[1] It is owing to the crabbed writing of Price's MS. that at p. 21
Jahangir is made to say that the Prince of Kashmir belonged to the
society of Jogis. The real statement is that the prince belonged to
the Chak family.
[2] A translation was begun by the Rev. Mr. Lowe for the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, but only one fasciculus was published. This was
in 1889.
[3] That is, he was 37 years 3 months by the lunar calendar, and
36 years 1 month by solar reckoning (Padshahnama, i, 69). Elliot
and all the MSS. have 8th Jumada-s-sani as the date of the
accession, but this is clearly wrong, as Akbar did not die till 13th
Jumada-s-sani. Evidently the copyists have, as is so often the case,
misread bistam as hashtam. See Blochmann's remark, p. 454, note 3. That
Jahangir was not at this time 38 is shown by his stating at p. 37 that
he celebrated his 38th birthday at Lahore after the capture of Khusrau.
[4] The Sanskrit Kalinda.
[5] The couplet appears in Mas`ud's divan, B.M. MS. Egerton, 701,
p. 142a, line 4. The preceding lines show that the dust (gard) referred
to in the first line means the dust caused by the invading army. I
take the words baru barhai to mean the battlements or pinnacles of
the fortress, the i at the end of barha being intensive.
[6] Erskine's manuscript translation of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri,
B.M. MS. Add. 26,611, and the B.M. MS. have chini, not habshi. But
I.O. MS. No. 181 and the R.A.S. MS. have husaini, and this seems
right. See Memoirs, Leyden & Erskine, p. 326, and the Haidarabad
Turki text, p. 284. The kishmishi is a small grape like that of which
currants are made.
[7] Cf. infra the account of the 11th year, p. 173.
[8] See Memoirs. L. & E., p. 330.
[9] The name rae bel is not given in Clarke's Roxburgh, but perhaps it
is one of the jessamines, and may be the bela of Clarke (p. 30). The
rae bel is described by Abu-l-fazl (Blochmann, pp. 76 and 82). The
statement about its flowers being double and treble is obscure. Erskine
renders the passage "The leaves are generally two and three fold." The
Persian word is tabaqa, which apparently is equivalent to the tui or
fold of the Ayin-i-Akbari, Persian text, i, 96. The reference may be
to the flowers growing in umbels.
[10] This is the bokul of Indian gardens (Clarke, p. 313), and well
deserves Jahangir's praise. It is probably the bholsari mentioned in
the Ayin (Blochmann, No. 10, p. 83). Blochmann gives bholsiri (p. 70)
as the name of a fruit-tree, and the bholsari of p. 83 maybe a mistake
for mulsari.
[11] The text has sewti, but the sewti seems to be the Rosa
glandulifera of Roxburgh (Clarke, p. 407) and has no resemblance
to the Pandanus. See also the description of the sewti, Blochmann,
p. 82. (Perhaps there are two sewtis, one famous for fragrance, the
other for beauty. See l.c., pp. 76 and 82.) What is meant in the
text is evidently a Pandanus and the ketki of Blochmann, p. 83. I
have followed, therefore, I.O. MS. 181, and have substituted ketki
for sewti. The ketki may be Pandanus inermis, which has no thorns
(Clarke, p. 708). Erskine also has ketki.
[12] L.c. p. 33 et seq.
[13] Du Jarric, who got his information from missionary reports,
seems to imply that the chain was of silver, and says that Jahangir
was following the idea of an old Persian king. It is mentioned in
the Siyar al-muta'akhkhirin (reprint, i, 230) that Muhammad Shah in
1721 revived this, and hung a long chain with a bell attached to it
from the octagon tower which looked towards the river.
[14] In text this is wrongly made part of regulation 2.
[15] Gladwin and the MSS. have dilbahra (exhilarating drink), and
this is probably correct. Jahangir would know little about rice-spirit.
[16] This regulation is more fully expounded in Price, p. 7.
