans, in his ear, that he could not hope to gain

anything from M. du Maine, who would not sacrifice the codicil to his

reasonings; that the length of their conference became indecent, useless,

dangerous; that he was making a sight of himself to all who entered; that

the only thing to be done was to return to the assembly, and, when there,

dissolve it. "You are right," said he, "I will do it."--"But," said I,

"do it immediately, and do not allow yourself to be amused. It is to M.

de la Force you owe this advice: he sent me to give it you." He quitted

me without another word, went to M. du Maine, told him in two words that

it was too late, and that the matter must be finished after dinner.

I had remained where he left me. I saw the Duc du Maine bow to him

immediately, and the two separated, and retired at the same moment into

the assembly.

The noise which always accompanies these entrances being appeased, M. le

Duc d'Orleans said it was too late to abuse the patience of the company

any longer; that dinner must be eaten, and the work finished afterwards.

He immediately added, he believed it fitting that M. le Duc should enter

the council of the regency as its chief; and that since the company had

rendered the justice due to his birth and his position as Regent, he

would explain what he thought upon the form to be given to the

government, and that meanwhile he profited by the power he had to avail

himself of the knowledge and the wisdom of the company, and restored to

them from that time their former liberty of remonstrance. These words

were followed by striking and general applause, and the assembly was

immediately adjourned.

I was invited this day to dine with the Cardinal de Noailles, but I felt

the importance of employing the time so precious and so short, of the

interval of dinner, and of not quitting M. le Duc d'Orleans, according to

a suggestion of M. le Duc de la Force. I approached M. le Duc d'Orleans,

and said in his ear, "The moments are precious: I will follow you to the

Palais Royal," and went back to my place among the peers. Jumping into

my coach, I sent a gentleman with my excuses to the Cardinal de Noailles,

saying, I would tell him the reason of my absence afterwards. Then I

went to the Palais Royal, where curiosity had gathered together all who

were not at the palace, and even some who had been there. All the

acquaintances I met asked me the news with eagerness. I contented myself

with replying that everything went well, and according to rule, but that

all was not yet finished.

M. le Duc d'Orleans had passed into a cabinet, where I found him alone

with Canillac, who had waited for him. We took our measures there, and

M. le Duc d'Orleans sent for the Attorney-General, D'Aguesseau,

afterwards Chancellor, and the chief Advocate-General, Joly de Fleury,

since Attorney-General. It was nearly two o'clock. A little dinner was

served, of which Canillac, Conflans, M. le Duc d'Orleans, and myself

partook; and I will say this, by the way, I never dined with him but once

since, namely, at Bagnolet.

We returned to the Parliament a little before four o'clock. I arrived

there alone in my carriage, a moment before M. le Duc d'Orleans, and

found everybody assembled. I was looked at with much curiosity, as it

seemed to me. I am not aware if it was known whence I came. I took care

that my bearing should say nothing. I simply said to the Duc de la Force

that his advice had been salutary, that I had reason to hope all success

from it, and that I had told M. le Duc d'Orleans whence it came. That

Prince arrived, and (the hubbub inseparable from such a numerous suite

being appeased) he said that matters must be recommenced from the point

where they had been broken off in the morning; that it was his duty to

say to the Court that in nothing had he agreed with M. du Maine and to

bring again before all eyes the monstrous clauses of a codicil, drawn

from a dying prince; clauses much more strange than the dispositions of

the testament that the Court had not deemed fit to be put in execution,

and that the Court could not allow M. du Maine to be master of the person

of the King, of the camp, of Paris, consequently of the State, of the

person, life, and liberty of the Regent, whom he would be in a position

to arrest at any moment as soon as he became the absolute and independent

master of the civil and military household of the King; that the Court

saw what must inevitably result from an unheard-of novelty, which placed

everything in the hands of M. du Maine; and that he left it to the

enlightenment, to the prudence, to the wisdom, to the equity of the

company, and its love for the State, to declare what they thought on this

subject.

M. du Maine appeared then as contemptible in the broad open daylight as

he had appeared redoubtable in the obscurity of the cabinets. He had the

look of one condemned, and his face, generally so fresh-coloured, was now

as pale as death. He replied in a very low and scarcely intelligible

voice, and with an air as respectful and as humble as it had been

audacious in the morning.

People opined without listening to him; and tumultuously, but with one

voice, the entire abrogation of the codicil was passed. This was

premature, as the abrogation of the testament had been in the morning--

both caused by sudden indignation. D'Aguesseauand Fleury both spoke, the

first in a few words, the other at greater length, making a very good

speech. As it exists, in the libraries, I will only say that the

conclusions of both orators were in everything favourable to M. le Duc

d'Orleans.

After they had spoken, the Duc du Maine, seeing himself totally shorn,

tried a last resource. He represented, with more force than could have

been expected from his demeanour at this second sitting, but yet with

measure, that since he had been stripped of the authority confided to him

by the codicil, he asked to be discharged from the responsibility of

answering for the person of the King, and to be allowed simply to

preserve the superintendence of his education. M, le Duc d'Orleans

replied, "With all my heart, Monsieur; nothing more is wanted."

Thereupon the Chief. President formally put the question to the vote.

A decree was passed by which all power was taken from the hands of M. du

Maine and placed in those of the Regent, with the right of placing whom

he pleased in the council; of dismissing anybody as it should seem good

to him; and of doing all he might think fit respecting the form to be

given to the government; authority over public affairs, nevertheless, to

remain with the council, and decision to be taken by the plurality of

votes, the vote of the Regent to count double in case of equal division;

M. le Duc to be chief of the council under him, with the right to enter

it at once and opine there.

During all this time, and until the end of the sitting, M. du Maine had

his eyes always cast down, looked more dead than alive, and appeared

motionless. His son and his brother gave no sign of taking interest in

anything.

The decree was followed by loud acclamations of the crowd scattered

outside, and that which filled the rest of the palace replied as soon as

they learnt what had been decided.

This noise, which lasted some time, being appeased, the Regent thanked

the company in brief, polished, and majestic terms; declared with what

care he would employ for the good of the state, the authority with which

he was invested; then said it was time he should inform them what he

judged ought to be established in order to aid him in the administration

of affairs. He added that he did so with the more confidence, because

what he proposed was exactly what M. le Duc de Bourgogne ('twas thus he

named him) had resolved, as shown by papers found in his bureau. He

passed a short and graceful eulogy upon the enlightenment and intentions

of that prince; then declared that, besides the council of the regency,

which would be the supreme centre from which all the affairs of the

government would spring, he proposed to establish a council for foreign

affairs, one for war, one for the navy, one for finance, one for

ecclesiastical matters, and one for home affairs and to choose some of

the magistrates of the company to enter these last two councils, and aid

them by their knowledge upon the police of the realm, the jurisprudence,

and what related to the liberties of the Gallican church.

The applause of the magistrates burst out at this, and all the crowd

replied to it. The Chief-President concluded the sitting by a very short

compliment to the Regent, who rose, and at the same time all the

assembly, which then broke up.

On Friday, the 6th of September, 1715, the Regent performed an action of

most exquisite merit, if it had been actuated by the love of God, but

which was of the utmost meanness, religion having no connection with it.

He went at eight o'clock in the morning to see Madame de Maintenon at

Saint-Cyr. He was nearly an hour with this enemy, who had wished to cut

off his head, and who quite recently had sought to deliver him, tied hand

and foot, to M. du Maine, by the monstrous dispositions of the King's

will and codicil.

The Regent assured her during this visit that the four thousand livres

the King had given her every month should be continued, and should be

brought to her the first day of every month by the Duc de Noailles, who

had apparently induced the Prince to pay this visit, and promise this

present. He said to Madame de Maintenon that if she wished for more she

had only to speak, and assured her he would protect Saint-Cyr. In leaving

he was shown the young girls, all together in classes.

It must be remembered, that besides the estate of Maintenon, and the

other property of this famous and fatal witch, the establishment of

Saint-Cyr, which had more than four hundred thousand livres yearly

income, and much money in reserve, was obliged by the rules which founded

it, to receive Madame de Maintenon, if she wished to retire there; to

obey her in all things, as the absolute and sole superior; to keep her

and everybody connected with her, her domestics, her equipages, as she

wished, her table, etc., at the expense of the house, all of which was

very punctually done until her death. Thus she needed not this generous

liberality, by which her pension of forty-eight thousand livres was

continued to her. It would have been quite enough if M. le Duc d'Orleans

had forgotten that she was in existence, and had simply left her

untroubled in Saint-Cyr.

The Regent took good care not to inform me of his visit, before or after;

and I took good care not to reproach him with it, or make him ashamed of

it. It made much noise, and was not approved of. The Spanish affair was

not yet forgotten, and the will and codicil furnished other matter for

all conversations.

