INTRODUCTION

A certain aggregation of personages, actions, emotions and moods, ideas

and works, which make their appearance in France, find expression in

the French language, and influence French society at the beginning

of the nineteenth century, form in my eyes a naturally coherent

group, from the fact that they all centre round one idea, namely, the

re-establishment of a fallen power. This fallen power is the principle

of authority.

By the principle of authority I understand the principle which assumes

the life of the individual and of the nation to be based upon reverence

for inherited tradition.

That power which is its essential quality, authority owes simply to

its own existence, not to reason; it is a result of the involuntary or

voluntary subjection of men's minds to existing conditions. Authority

had originally only two instruments at its disposal, compulsion and

fear, instruments which it will always retain and use; but at an early

age it began to call forth such feelings as reverence and gratitude.

Men were not ashamed of, did not suffer from, their dependence on

authority, when they felt that they owed an obligation to it. The

authority of the family, the authority of society, the authority of the

state (long synonymous with the will of the despotic ruler) gradually

asserted themselves, and supported themselves, one and all, upon a

still higher authority, the authority of religion. In it the principle

of authority reaches the absolute stage. The will of the Almighty

becomes the supreme law, to which all must bow and which must be

blindly obeyed.

The principle of authority has had a powerful educative influence on

the human race; but its real mission is to make itself superfluous. At

a comparatively low stage man submits to law because it emanates from

authority; at a higher, because he recognises its reasonableness. Where

authority is absolute it must, and as a matter of fact does, demand

recognition as something mysterious and miraculous, and treat all

criticism as rebellion and heresy.

It is its ratification by religion which makes authority absolute.

Owing, however, to the manner in which Christianity had developed in

Europe, the principle of authority had not as yet manifested itself

in that continent in perfect purity. Christianity had (officially at

least) proclaimed itself to be the religion of love, the religion

of Christ. History shows that what the church in reality laid most

weight on was belief in the dogmas of Christianity and in the duty

of submission to supernatural authority--not love, but obedience was

necessarily of supreme importance to it as well as to the state.

So far, however, even the strictest of theologians, priests, and

religious writers had employed the language of religious enthusiasm,

had proclaimed the message of love along with the doctrines of the

faith, and striven not merely to further the cause of authority, but

also to win souls. It was not until a majority of the educated minds

of many countries freed themselves from the yoke of authority in the

domain of the supernatural, and consequently became critically disposed

towards it in the political and social domains also, that the principle

of authority in its purity and its barrenness began to be vindicated

unemotionally, with arguments appealing most frequently to reason

alone, but occasionally also to the imagination.

It is possible to champion the principle of authority in church and

state, in society and in the family, nay, even in the domain of human

knowledge, as the principle of knowledge and of wisdom. During the

period of which I purpose describing the spiritual life it was so

championed in all those domains, but at the time now referred to it was

overthrown in them all.

In order to understand how it came to be resuscitated, proclaimed,

developed, vindicated, established, and finally again overthrown, it

is necessary that we should see how, and by virtue of what fundamental

principles, it was annulled at the time of the Revolution.

It was not attacked at once in all the different domains; but it became

evident that its existence in them all depended upon its existence

in what was considered the highest, that of religion. For it was the

church which, as authority, imparted authority in all the other spheres

of life--to the "king by the grace of God," to marriage as a sacrament,

&c. &c.

Therefore the principle of authority in general stood or fell with the

authority of the church. When that was undermined, it drew all other

authorities with it in its fall.

Not that the man who, in the eighteenth century, laboured more

energetically and successfully than any other for the emancipation of

the intellect from ecclesiasticism and dogma had foreseen such a result

of his labour. Far from it! Voltaire desired no outward revolution.

In his little tale, _Le monde comme il va_, the wise Babouc, who

is at first utterly revolted by the depravity of the great city of

Persepolis, gradually comes to see that the bad state of matters has

its good sides; and, when the fate of the city hangs upon his report

to the angel Ithuriel, he pronounces himself to be entirely opposed to

its destruction. Even the angel does not in the end propose making any

change in the customs of Persepolis, because, "though things are not

good, they are certainly bearable." This train of thought can hardly

be called revolutionary; and Voltaire is, at least at times, of the

same opinion as Babouc. It was always to the sovereigns, not to the

peoples, that he appealed to transform his ideas into actions, and he

often declared that the cause of kings and of philosophers was one

and the same. Hence when Holbach and his collaborators asserted that

"hardly once in a thousand years was there to be found amongst these

rulers by the grace of God, these representatives of the Deity, a man

possessing the most ordinary sense of justice or compassion, or the

commonest abilities and virtues," Voltaire could not control his wrath.

His letters to the King of Prussia, too, contain violent outbursts of

indignation at _Le Système de la Nature_. He did not recognise himself

in these disciples and in these conclusions.

Nevertheless it is Voltaire who constitutes the destructive principle

throughout the Revolution, just as it is Rousseau who is the rallying,

uniting spirit. For Voltaire had destroyed the principle of authority

by vindicating the liberty of thought of the individual, Rousseau had

displaced and superseded it by the feeling of universal brotherhood and

mutual dependence. What these two great men had planned the Revolution

carried into effect; it was the executor of their wills; the thought

of the individual became destructive action, and the feeling of mutual

dependence, uniting organisation. From Voltaire came the wrath of the

revolutionists, from Rousseau their enthusiasm.

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