[17] It is curious that Jahangir should give the 18th Rabi`u-l-awwal
as his birthday, while the authorities give it as the 17th. Probably
the mistake has arisen from Jahangir's writing Rabi`u-l-awwal instead
of Shahriwar. His birthday was Rashn the 18th day of Shahriwar (see
Akbarnama, ii, 344), but it was the 17th Rabi`u-l-awwal. See Muhammad
Hadi's preface, p. 2, and Beale, and Jahangir's own statement a few
lines above. Possibly Jahangir wished to make out that he was born on
the 18th Rabi`u-l-awwal and a Thursday, because he regarded Thursday
as a blessed day (mubarak shamba), whilst he regarded Wednesday as
peculiarly unlucky, and called it kam, or gam, shamba.
[18] Cf. Elliot's translation, vi, 513, and note 2.
[19] The MSS. have "the subsistence lands of people in general (ahali)
and the aimas."
[20] In the text and in Elliot, vi, 515, this is made a separate order,
but it is not so in the MSS. If it were, we should have thirteen
instead of twelve regulations. This is avoided in text and in Elliot
by putting the 8th and 7th regulations into one ordinance. With regard
to the regulation about releasing the prisoners, Sir Henry Elliot is
somewhat unjust to Jahangir in his commentary at p. 515. It was only
those who had been long imprisoned whom Jahangir released, and his
proceedings at Ranthambhor in the 13th year (Tuzuk, p. 256) show that
he exercised discrimination in releasing prisoners. The account in
Price, p. 10, may also be consulted. There Jahangir says he released
7,000 men from Gwalior alone. It may be remembered that most of these
were political offenders. Private criminals were for the most part
put to death, or mutilated, or fined. There were no regular jails.
[21] The above translation of the Institutes should be compared with
Sir Henry Elliot's translation and his commentary: History of India,
E. & D., vol. vi, Appendix, p. 493.
[22] Erskine's MS. has isari for nisari, and akhtar-i-qabul instead
of khair-i-qabul.
[23] This is Blochmann's Asaf Khan No. iii, viz. Mirza Ja`far Beg. See
pp. 368 and 411.
[24] The words Aftab-i-Mamlakat yield, according to the numeration
by abjad, the date 1014 A.H. (1605).
[25] Page 4 of the text is followed by engravings of the coins of
Jahangir and the inscriptions thereon, for which the editor, Saiyid
Ahmad, says he is indebted to Mr. Thornhill, the Judge of Meerut. They
do not show the lines of poetry. There is an interesting article on
the couplets on Jahangir's coins by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, J.A.S.B. for
1888, p. 18.
[26] The chronogram is ingenious. The words Sahib-Qiran-i-Sani yield
only 1013 according to abjad, and this is a year too little. But the
verse states that Prosperity (or Fortune), Iqbal, laid his head at the
second lord of conjunction's feet, and the head of Iqbal, according to
the parlance of chronogram-composers, is the first letter of the word,
that is, alif, which stands for one (A) in abjad, and so the date 1014
is made up. Sahib-Qiran-i-Sani means 'the second lord of conjunction,'
and is a title generally applied to Shah Jahan; the first lord of
conjunction (i.e the conjunction of Jupiter and Venus) was Timur.
[27] A great officer under Humayun and Akbar. See Ayin, Blochmann,
p. 317.
[28] Blochmann, p. 331. He had 1,200 eunuchs. He is generally
styled Sa`id Chaghatai. The exact nature of his relationship does
not appear. It is not mentioned in his biography in the Ma'asir, ii,
403. Perhaps the word (nisbat) does not here mean affinity by marriage.
[29] According to the account in Price, p. 16, and in the Ma'asir,
ii, 405, Sa`id Khan gave a bond that if his people were oppressive
he would forfeit his head.
[30] He does not seem to have had any real power, and he was soon
superseded. See Ma'asir, iii, 932.
[31] It appears from Erskine and from I.O. MS. that this is a
mistake for Yatish-begi, 'Captain of the Watch,' and that the name
is Aminu-d-din, and not Aminu-d-daula. See Akbarnama, iii, 474, etc.