CHAPTER LXXX

Saturday, the 7th of September, was the day fixed for the first Bed of

Justice of the King (Louis XV.); but he caught a cold during the night,

and suffered a good deal. The Regent came alone to Paris. The

Parliament had assembled, and I went to a door of the palace, where I was

informed of the countermand which had just arrived. The Chief-President

and the King's people were at once sent for to the Palais Royal, and the

Parliament, which was about to adjourn, was continued for all the rest of

the month for general business. On the morrow, the Regent, who was

wearied with Versailles,--for he liked to live in Paris, where all his

pleasures were within easy reach,--and who met with opposition from the

Court doctors, all comfortably lodged at Versailles, to the removal of

the person of the King to Vincennes, under pretext of a slight cold,

fetched other doctors from Paris, who had been sent for to see the

deceased King. These practitioners, who had nothing to gain by

recommending Versailles, laughed at the Court doctors, and upon their

opinion it was resolved to take the King to Vincennes, where all was

ready for him on the morrow.

He set out, then, that day from Versailles, at about two o'clock in the

day, in company with the Regent, the Duchesse de Ventadour, the Duc du

Maine, and the Marechal de Villeroy, passed round the ramparts of Paris,

without entering the city, and arrived at Vincennes about five o'clock,

many people and carriages having come out along the road to see him.

On the day after the arrival of the King at Vincennes, the Regent worked

all the morning with all the Secretaries of State separately, whom he had

charged to bring him the list of all the 'lettres de cachet' issued from

their bureaux, and a statement of the reasons for which they were

delivered, as such oftentimes were slight. The majority of the 'lettres

de cachet' of exile and of imprisonment had been drawn up against

Jansenists, and people who had opposed the constitution; numbers the

reasons of which were known only to the deceased King, and to those who

had induced him to grant them; others were of the time of previous

ministers, and among them were many which had been long forgotten and

unknown. The Regent restored everybody to liberty, exiles and prisoners,

except those whom he knew to have been arrested for grave crimes, or

affairs of State; and brought down infinite benedictions upon himself by

this act of justice and humanity.

Many very singular and strange stories were then circulated, which showed

the tyranny of the last reign, and of its ministers, and caused the

misfortunes of the prisoners to be deplored. Among those in the Bastille

was a man who had been imprisoned thirty-five years. Arrested the day he

arrived in Paris, on a journey from Italy, to which country he belonged.

It has never been known why he was arrested, and he had never been

examined, as was the case with the majority of the others: people were

persuaded a mistake had been made. When his liberty was announced to

him, he sadly asked what it was expected he could do with it. He said he

had not a farthing; that he did not know a soul in Paris, not even a

single street, or a person in all France; that his relatives in Italy

had, doubtless, died since he left; that his property, doubtless, had

been divided, so many years having elapsed during which no news had been

received from him; that he knew not what to do. He asked to be allowed

to remain in the Bastille for the rest of his days, with food and

lodging. This was granted, with as much liberty as he wished.

As for those who were taken from the dungeons where the hatred of the

ministers; of the Jesuits; and of the Constitution chiefs, had cast them,

the horrible state they appeared in terrified everybody, and rendered

credible all the cruel stories which, as soon as they were fully at

liberty, they revealed.

The same day on which this merciful decision was come to, died Madame de

la Vieuville, not old, of a cancer in the breast, the existence of which

she had concealed until two days before her death, and thus deprived

herself of help.

A few days after, the finances being in such a bad state, the Regent made

Crosat treasurer of the order, in return for which he obtained from him a

loan of a million, in bars of silver, and the promise of another two

million. Previous to this, the hunting establishments of the King had

been much reduced. Now another retrenchment was made. There were seven

intendants of the finances, who, for six hundred thousand livres, which

their places had cost them, enjoyed eighty thousand livres each per

annum. They were all suppressed, and simply the interest of their

purchase-money paid to them; that is to say, thirty thousand livres each,

until that purchase-money could be paid. It was found that there were

sixteen hundred thousand francs owing to our ambassadors, and to our

agents in foreign countries, the majority of whom literally had not

enough to pay the postage of their letters, having spent all they

possessed. This was a cruel discredit to us, all over Europe. I might

fill a volume in treating upon the state and the arrangements of our

finances. But this labour is above my strength, and contrary to my

taste. I will simply say that as soon as money could be spared it was

sent to our ambassadors abroad. They were dying of hunger, were over

head and ears in debt, had fallen into utter contempt, and our affairs

were suffering accordingly.

The council of the regency, let me say here, was composed of the

following persons: M. le Duc d'Orleans, M. le Duc, the Duc du Maine, the

Comte de Toulouse, Voysin the Chancellor, myself--since I must name

myself,--Marechal de Villeroy, Marechal d'Harcourt, Marechal de Besons,

the Late Bishop of Troyes, and Torcy, with a right to vote; with La

Vrilliere, who kept the register, and Pontchartrain, both without the

right to vote.

I have already alluded to the presence of Lord Stair at this time in our

Court, as ambassador from England. By means of intrigues he had

succeeded in ingratiating himself into the favour of the Regent, and in

convincing him that the interests of France and England were identical.

One of the reasons--the main one--which he brought forward to show this,

was that King George was an usurper; and that if anything happened to our

King, M. le Duc d'Orleans would become, in mounting the throne of France,

an usurper also, the King of Spain being the real heir to the French

monarchy; that, in consequence of this, France and England ought to march

together, protect each other; France assisting England against the

Pretender, and England assisting France, if need be, against the King of

Spain. M. le Duc d'Orleans had too much penetration not to see this

snare; but, marvellous as it may seem, the crookedness of this policy,

and not the desire of reigning, seduced him. I am quite prepared, if

ever these memoirs see the day, to find that this statement will be

laughed at; that it will throw discredit on others, and cause me to be

regarded as a great ass, if I think to make my readers, believe it; or

for an idiot, if I have believed it myself. Nevertheless, such is the

pure truth, to which I sacrifice all, in despite of what my readers may

think of me. However incredible it may be, it is, as I say, the exact

verity; and I do not hesitate to advance, that there are many such facts,

unknown to history, which would much surprise if known; and which are

unknown, only because scarcely any history has been written at first

hand.

Stair wished, above all, to hinder the Regent from giving any assistance

to the Pretender, and to prevent him passing through the realm in order

to reach a seaport. Now the Regent was between two stools, for he had

promised the Pretender to wink at his doings, and to favour his passage

through France, if it were made secretly, and at the same time he had

assented to the demand of Stair. Things had arrived at this pass when

the troubles increased in England, and the Earl of Mar obtained some

success in Scotland. Soon after news came that the Pretender had

departed from Bar, and was making his way to the coast. Thereupon Stair

ran in hot haste to M. le Duc d'Orleans to ask him to keep his promise,

and hinder the Pretender's journey. The Regent immediately sent off

Contade, major in the guards, very intelligent, and in whom he could

trust, with his brother, a lieutenant in the same regiment, and two

sergeants of their choice, to go to Chateau-Thierry, and wait for the

Pretender, Stair having sure information that he would pass there.

Contade set out at night on the 9th of November, well resolved and

instructed to miss the person he was to seek. Stair, who expected as

much, took also his measures, which were within an inch of succeeding;

for this is what happened.

The Pretender set out disguised from Bar, accompanied by only three or

four persons, and came to Chaillot, where M. de Lauzun had a little

house, which he never visited, and which he had kept for mere fancy,

although he had a house at Passy, of which he made much use. It was in

this, Chaillot's house, that the Pretender put up, and where he saw the

Queen, his mother, who often stopped at the Convent of the Filles de

Sainte Marie-Therese. Thence he set out in a post-chaise of Torcy's, by

way of Alencon, for Brittany, where he meant to embark.

Stair discovered this scheme, and resolved to leave nothing undone in

order to deliver his party of this, the last of the Stuarts. He quietly

despatched different people by different roads, especially by that from

Paris to Alencon. He charged with this duty Colonel Douglas (who

belonged to the Irish (regiments) in the pay of France), who, under the

protection of his name, and by his wit and his intrigues, had insinuated

himself into many places in Paris since the commencement of the regency;

had placed himself on a footing of consideration and of familiarity with

the Regent; and often came to my house. He was good company; had married

upon the frontier of Metz; was very poor; had politeness and much

experience of the world; the reputation of distinguished valour; and

nothing which could render him suspected of being capable of a crime.

Douglas got into a post-chaise, accompanied by two horsemen; all three

were well armed, and posted leisurely along this road. Nonancourt is a

kind of little village upon this route, at nineteen leagues from Paris;

between Dreux, three leagues further, and Verneuil au Perche, four

leagues this side. It was at Nonancourt that he alighted, ate a morsel

at the post-house, inquired with extreme solicitude after a post-chaise

which he described, as well as the manner in which it would be

accompanied, expressed fear lest it had already passed, and lest he had

not been answered truly. After infinite inquiries, he left a third

horseman, who had just reached him, on guard, with orders to inform him

when the chaise he was in search of appeared; and added menaces and

promises of recompense to the post people, so as not to be deceived by

their negligence.

The post-master was named L'Hospital; he was absent, but his wife was in

the house, and she fortunately was a very honest woman, who had wit,

sense, and courage. Nonancourt is only five leagues from La Ferme, and

when, to save distance, you do not pass there, they send you relays upon

the road. Thus I knew very well this post-mistress, who mixed herself

more in the business than her husband, and who has herself related to me

this adventure more than once. She did all she could, uselessly, to

obtain some explanation upon these alarms. All that she could unravel

was that the strangers were Englishmen, and in a violent excitement about

something, that something very important was at stake,--and that they

meditated mischief. She fancied thereupon that the Pretender was in

question; resolved to save him; mentally arranged her plans, and

fortunately enough executed them.

In order to succeed she devoted herself to the service of these

gentlemen, refused them nothing, appeared quite satisfied, and promised

that they should infallibly be informed. She persuaded them of this so

thoroughly, that Douglas went away without saying where, except to this

third horseman just arrived, but it was close at hand; so that he might

be warned in time. He took one of his valets with him; the other

remained with the horseman to wait and watch.

Another man much embarrassed the post-mistress; nevertheless, she laid

her plans. She proposed to the horseman to drink something, because when

he arrived Douglas had left the table. She served him in her best

manner, and with her best wine, and kept him at table as long as she

could, anticipating all his orders. She had placed a valet, in whom she

could trust, as guard, with orders simply to appear, without a word, if

he saw a chaise; and her resolution was to lock up the Englishman and his

servant, and to give their horses to the chaise if it came. But it came

not, and the Englishman grew tired of stopping at table. Then she

manoeuvred so well that she persuaded him to go and lie down, and to

count upon her, her people, and upon the valet Douglas had left. The

Englishman told this valet not to quit the threshold of the house, and to

inform him as soon as the chaise appeared. He then suffered himself to

be led to the back of the house, in order to lie down. The post-

mistress, immediately after, goes to one of her friends in a by-street,

relates her adventure and her suspicions, makes the friend agree to

receive and secrete in her dwelling the person she expected, sends for an

ecclesiastic, a relative of them both, and in whom she could repose

confidence, who came and lent an Abbe's dress and wig to match. This

done, Madame L'Hospital returns to her home, finds the English valet at

the door, talks with him, pities his ennui, says he is a good fellow to

be so particular, says that from the door to the house there is but one

step, promises him that he shall be as well informed as by his own eyes,

presses him to drink something, and tips the wink to a trusty postilion,

who makes him drink until he rolls dead drunk under the table. During

this performance, the wary mistress listens at the door of the English

gentleman's room, gently turns the key and locks him in, and then

establishes herself upon the threshold of her door.

Half an hour after comes the trusty valet whom she had put on guard: it

was the expected chaise, which, as well as the three men who accompanied

it, were made, without knowing why, to slacken speed. It was King James.

Madame L'Hospital accosts him, says he is expected, and lost if he does

not take care; but that he may trust in her and follow her. At once they

both go to her friends. There he learns all that has happened, and they

hide him, and the three men of his suite as well as they could. Madame

L'Hospital returns home, sends for the officers of justice, and in

consequence of her suspicions she causes the English gentleman and the

English valet, the one drunk, the other asleep, locked in the room where

she had left him, to be arrested, and immediately after despatches a

postilion to Torcy. The officers of justice act, and send their

deposition to the Court.

The rage of the English gentleman on finding himself arrested, and unable

to execute the duty which led him there, and his fury against the valet

who had allowed himself to be intoxicated, cannot be expressed. As for

Madame L'Hospital he would have strangled her if he could; and she for a

long time was afraid of her life.

The Englishman could not be induced to confess what brought him there, or

where was Douglas, whom he named in order to show his importance. He

declared he had been sent by the English ambassador, though Stair had not

yet officially assumed that title, and exclaimed that that minister would

never suffer the affront he had received. They civilly replied to him,

that there were no proofs he came from the English ambassador,--none that

he was connected with the minister: that very suspicious designs against

public safety on the highway alone were visible; that no harm or

annoyance should be caused him, but that he must remain in safety until

orders came, and there upon he was civilly led to prison, as well as the

intoxicated valet.

What became of Douglas at that time was never known, except that he was

recognised in various places, running, inquiring, crying out with despair

that he had escaped, without mentioning any name. Apparently news came

to him, or he sought it, being tired of receiving none. The report of

what had occurred in such a little place as Nonancourt would easily have

reached him, close as he was to it; and perhaps it made him set out anew

to try and catch his prey.

But he journeyed in vain. King James had remained hidden at Nonancourt,

where, charmed with the attentions of his generous post-mistress, who had

saved him from his assassins, he admitted to her who he was, and gave her

a letter for the Queen, his mother. He remained there three days, to

allow the hubbub to pass, and rob those who sought him of all hope; then,

disguised as an Abbe, he jumped into a post-chaise that Madame L'Hospital

had borrowed in the neighbourhood--to confound all identity--and

continued his journey, during which he was always pursued, but happily

was never recognised, and embarked in Brittany for Scotland.

Douglas, tired of useless searches, returned to Paris, where Stair kicked

up a fine dust about the Nonancourt adventure. This he denominated

nothing less than an infraction of the law of nations, with an extreme

audacity and impudence, and Douglas, who could not be ignorant of what

was said about him, had the hardihood to go about everywhere as usual; to

show himself at the theatre; and to present himself before M. le Duc

d'Orleans.

This Prince ignored as much as he could a plot so cowardly and so

barbarous, and in respect to him so insolent. He kept silence, said to

Stair what he judged fitting to make him be silent likewise, but gave

liberty to his English assassins. Douglas, however, fell much in the

favour of the Regent, and many considerable people closed their doors to

him. He vainly tried to force mine. But as for me I was a perfect

Jacobite, and quite persuaded that it was the interest of France to give

England domestic occupation, which would long hinder her from thinking of

foreign matters. I then, as may be supposed, could not look upon the

odious enterprise with a favourable eye, or pardon its authors. Douglas

complained to me of my disregard for him, but to no purpose. Soon after

he disappeared from Paris. I know not what became of him afterwards.

His wife and his children remained there living by charity. A long time

after his death beyond the seas, the Abbe de Saint-Simon passed from

Noyan to Metz, where he found his widow in great misery.

The Queen of England sent for Madame L'Hospital to Saint-Germain, thanked

her, caressed her, as she deserved, and gave her her portrait. This was

all; the Regent gave her nothing; a long while after King James wrote to

her, and sent her also his portrait. Conclusion: she remained post-

mistress of Nonancourt as before, twenty or twenty-five years after, to

her death; and her son and her daughter-in-law keep the post now. She

was a true woman; estimated in her neighbourhood; not a single word that

she uttered concerning this history has been contradicted by any one.

What it cost her can never be said, but she never received a farthing.

She never complained, but spoke as she found things, with modesty, and

without seeking to speak. Such is the indigence of dethroned Kings, and

their complete forgetfulness of the greatest perils and the most signal

services.

Many honest people avoided Stair, whose insolent airs made others avoid

him. He filled the cup by the insupportable manner in which he spoke

upon that affair, never daring to admit he had directed it, or deigning

to disculpate himself. The only annoyance he showed was about his ill-

success.

CHAPTER LXXXI

I must say a few words now of Madame la Duchesse de Berry, who, as may be

imagined, began to hold her head very high indeed directly the regency of

Monsieur her father was established. Despite the representations of

Madame de Saint-Simon, she usurped all the honours of a queen; she went

through Paris with kettle-drums beating, and all along the quay of the

Tuileries where the King was. The Marechal de Villeroy complained of

this next day to M. le Duc d'Orleans, who promised him that while the

King remained in Paris no kettle-drums should be heard but his. Never

afterwards did Madame la Duchesse de Berry have any, yet when she went to

the theatre she sat upon a raised dais in her box, had four of her guards

upon the stage, and others in the pit; the house was better lighted than

usual, and before the commencement of the performance she was harangued

by the players. This made a strange stir in Paris, and as she did not

dare to continue it she gave up her usual place, and took at the opera a

little box where she could scarcely be seen, and where she was almost

incognito. As the comedy was played then upon the opera stage for

Madame, this little box served for both entertainments.

The Duchess desired apparently to pass the summer nights in all liberty

in the garden of the Luxembourg. She accordingly had all the gates

walled up but one, by which the Faubourg Saint-Germain, which had always

enjoyed the privilege of walking there, were much deprived. M. le Duc

thereupon opened the Conti garden to make up to the public for their

loss. As may be imagined, strange things were said about the motives

which led to the walling up of the garden.

As the Princess found new lovers to replace the old ones, she tried to

pension off the latter at the expense of the public. She had a place

created expressly for La Haye. She bought, or rather the King for her,

a little house at the entry of the Bois de Boulogne, which was pretty,

with all the wood in front, and a fine garden behind. It was called La

Muette.

After many amours she had become smitten with Rion, a younger son of the

house of Aydic. He was a fat, chubby, pale little fellow, who had so

many pimples that he did not ill resemble an abscess. He had good teeth,

but had no idea he should cause a passion which in less than no time

became ungovernable, and which lasted a long while without however

interfering with temporary and passing amours. He was not worth a penny,

but had many brothers and sisters who had no more than he. He was a

lieutenant of dragoons, relative of Madame Pons, dame d'atours of Madame

la Duchesse de Berry, who sent for him to try and do something for him.

Scarcely had he arrived than the passion of the Duchess declared itself,

and he became the master of the Luxembourg where she dwelt. M. de

Lauzun, who was a distant relative, was delighted, and chuckled inwardly.

He thought he saw a repetition of the old times, when Mademoiselle was in

her glory; he vouchsafed his advice to Rion.

Rion was gentle and naturally polished and respectful, a good and honest

fellow. He soon felt the power of his charms, which could only have

captivated the incomprehensible and depraved fantasy of such a princess.

He did not abuse this power; made himself liked by everybody; but he

treated Madame la Duchesse de Berry as M. de Lauzun had treated

Mademoiselle. He was soon decorated with the most beautiful lace and the

richest clothes covered with silver, loaded with snuffboxes, jewels, and

precious stones. He took pleasure in making the Princess long after him,

and be jealous; affecting to be still more jealous of her. He often made

her cry. Little by little, he obtained such authority over her that she

did not dare to do anything without his permission, not even the most

indifferent things. If she were ready to go to the opera, he made her

stay away; at other times he made her go thither in spite of herself.

He made her treat well many ladies she did not like, or of whom she was

jealous, and treat ill persons who pleased her, but of whom he pretended

to be jealous. Even in her finery she had not the slightest liberty.

He amused himself by making her disarrange her head-dress, or change her

clothes, when she was quite dressed; and that so often and so publicly,

that he accustomed her at last to take over night his orders for her

morning's dress and occupation, and on the morrow he would change

everything, and the Princess wept as much as she could, and more. At

last she actually sent messages to him by trusty valets,--for he lived

close to the Luxembourg,--several times during her toilet, to know what

ribbons she should wear; the same with her gown and other things; and

nearly always he made her wear what she did not wish for. If ever she

dared to do the least thing without his permission, he treated her like a

serving-wench, and her tears lasted sometimes several days. This

princess, so haughty, and so fond of showing and exercising the most

unmeasured pride, disgraced herself by joining in repasts with him and

obscure people; she, with whom no man could lawfully eat if he were not a

prince of the blood!

A Jesuit, named Pere Riglet, whom she had known as a child, and whose

intimacy she had always cultivated since, was admitted to these private

repasts, without being ashamed thereof, and without Madame la Duchesse de

Berry being embarrassed. Madame de Mouchy was the confidante of all

these strange parties she and Rion invited the guests, and chose the

days. La Mouchy often reconciled the Princess to her lover, and was

better treated by him than she, without her daring to take notice of it,

for fear of an eclat which would have caused her to lose so dear a lover,

and a confidante so necessary. This life was public; everybody at the

Luxembourg paid court to M. de Rion, who, on his side, took care to be on

good terms with all the world, nay, with an air of respect that he

refused, even in public, to his princess. He often gave sharp replies to

her in society, which made people lower their eyes, and brought blushes

to the cheek of Madame la Duchesse de Berry, who, nevertheless, did not

attempt to conceal her submission and passionate manners, even before

others. A remarkable fact is, that in the midst of this life, she took

an apartment at the Convent of the Carmelites of the Faubourg Saint-

Germain, where she sometimes went in the afternoon, always slept there on

grand religious fete days, and often remained there several days running.

She took with her two ladies, rarely three, scarcely a single domestic;

she ate with her ladies what the convent could supply for her table;

attended the services, was sometimes long in prayer, and rigidly fasted

on the appointed days.

Two Carmelites, of much talent, and who knew the world, were charged to

receive her, and to be near her. One was very beautiful: the other had

been so. They were rather young, especially the handsomer; but were very

religious and holy, and performed the office entrusted to them much

against their inclination. When they became more familiar they spoke

freely to the Princess, and said to her that if they knew nothing of her

but what they saw, they should admire her as a saint, but, elsewhere,

they learnt that she led a strange life, and so public, that they could

not comprehend why she came to their convent. Madame la Duchesse de

Berry laughed at this, and was not angry. Sometimes they lectured her,

called people and things by their names, and exhorted her to change so

scandalous a life; but it was all in vain. She lived as before, both at

the Luxembourg and at the Carmelites, and caused wonderment by this

surprising conduct.

Madame la Duchesse de Berry returned with usury to her father, the

severity and the domination she suffered at the hands of Rion--yet this

prince, in his weakness, was not less submissive to her, attentive to

her, or afraid of her. He was afflicted with the public reign of Rion,

and the scandal of his daughter; but he did not dare to breathe a word,

or if he did (after some scene, as ridiculous as it was violent, had

passed between the lover and the Princess, and become public), he was

treated like a negro, pouted at several days, and did not know how to

make his peace.

But it is time now to speak of the public and private occupations of the

Regent himself, of his conduct, his pleasure parties, and the employment

of his days.

Up to five o'clock in the evening he devoted himself exclusively to

public business, reception of ministers, councils, etc., never dining

during the day, but taking chocolate between two and three o'clock, when

everybody was allowed to enter his room. After the council of the day,

that is to say, at about five o'clock, there was no more talk of

business. It was now the time of the Opera or the Luxembourg (if he had

not been to the latter place before his chocolate), or he went to Madame

la Duchesse d'Orleans' apartments, or supped, or went out privately, or

received company privately; or, in the fine season, he went to Saint-

Cloud, or elsewhere out of town, now supping there, or at the Luxembourg,

or at home. When Madame was at Paris, he spoke to her for a moment

before his mass; and when she was at Saint-Cloud he went to see her

there, and always paid her much attention and respect.

His suppers were always in very strange company. His mistresses,

sometimes an opera girl, often Madame la Duchesse de Berry, and a dozen

men whom he called his rows, formed the party. The requisite cheer was

prepared in places made expressly, on the same floor, all the utensils

were of silver; the company often lent a hand to the cooks. It was at

these parties that the character of every one was passed in review,

ministers and favourites like the rest, with a liberty which was

unbridled license. The gallantries past and present of the Court and of

the town; all old stories, disputes, jokes, absurdities were raked up;

nobody was spared; M. le Duc d'Orleans had his say like the rest, but

very rarely did these discourses make the slightest impression upon him.

The company drank as much as they could, inflamed themselves, said the

filthiest things without stint, uttered impieties with emulation, and

when they had made a good deal of noise and were very drunk, they went to

bed to recommence the same game the next day. From the moment when

supper was ready, business, no matter of, what importance, no matter

whether private or national, was entirely banished from view. Until the

next morning everybody and everything were compelled to wait.

The Regent lost then an infinite amount of time in private, in

amusements, and debauchery. He lost much also in audiences too long, too

extended, too easily granted, and drowned himself in those same details

which during the lifetime of the late King we had both so often

reproached him with. Questions he might have decided in half an hour he

prolonged, sometimes from weakness, sometimes from that miserable desire

to set people at loggerheads, and that poisonous maxim which occasionally

escaped him or his favourite, 'divide et impera'; often from his general

mistrust of everybody and everything; nothings became hydras with which

he himself afterwards was much embarrassed. His familiarity and his

readiness of access extremely pleased people, but were much abused.

Folks sometimes were even wanting in respect to him, which at last was an

inconvenience all the more dangerous because he could not, when he

wished, reprimand those who embarrassed him; insomuch as they themselves

did not feel embarrassed.

What is extraordinary is, neither his mistress nor Madame la Duchesse de

Berry, nor his 'roues', could ever draw anything from him, even when

drunk, concerning the affairs of the government, however important. He

publicly lived with Madame de Parabere; he lived at the same time with

others; he amused himself with the jealousy and vexation of these women;

he was not the less on good terms with them all; and the scandal of this

public seraglio, and that of the daily filthiness and impiety at his

suppers, were extreme and spread everywhere.

Towards the end of the year (1715) the Chevalier de Bouillon, who since

the death of the son of the Comte d'Auvergne had taken the name of the

Prince d'Auvergne, proposed to the Regent that there should be a public

ball, masked and unmasked, in the opera three times a week, people to pay

upon entering, and the boxes to be thrown open to those who did not care

to dance. It was believed that a public ball, guarded as is the opera on

days of performance, would prevent those adventures which happened so

often at the little obscure balls scattered throughout Paris; and indeed

close them altogether. The opera balls were established on a grand

scale, and with all possible effect. The proposer of the idea had for it

six thousand livres pension; and a machine admirably invented and of easy

and instantaneous application, was made to cover the orchestra, and put

the stage and the pit on the same level. The misfortune was, that the

opera was at the Palais Royal, and that M. le Duc d'Orleans had only one

step to take to reach it after his suppers and show himself there, often

in a state but little becoming. The Duc de Noailles, who strove to pay

court to him, went there from the commencement so drunk that there was no

indecency he did not commit.

CHAPTER LXXXII

Let me speak now of another matter.

A Scotchman, I do not know of what family, a great player and combiner,

who had gained much in various countries he had been in, had come to

Paris during the last days of the deceased King. His name was Law; but

when he became more known, people grew so accustomed to call him Las,

that his name of Law disappeared. He was spoken of to M. le Duc

d'Orleans as a man deep in banking and commercial matters, in the

movements of the precious metals, in monies and finance: the Regent, from

this description, was desirous to see him. He conversed with Law some

time, and was so pleased with him, that he spoke of him to Desmarets as a

man from whom information was to be drawn. I recollect that the Prince

spoke of him to me at the same time. Desmarets sent for Law, and was a

long while with him several times; I know nothing of what passed between

them or its results, except that Desmarets was pleased with Law, and

formed some esteem for him.

M. le Duc d'Orleans, after that, only saw him from time to time; but

after the first rush of affairs, which followed the death of the King,

Law, who had formed some subaltern acquaintances at the Palais Royal, and

an intimacy with the Abbe Dubois, presented himself anew before M. le Duc

d'Orleans, soon after conversed with him in private, and proposed some

finance plans to him. The Regent made him work with the Duc de Noailles,

with Rouille, with Amelot--this last for commercial matters. The first

two were afraid of an intruder, favoured by the Regent, in their

administration; so that Law was a long time tossed about, but was always

backed by the Duc d'Orleans. At last, the bank project pleased that

Prince so much that he wished to carry it out. He spoke in private to

the heads of finance, in whom he found great opposition. He had often

spoken to me of it, and I had contented myself with listening to him upon

a matter I never liked, and which, consequently, I never well understood;

and the carrying out of which appeared to me distant. When he had

entirely formed his resolution, he summoned a financial and commercial

assembly, in which Law explained the whole plan of the bank he wished to

establish (this was on the 24th of October, 1715). He was listened to as

long as he liked to talk. Some, who saw that the Regent was almost

decided, acquiesced; but the majority opposed.

Law was not disheartened. The majority were spoken to privately in very

good French. Nearly the same assembly was called, in which, the Regent

being present, Law again explained his project. This time few opposed

and feebly. The Duc de Noailles was obliged to give in. The bank being

approved of in this manner, it had next to be proposed to the regency

council.

M. le Duc d'Orleans took the trouble to speak in private to each member

of the council, and gently to make them understand that he wished the

bank to meet with no opposition. He spoke his mind to me thoroughly:

therefore a reply was necessary. I said to him that I did not hide my

ignorance or my disgust for all finance matters; that, nevertheless, what

he had just explained to me appeared good in itself, that without any new

tax, without expense, and without wronging or embarrassing anybody, money

should double itself at once by means of the notes of this bank, and

become transferable with the greatest facility. But along with this

advantage I found two inconveniences, the first, how to govern the bank

with sufficient foresight and wisdom, so as not to issue more notes than

could be paid whenever presented: the second, that what is excellent in a

republic, or in a monarchy where the finance is entirely popular, as in

England, is of pernicious use in an absolute monarchy, such as France,

where the necessities of a war badly undertaken and ill sustained, the

avarice of a first minister, favourite, or mistress, the luxury, the wild

expenses, the prodigality of a King, might soon exhaust a bank, and ruin

all the holders of notes, that is to say, overthrow the realm. M. le Duc

d'Orleans agreed to this; but at the same time maintained that a King

would have so much interest in never meddling or allowing minister,

mistress, or favourite to meddle with the bank, that this capital

inconvenience was never to be feared. Upon that we for a long time

disputed without convincing each other, so that when, some few days

afterwards, he proposed the bank to the regency council, I gave my

opinion as I have just explained it, but with more force and at length:

and my conclusion was to reject the bank, as a bait the most fatal, in an

absolute country, while in a free country it would be a very good and

very wise establishment.

Few dared to be of this opinion: the bank passed. Duc d'Orleans cast

upon me some little reproaches, but gentle, for having spoken at such

length. I based my excuses upon my belief that by duty, honour, and

conscience, I ought to speak according to my persuasion, after having

well thought over the matter, and explained myself sufficiently to make

my opinion well understood, and the reason I had for forming it.

Immediately after, the edict was registered without difficulty at the

Parliament. This assembly sometimes knew how to please the Regent with

good grace in order to turn the cold shoulder to him afterwards with more

efficacy.

Some time after, to relate all at once, M. le Duc d'Orleans wished me to

see Law in order that he might explain to me his plans, and asked me to

do so as a favour. I represented to him my unskilfulness in all finance

matters; that Law would in vain speak a language to me of which I

understood nothing, that we should both lose our time very uselessly.

I tried to back out thus, as well as I could. The Regent several times

reverted to the charge, and at last demanded my submission. Law came

then to my house. Though there was much of the foreigner in his bearing,

in his expressions, and in his accent, he expressed himself in very good

terms, with much clearness and precision. He conversed with me a long

while upon his bank, which, indeed, was an excellent thing in itself, but

for another country rather than for France, and with a prince less easy

than the Regent. Law had no other solutions to give me, of my two

objections, than those the Regent himself had given, which did not

satisfy me. But as the affair had passed, and there was nothing now to

do but well direct it, principally upon that did our conversation turn.

I made him feel as much as I could the importance of not showing such

facility, that it might be abused, with a Regent so good, so easy, so

open, so surrounded. I masked as well as I could what I wished to make

him understand thereupon; and I dwelt especially upon the necessity of

being prepared to satisfy instantly all bearers of notes, who should

demand payment: for upon this depended the credit or the overthrow of the

bank. Law, on going out, begged me to permit him to come sometimes and

talk with me; we separated mutually satisfied, at which the Regent was

still more so.

Law came several other times to my house, and showed much desire to grow

intimate with me. I kept to civilities, because finance entered not into

my head, and I regarded as lost time all these conversations. Some time

after, the Regent, who spoke to me tolerably often of Law with great

prepossession, said that he had to ask of me, nay to demand of me, a

favour; it was, to receive a visit from Law regularly every week. I

represented to him the perfect inutility of these conversations, in which

I was incapable of learning anything, and still more so of enlightening

Law upon subjects he possessed, and of which I knew naught. It was in

vain; the Regent wished it; obedience was necessary. Law, informed of

this by the Regent, came then to my house. He admitted to me with good

grace, that it was he who had asked the Regent to ask me, not daring to

do so himself. Many compliments followed on both sides, and we agreed

that he should come to my house every Tuesday morning about ten o'clock,

and that my door should be closed to everybody while he remained. This

first visit was not given to business. On the following Tuesday morning

he came to keep his appointment, and punctually came until his

discomfiture. An hour-and-a-half, very often two hours, was the ordinary

time for our conversations. He always took care to inform me of the

favour his bank was obtaining in France and foreign countries, of its

products, of his views, of his conduct, of the opposition he met with

from the heads of finance and the magistracy, of his reasons, and

especially of his balance sheet, to convince me that he was more than

prepared to face all holders of notes whatever sums they had to ask for.

I soon knew that if Law had desired these regular visits at my house, it

was not because he expected to make me a skilful financier; but because,

like a man of sense--and he had a good deal--he wished to draw near a

servitor of the Regent who had the best post in his confidence, and who

long since had been in a position to speak to him of everything and of

everybody with the greatest freedom and the most complete liberty; to try

by this frequent intercourse to gain my friendship; inform himself by me

of the intrinsic qualities of those of whom he only saw the outside; and

by degrees to come to the Council, through me, to represent the

annoyances he experienced, the people with whom he had to do; and lastly,

to profit by my dislike to the Duc de Noailles, who, whilst embracing him

every day, was dying of jealousy and vexation, and raised in his path,

under-hand, all the obstacles and embarrassments possible, and would have

liked to stifle him. The bank being in action and flourishing,

I believed it my duty to sustain it. I lent myself, therefore, to the

instructions Law proposed, and soon we spoke to each other with a

confidence I never have had reason to repent. I will not enter into the

details of this bank, the other schemes which followed it, or the

operations made in consequence. This subject of finance would fill

several volumes. I will speak of it only as it affects the history of

the time, or what concerns me in particular. It is the history of my

time I have wished to write; I should have been too much turned from it

had I entered into the immense details respecting finance. I might add

here what Law was. I defer it to a time when this curiosity will be more

in place.

Arouet, son of a notary, who was employed by my father and me until his

death, was exiled and sent to Tulle at this time (the early part of

1716), for some verses very satirical and very impudent.

I should not amuse myself by writing down such a trifle, if this same

Arouet, having become a great poet and academician under the name of

Voltaire, had not also become--after many tragical adventures--a manner

of personage in the republic of letters, and even achieved a sort of

importance among certain people.

CHAPTER LXXXIII

I have elsewhere alluded to Alberoni, and shown what filthy baseness he

stooped to in order to curry favour with the infamous Duc de Vendome.

I have also shown that he accompanied the new Queen of Spain from Parma

to Madrid, after she had been married, by procuration, to Philip V. He

arrived at the Court of Spain at a most opportune moment for his fortune.

Madame des Ursins had just been disgraced; there was no one to take her

place. Alberoni saw his opportunity and was not slow to avail himself of

it. During the journey with the new Queen, he had contrived to

ingratiate himself so completely into her favour, that she was, in a

measure, prepared to see only with his eyes. The King had grown so

accustomed to be shut out from all the world, and to be ruled by others,

that he easily adapted himself to his new chains. The Queen and

Alberoni, then, in a short time had him as completely under their thumb,

as he had before been under that of Madame des Ursins.

Alberoni, unscrupulous and ambitious, stopped at nothing in order to

consolidate his power and pave the way for his future greatness. Having

become prime minister, he kept the King as completely inaccessible to the

courtiers as to the world; would allow no one to approach him whose

influence he had in any way feared. He had Philip completely in his own

hands by means of the Queen, and was always on his guard to keep him

there.

Ever since the Regent's accession to power an intimacy had gradually been

growing up between the two governments of France and England. This was

mainly owing to the intrigues of the Abbe Dubois, who had sold himself to

the English Court, from which he secretly received an enormous pension.

He was, therefore, devoted heart and soul--if such a despicable personage

can be said to have the one or the other--to the interests of King

George, and tried to serve them in every way. He had but little

difficulty--comparatively speaking--in inducing M. le Duc d'Orleans to

fall into his nets, and to declare himself in favour of an English

alliance. Negotiations with this end in view were, in fact, set on foot,

had been for some time; and about the month of September of this year

(1716), assumed a more smiling face than they had yet displayed.

Both France and England, from different motives, wished to draw Spain

into this alliance. The Regent, therefore, in order to further this

desire, obtained from England a promise that she would give up Gibraltar

to its former owners, the Spaniards. The King of England consented to do

so, but on one condition: it was, that in order not to expose himself to

the cries of the party opposed to him, this arrangement should be kept

profoundly secret until executed. In order that this secrecy might be

secured, he stipulated that the negotiation should not in any way pass

through the hands of Alberoni, or any Spanish minister, but be treated

directly between the Regent and the King of Spain, through a confidential

agent chosen by the former.

This confidential agent was to take a letter respecting the treaty to the

King of Spain, a letter full of insignificant trifles, and at the same

time a positive order from the King of England, written and signed by his

hand, to the Governor of Gibraltar, commanding him to surrender the place

to the King of Spain the very moment he received this order, and to

retire with his garrison, etc., to Tangiers. In order to execute this a

Spanish general was suddenly to march to Gibraltar, under pretence of

repressing the incursions of its garrison,--summon the Governor to

appear, deliver to him the King of England's order, and enter into

possession of the place. All this was very weakly contrived; but this

concerned the King of England, not us.

I must not be proud; and must admit that I knew nothing of all this, save

at second-hand. If I had, without pretending to be very clever, I must

say that I should have mistrusted this fine scheme. The King of England

could not be ignorant with what care and with what jealousy the Queen and

Alberoni kept the King of Spain locked up, inaccessible to everybody--and

that the certain way to fail, was to try to speak to him without their

knowledge, in spite of them, or unaided by them. However, my opinion

upon this point was not asked, and accordingly was not given.

Louville was the secret agent whom the Regent determined to send. He had

already been in Spain, had gained the confidence of the King, and knew

him better than any other person who could have been chosen. Precisely

because of all these reasons, I thought him the most unfit person to be

charged with this commission. The more intimate he had been with the

King of Spain, the more firm in his confidence, the more would he be

feared by the Queen and Alberoni; and the more would they do to cover his

embassy with failure, so as to guard their credit and their authority.

I represented my views on this subject to Louville, who acknowledged

there was truth in them, but contented himself with saying, that he had

not in his surprise dared to refuse the mission offered to him; and that

if he succeeded in it, the restitution to Spain of such an important

place as Gibraltar, would doubtless be the means of securing to him large

arrears of pensions due to him from Philip the First: an object of no

small importance in his eyes. Louville, therefore, in due time departed

to Madrid, on his strange and secret embassy.

Upon arriving he went straight to the house of the Duc de Saint-Aignan,

our ambassador, and took up his quarters there. Saint-Aignan who had

received not the slightest information of his arriving, was surprised

beyond measure at it. Alberoni was something more than surprised.

As fortune would have it, Louville when at some distance from Madrid was

seen by a courier, who straightway told Alberoni of the circumstance.

As may be imagined, tormented as Alberoni was by jealousy and suspicion,

this caused him infinite alarm. He was quite aware who Louville was;

the credit he had attained with the King of Spain; the trouble Madame

des Ursins and the deceased Queen had had to get him out of their way;

the fear, therefore, that he conceived on account of this unexpected

arrival, was so great that he passed all bounds, in order to free himself

from it.

He instantly despatched a courier to meet Louville with an order

prohibiting him to approach any nearer to Madrid. The courier missed

Louville, but a quarter of an hour after this latter had alighted at

Saint-Aignan's, he received a note from Grimaldo inclosing an order from

the King of Spain, commanding him to leave the city that instant!

Louville replied that he was charged with a confidential letter from the

King of France, and with another from M. le Duc d'Orleans, for the King

of Spain; and with a commission for his Catholic Majesty which would not

permit him to leave until he had executed it. In consequence of this

reply, a courier was at once despatched to the Prince de Cellamare,

Spanish ambassador at Paris, ordering him to ask for the recall of

Louville, and to declare that the King of Spain so disliked his person

that he would neither see him, nor allow him to treat with any of the

ministers!

Meanwhile the fatigue of the journey followed by such a reception so

affected Louville, that during the night he had an attack of a disease to

which he was subject, so that he had a bath prepared for him, into which

he got towards the end of the morning.

Alberoni, not satisfied with what he had already done, came himself to

the Duc de Saint-Aignan's, in order to persuade Louville to depart at

once. Despite the representations made to him, he insisted upon

penetrating to the sick-chamber. There he saw Louville in his bath.

Nothing could be more civil than the words of Alberoni, but nothing could

be more dry, more negative, or more absolute than their signification.

He pitied the other's illness and the fatigue of his journey; would have

wished to have known of this journey beforehand, so as to have prevented

it; and had hoped to be able to overcome the repugnance of the King of

Spain to see him, or at least to obtain permission for him to remain some

days in Madrid. He added that he had been unable to shake his Majesty in

any way, or to avoid obeying the very express order he had received from

him, to see that he (Louville) departed at once.

Louville, however, was in a condition which rendered his departure

impossible. Alberoni admitted this, but warned him that his stay must

only last as long as his illness, and that the attack once over, he must

away. Louville insisted upon the confidential letters, of which he was

the bearer, and which gave him an official character, instructed as he

was to execute an important commission from the King of France, nephew of

the King of Spain, such as his Majesty could not refuse to hear direct

from his mouth, and such as he would regret not having listened to.

The dispute was long and warm, despite the illness of Louville, who could

gain nothing. He did not fail to remain five or six days with the Duc de

Saint-Aignan, and to make him act as ambassador in order to obtain an

audience of the King, although Saint-Aignan was hurt at being kept

ignorant of the object of the other's mission.

Louville did not dare to call upon a soul, for fear of committing

himself, and nobody dared to call upon him. He hazarded, however, for

curiosity, to go and see the King of Spain pass through a street, and

ascertain if, on espying him, he would not be tempted to hear him, in

case his arrival, as was very possible, had been kept a secret. But

Alberoni had anticipated everything. Louville saw the King pass,

certainly, but found it was impossible to make himself perceived by his

Majesty. Grimaldo came afterwards to intimate to Louville an absolute

order to depart, and to inform the Duc de Saint-Aignan that the King of

Spain was so angry with the obstinacy of this delay, that he would not

say what might happen if the stay of Louville was protracted; but that he

feared the respect due to a representative minister, and above all an

ambassador of France, would be disregarded.

Both Louville and Saint-Aignan clearly saw that all audience was

impossible, and that in consequence a longer stay could only lead to

disturbances which might embroil the two crowns; so that, at the end of

seven or eight days, Louville departed, returning as he came. Alberoni

began then to breathe again after the extreme fear he had had. He was

consoled by this proof of his power, which showed he need no longer fear

that any one could approach the King without his aid, or that any

business could be conducted without him. Thus Spain lost Gibraltar, and

she has never been able to recover it since.

Such is the utility of prime ministers!

Alberoni spread the report in Spain and in France, that Philip V. had

taken a mortal aversion against Louville, since he had driven him out of

the country for his insolence and his scheming; that he would never see

him, and was offended because he had passed the Pyrenees; that Louville

had no proposition to make, or commission to execute; that he had

deceived the Regent, in making him believe that if once he found a

pretext for appearing before the King of Spain, knowing him so well as he

did, that prince would be ravished by the memory of his former affection,

would reinstate him in his former credit, and thus France would be able

to make Spain do all she wished. In a word, Alberoni declared that

Louville had only come into the country to try and obtain some of the

pensions he had been promised on quitting the King of Spain, but that he

had not gone the right way to work to be so soon paid.

Nothing short of the effrontery of Alberoni would have been enough for

the purpose of spreading these impostures. No one had forgotten in Spain

what Madame des Ursins had done to get rid of Louville, how the King of

Spain had resisted; that she was not able to succeed without the aid of

France and her intrigues with Madame de Maintenon; and that the King,

afflicted to the utmost, yielding to the orders given by France to

Louville, had doubled the pensions which had for a long time been paid to

him, given him a sum of money in addition, and the government of

Courtray, which he lost only by the misfortune of the war that followed

the loss of the battle of Ramillies. With respect to the commission, to

deny it was an extreme piece of impudence, a man being concerned so well

known as Louville, who descends at the house of the ambassador of France,

says he has letters of trust from the King and the Regent, and an

important mission which he can only confide to the King of Spain, the

self-same ambassador striving to obtain an audience for him. Nothing was

so easy as to cover Louville with confusion, if he had spoken falsely,

by making him show his letters; if he had none he would have been struck

dumb, and having no official character, Alberoni would have been free to

punish him. Even if with confidential letters, he had only a complaint

to utter in order to introduce himself and to solicit his pay, Alberoni

would very easily have been able to dishonour him, because he had no

commission after having roundly asserted that he was charged with one of

great importance. But omnipotence says and does with impunity whatever

it pleases.

Louville having returned, it was necessary to send word to the King of

England of all he had done in Spain; and this business came to nothing,

except that it set Alberoni against the Regent for trying to execute a

secret commission without his knowledge; and that it set the Regent

against Alberoni for frustrating a project so openly, and for showing the

full force of his power. Neither of the two ever forgot this matter; and

the dislike of Alberoni to the Regent led, as will be seen, to some

strange results.

I will add here, that the treaty of alliance between France and England

was signed a short time after this event. I did my utmost to prevent it,

representing to the Regent that his best policy was to favour the cause

of the Pretender, and thus by keeping the attention of Great Britain

continually fixed upon her domestic concerns, he would effectually

prevent her from influencing the affairs of the continent, and long were

the conversations I had with him, insisting upon this point. But

although, while he was with me, my arguments might appear to have some

weight with him, they were forgotten, clean swept from his mind, directly

the Abbe Dubois, who had begun to obtain a most complete and pernicious

influence over him, brought his persuasiveness to bear. Dubois' palm had

been so well greased by the English that he was afraid of nothing.

He succeeded then in inducing the Regent to sign a treaty with England,

in every way, it may safely be said, advantageous to that power, and in

no way advantageous to France. Amongst other conditions, the Regent

agreed to send the so-called Pretender out of the realm, and to force him

to seek an asylum in Italy. This was, in fact, executed to the letter.

King James, who for some time had retired to Avignon, crossed the Alps

and settled in Rome, where he lived ever afterwards. I could not but

deplore the adoption of a policy so contrary to the true interests of

France; but the business being done I held my peace, and let matters take

their course. It was the only course of conduct open to me.

CHAPTER LXXXIV

I have already shown in these memoirs, that the late King had made of the

lieutenant of police a species of secret and confidential minister; a

sort of inquisitor, with important powers that brought him in constant

relation with the King. The Regent, with less authority than the

deceased monarch, and with more reasons than he to be well informed of

everything passing, intrigues included, found occupying this office of

lieutenant of police, Argenson, who had gained his good graces chiefly,

I fancy, when the affair of the cordelier was on the carpet, as shown in

its place. Argenson, who had much intelligence, and who had desired this

post as the entry, the basis, and the road of his fortune, filled it in a

very superior manner, and the Regent made use of him with much liberty.

The Parliament, very ready to show the extent of its authority

everywhere, at the least as though in competition with that of the

Regent, suffered impatiently what it called the encroachments of the

Court. It wished to indemnify itself for the silence it had been

compelled to keep thereon under the last reign, and to re-obtain at the

expense of the Regent all it had lost of its authority over the police,

of which it is the head. The lieutenant of police is answerable to this

body--even receives his orders from it, and its reprimands (in public

audiences, standing uncovered at the bar of the Parliament) from the

mouth of the Chief-President, or of him who presides, and who calls him

neither Master nor Monsieur, but nakedly by his name, although the

lieutenant of police might have claimed these titles, being then

Councillor of State.

The Parliament wished, then, to humiliate Argenson (whom it hated during

the time of the deceased King); to give a disagreeable lesson to the

Regent; to prepare worse treatment still for his lieutenant of police; to

make parade of its power, to terrify thus the public, and arrogate to

itself the right of limiting the authority of the Regent.

Argenson had often during the late reign, and sometimes since, made use

of an intelligent and clever fellow, just suited to him, and named

Pomereu, to make discoveries, arrest people, and occasionally keep them a

short time in his own house. The Parliament believed, and rightly, that

in arresting this man under other pretexts, it would find the thread of

many curious and secret tortuosities, which would aid its design, and

that it might plume itself upon protecting the public safety against the

tyranny of secret arrests and private imprisonments. To carry out its

aim it made use of the Chamber of justice, so as to appear as little as

possible in the matter. This Chamber hastened on so well the

proceedings, for fear of being stopped on the road, that the first hint

people had of them was on learning that Pomereu was, by decree of this

Chamber, in the prisons of the Conciergerie, which are those of the

Parliament. Argenson, who was informed of this imprisonment immediately

it took place, instantly went to the Regent, who that very moment sent a

'lettre de cachet', ordering Pomereu to be taken from prison by force if

the gaoler made the slightest difficulty in giving him up to the bearers

of the 'lettre de cachet'; but that gentleman did not dare to make any.

The execution was so prompt that this man was not an hour in prison, and

they who had sent him there had not time to seize upon a box of papers

which had been transported with him to the Conciergerie, and which was

very carefully carried away with him. At the same time, everything in

any way bearing upon Pomereu, or upon the things in which he had been

employed, was carefully removed and secreted.

The vexation of the Parliament upon seeing its prey, which it had

reckoned upon making such a grand use of, carried off before its eyes,

may be imagined. It left nothing undone in order to move the public by

its complaints, and by its cries against such an attack upon law. The

Chamber of justice sent a deputation to the Regent, who made, fun of it,

by gravely giving permission to the deputies to re-take their prisoner,

but without saying a single word to them upon his escape from gaol. He

was in Paris, in a place where he feared nobody. The Chamber of justice

felt the derisiveness of the Regent's permission, and ceased to transact

business. It thought to embarrass the Regent thus, but 'twould have been

at its own expense. This lasted only a day or two. The Duc de Noailles

spoke to the Chamber; the members felt they could gain nothing by their

strike, and that if they were obstinate they would be dispensed with, and

others found to perform their duties. They recommenced their labours

then, and the Parliament gained nothing by its attack, but only showed

its ill-will, and at the same time its powerlessness.

I have forgotten something which, from its singularity, deserves

recollection, and I will relate it now lest it should escape me again.

One afternoon, as we were about to take our places at the regency

council, the Marechal de Villars drew me aside and asked me if I knew

that Marly was going to be destroyed. I replied, "No;" indeed, I had not

heard speak of it; and I added that I could not believe it. "You do not

approve of it?" said the Marechal. I assured him I was far from doing

so. He repeated that the destruction was resolved on, that he knew it

beyond all doubt, and that if I wished to hinder it, I had not a moment

to lose. I replied that when we took our places I would speak to M. le

Duc d'Orleans. "Immediately," quickly replied the Marechal; "speak to

him this instant, for the order is perhaps already given."

As all the council were already seated I went behind to M. le Duc

d'Orleans, and whispered in his ear what I had just learnt without naming

from whom, and begged him, if my information was right, to suspend

execution of his project until I had spoken to him, adding that I would

join him at the Palais Royal after the council. He stammered a little,

as if sorry at being discovered, but nevertheless agreed to wait for me:

I said so in leaving to the Marechal de Villars, and went to the Palais

Royal, where M. le Duc d'Orleans admitted the truth of the news I had

heard. I said I would not ask who had given such a pernicious counsel.

He tried to show it was good by pointing to the saving in keeping up that

would be obtained; to the gain that would accrue from the sale of so many

water-conduits and materials; to the unpleasant situation of a place to

which the King would not be able to go for several years; and to the

expense the King was put to in keeping up so many other beautiful houses,

not one of which admitted of pulling down.

I replied to him, that these were the reasons of the guardian of a

private gentleman that had been presented to him, the conduct of whom

could in no way resemble that of the guardian of a King of France; that

the expenses incurred in keeping up Marly were necessary, and that,

compared with the total of those of the King, they were but as drops in

the ocean. I begged him to get rid of the idea that the sale of the

materials would yield any profit,--all the receipts would go in gifts and

pillage, I said; and also that it was not these petty objects he ought to

regard, but that he should consider how many millions had been buried in

this ancient sewer, to transform it into a fairy palace, unique as to

form in all Europe--unique by the beauty of its fountains, unique also by

the reputation that the deceased King had given to it; and that it was an

object of curiosity to strangers of every rank who came to France; that

its destruction would resound throughout Europe with censure; that these

mean reasons of petty economy would not prevent all France from being

indignant at seeing so distinguished an ornament swept away; that

although neither he nor I might be very delicate upon what had been the

taste and the favourite work of the late King, the Regent ought to avoid

wounding his memory,--which by such a long reign, so many brilliant

years, so many grand reverses so heroically sustained, and escaped from

in so unhoped-for a manner--had left the entire world in veneration of

his person: in fine, that he might reckon all the discontented, all the

neutral even, would join in chorus with the Ancient Court, and cry

murder; that the Duc du Maine, Madame de Ventadour, the Marechal de

Villeroy would not hesitate to look upon the destruction of Marly as a

crime against the King,--a crime they would not fail to make the best of

for their own purposes during all the regency, and even after it was at

an end. I clearly saw that M. le Duc d'Orleans had not in the least

reflected upon all this. He agreed that I was right: promised that Marly

should not be touched, that it should continue to be kept up, and thanked

me for preserving him from this fault.

When I was well assured of him, "Admit," said I, "that the King, in the

other world, would be much astonished if he could know that the Duc de

Noailles had made you order the destruction of Marly, and that it was who

hindered it."

"Oh! as to that," he quickly replied, "it is true he could not believe

it." In effect Marly was preserved and kept up; and it is the Cardinal

Fleury, with his collegiate proctor's avarice, who has stripped it of its

river, which was its most superb charm.

I hastened to relate this good resolve to the Marechal de Villars.

The Duc de Noailles, who, for his own private reasons, had wished the

destruction of Marly, was furious when he saw his proposal fail.

To indemnify himself in some degree for his vexation, he made the Regent

agree, in the utmost secrecy, for fear of another failure, that all the

furniture, linen, etc., should be sold. He persuaded M. le Duc d'Orleans

that all these things would be spoiled and lost by the time the King was

old enough to use them; that in selling them a large sum would be gained

to relieve expenses; and that in future years the King could furnish

Marly as he pleased. There was an immense quantity of things sold, but

owing to favour and pillage they brought very little; and to replace them

afterwards, millions were spent. I did not know of this sale, at which

anybody bought who wished, and at very low prices, until it had

commenced; therefore I was unable to hinder this very damaging

parsimoniousness.

The Regent just about this time was bestowing his favours right and left

with a very prodigal hand; I thought, therefore, I was fully entitled to

ask him for one, which, during the previous reign, had been so rare, so

useful, and accordingly so difficult to obtain; I mean the right of

entering the King's room--the 'grandes entrees'--as it was called, and I

attained it at once.

Since the occasion offers, I may as well explain what are the different

sorts of entrees. The most precious are called the "grand," which give

the right to enter into all the retired places of the King's apartments,

whenever the grand chamberlain and the chief gentlemen of the chamber

enter. The importance of this privilege under a King who grants

audiences with difficulty, need not be insisted on. Enjoying it, you can

speak with him, tete-a-tete, whenever you please, without asking his

permission, and without the knowledge of others; you obtain a

familiarity, too, with him by being able to see him thus in private.

The offices which give this right are, those of grand chamberlain, of

first gentleman of the chamber, and of grand master of the wardrobe on

annual duty; the children, legitimate and illegitimate, of the King, and

the wives and husbands of the latter enjoy the same right. As for

Monsieur and M. le Duc d'Orleans they always had these entrees, and as

sons of France, were at liberty to enter and see the King at all hours,

but they did not abuse this privilege. The Duc du Maine and the Comte de

Toulouse had the same, which they availed themselves of unceasingly, but

by the back stairs.

The second entrees, simply called entrees, were purely personal; no

appointment or change gave them. They conferred the right to see the

King at his rising, after the grandes, and also to see him, but under

difficulties, during all the day and evening.

The last entrees are those called chamber entrees. They also give the

right to see the King at his rising, before the distinguished courtiers;

but no other privilege except to be present at the booting of the King.

This was the name employed when the King changed his coat, in going or

returning from hunting or a walk. At Marly, all who were staying there

by invitation, entered to see this ceremony without asking; elsewhere,

those who had not the entree were excluded. The first gentleman of the

chamber had the right, and used it sometimes, to admit four or five

persons at the most, to the "booting," if they asked, and provided they

were people of quality, or of some distinction.

Lastly, there were the entrees of the cabinet which gave you the right to

wait for the King there when he entered after rising, until he had given

orders for the day, and to pay your court to him, and to enter there when

he entered to change his coat. Beyond this, the privilege attached to

these admissions did not extend. The Cardinals and the Princes of the

blood had the entrees of the chamber and those of the cabinet, so had all

the chief officials.

I was the first who had the 'grandes entrees' from the Regent. D'Antin

asked for them next. Soon after, upon this example, they were accorded

to D'O. M. le Prince de Conti, the sole prince of the blood who had them

not, because he was the sole prince of the blood who did not come from

Madame de Montespan, received them next, and little by little the

privilege was completely prostituted as so many others were.

By extremely rare good fortune a servant employed in the diamond mines of

the Great Mogul found means to secrete about his person a diamond of

prodigious size, and what is more marvellous, to gain the seashore and

embark without being subjected to the rigid and not very delicate ordeal,

that all persons not above suspicion by their name or their occupation,

are compelled to submit to, ere leaving the country. He played his cards

so well, apparently, that he was not suspected of having been near the

mines, or of having had anything to do with the jewel trade. To complete

his good fortune he safely arrived in Europe with his diamond. He showed

it to several princes, none of whom were rich enough to buy, and carried

it at last to England, where the King admired it, but could not resolve

to purchase it. A model of it in crystal was made in England, and the

man, the diamond, and the model (perfectly resembling the original) were

introduced to Law, who proposed to the Regent that he should purchase the

jewel for the King. The price dismayed the Regent, who refused to buy.

Law, who had in many things much grandour of sentiment, came dispirited

to me, bringing the model. I thought, with him, that it was not

consistent with the greatness of a King of France to be repelled from the

purchase of an inestimable jewel, unique of its kind in the world, by the

mere consideration of price, and that the greater the number of

potentates who had not dared to think of it, the greater ought to be his

care not to let it escape him. Law, ravished to find me think in this

manner, begged me to speak to M. le Duc d'Orleans. The state of the

finances was an obstacle upon which the Regent much insisted. He feared

blame for making so considerable a purchase, while the most pressing

necessities could only be provided for with much trouble, and so many

people were of necessity kept in distress. I praised this sentiment,

but I said that he ought not to regard the greatest King of Europe as he

would a private gentleman, who would be very reprehensible if he threw

away 100,000 livres upon a fine diamond, while he owed many debts which

he could not pay: that he must consider the honour of the crown, and not

lose the occasion of obtaining, a priceless diamond which would efface

the lustre of all others in Europe: that it was a glory for his regency

which would last for ever; that whatever might be the state of the

finances the saving obtained by a refusal of the jewel would not much

relieve them, for it would be scarcely perceptible; in fact I did not

quit M. le Duc d'Orleans until he had promised that the diamond should be

bought.

Law, before speaking to me, had so strongly represented to the dealer the

impossibility of selling his diamond at the price he hoped for, and the

loss he would suffer in cutting it into different pieces, that at last he

made him reduce the price to two millions, with the scrapings, which must

necessarily be made in polishing, given in. The bargain was concluded on

these terms. The interest upon the two millions was paid to the dealer

until the principal could be given to him, and in the meanwhile two

millions' worth of jewels were handed to him as security.

M. le Duc d'Orleans was agreeably deceived by the applause that the

public gave to an acquisition so beautiful and so unique. This diamond

was called the "Regent." It is of the size of a greengage plum, nearly

round, of a thickness which corresponds with its volume, perfectly white,

free from all spot, speck, or blemish, of admirable water, and weighs

more than 500 grains. I much applauded myself for having induced the

Regent to make so illustrious a purchase.

CHAPTER LXXXV

In 1716 the Duchesse de Lesdiguieres died at Paris in her fine hotel.

She was not old, but had been long a widow, and had lost her only son.

She was the last relic of the Gondi who were brought into France by

Catherine de' Medici, and who made so prodigious a fortune. She left

great wealth. She was a sort of fairy, who, though endowed with much

wit, would see scarcely anybody, still less give dinners to the few

people she did see. She never went to Court, and seldom went out of her

house. The door of her house was always thrown back, disclosing a

grating, through which could be perceived a true fairy palace, such as

is sometimes described in romances. Inside it was nearly desert, but of

consummate magnificence, and all this confirmed the first impression,

assisted by the singularity of everything, her followers, her livery,

the yellow hangings of her carriage, and the two great Moors who always

followed her. She left much to her servants, and for pious purposes, but

nothing to her daughter-in-law, though poor and respectful to her. Others

got magnificent legacies.

Cavoye died about the same time. I have said enough about him and his

wife to have nothing to add. Cavoye, away from Court, was like a fish

out of water; and he could not stand it long. If romances have rarely

produced conduct like that of his wife towards him, they would with still

greater difficulty describe the courage with which her lasting love for

her husband sustained her in her attendance on his last illness, and the

entombment to which she condemned herself afterwards. She preserved her

first mourning all her life, never slept away from the house where he

died, or went out, except to go twice a day to Saint-Sulpice to pray in

the chapel where he was buried. She would never see any other persons

besides those she had seen during the last moments of her husband, and

occupied herself with good works also, consuming herself thus in a few

years without a single sign of hesitation. A vehemence so equal and so

maintained is perhaps an example, great, unique, and assuredly very

respectable.

Peter I., Czar of Muscovy, has made for himself, and justly, such a great

name, in his own country, in all Europe, and in Asia, that I will not

undertake to describe so grand, so illustrious a prince--comparable to

the greatest men of antiquity--who has been the admiration of his age,

who will be that of years to come, and whom all Europe has been so much

occupied in studying. The singularity of the journey into France of so

extraordinary a prince, has appeared to me to deserve a complete

description in an unbroken narrative. It is for this reason that I place

my account of it here a little late, according to the order of time, but

with dates that will rectify this fault.

Various things relating to this monarch have been seen in their place;

his various journeys to Holland, Germany, Vienna, England, and to several

parts of the North; the object of those journeys, with some account of

his military actions, his policy, his family. It has been shown that he

wished to come into France during the time of the late King, who civilly

refused to receive him. There being no longer this obstacle, he wished

to satisfy his curiosity, and he informed the Regent through Prince

Kourakin, his ambassador at Paris, that he was going to quit the Low

Countries, and come and see the King.