[32] Sharif Khan had been sent by Akbar to recall Jahangir to his
duty, but instead of coming back he stayed on. He did not accompany
Jahangir when the latter went off the second time to wait upon his
father. Probably he was afraid to do so. Jahangir appointed him to
Bihar before he left Allahabad to visit his father for the second
time. Jahangir says Sharif waited upon him fifteen days after his
accession, and on 4th Rajab. This is another proof, if proof were
needed, that the copyists have misread the opening sentence of the
Tuzuk and have written hashtam instead of bistam, for 4th Rajab is
fifteen days after 20th Jumada-l-akhir. The Padshahnama and Khafi
Khan have 20th, and Price and Price's original say that Sharif arrived
sixteen days after the accession.
[33] I.O. MS. 181 and Muhammad Hadi have Sultan Nisar Begam. Khafi
Khan, i, 245, has Sultan Begam, and says she was born in 994. Price's
Jahangir, p. 20, says she was born a year before Khusrau. She built a
tomb for herself in the Khusrau Bagh, Allahabad, but she is not buried
there (see J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 607). She died on 4th Sha`ban,
1056 (5th September, 1646), and was at her own request buried in her
grandfather's tomb at Sikandra (Padshahnama, ii, 603-4).
[34] Should be Shaikhawat.
[35] The R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. have here Umra instead of Uzbegs. Umra
here stands, I think, for Umr Singh, the Rana of Udaipur, and the
meaning is that Shir Khan lost his arm in service against the Rana.
[36] The point of the verse seems to be that light is regarded as
something spread like a carpet on the ground, and that to place
the foot upon it is to insult the sun. Compare Price, p. 33; but
Manohar's verse is wrongly translated there owing to a badly written
MS. For Manohar see Akbarnama, iii, 221, and Badayuni, iii, 201,
also Blochmann, p. 494, and his article in Calcutta Review for April,
1871, also the Dabistan, translation, ii, 53.
[37] Probably here ab means both water and the water of the
sword. These lines are not in the R.A.S. or I.O. MSS.
[38] Text, ihtiyat (caution); the MSS. have i`tiqad (confidence),
and I adopt this reading.
[39] Blochmann, p. 52. It was a small round seal. Uzuk or uzuk is a
Tartar word meaning a ring, i.e. a signet-ring.
[40] Text, sabiyya (daughter), and this led Blochmann (p. 477, note
2) to say that if Sayyid Ahmad's text was correct Jahangir must have
forgotten, in the number of his wives, which of them was the mother
of Parwiz. As a fact, Sayyid Ahmad's text is not correct, though
the R.A.S. MS. agrees with it. The two excellent I.O. MSS. have
khwish (relative), which is here equivalent to cousin. So also has
the B.M. MS. used by Erskine. According to Muhammad Hadi's preface
Parwiz's mother was the daughter of Khwaja Hasan, the paternal uncle
of Zain Khan Koka. His birth was in Muharram, 998, or 19th Aban
(November, 1589). See also Akbarnama, iii, 568.
[41] I.e., both were Akbar's foster-brothers.
[42] Price, p. 20, has Karmitty, and says the daughter only lived two
months. Karamsi appears twice in the Akbarnama as the name of a man;
see Akbarnama, ii, 261, and iii, 201. The name may mean 'composed of
kindness.' The statement in Price is wrong. Bihar Banu was married
to Tahmuras s. Prince Daniyal in his 20th year (see Tuzuk, M. Hadi's
continuation, p. 400). According to M. Hadi's preface, Karamsi was
the daughter of Raja Kesho Das Rathor, and her daughter Bihar Banu
was born on 23rd Shahriwar, 998 (September, 1590). Kesho Das Rathor
is probably the Kesho Das Maru of the Tuzuk.
[43] Best known as Jodh Bai (Blochmann, p. 619).
[44] It is extraordinary that Jahangir should have put Shah-Jahan's
birth into A.H. 999. The I.O. MSS. support the text, but the
R.A.S. MS. has A.H. 1000, which is without doubt right. Cf. Akbarnama,
Bib. Ind., iii, 603. Later on, a great point was made of his having
been born in a millennium. The date is 5th January, 1592.
[45] Muhammad Hadi says in his preface, p. 6, that Shah-Jahan's
grandfather Akbar gave him the name of Sultan Khurram, 'Prince Joy,'
because his birth made the world glad. It was noted that the child
was born in the first millennium, and also that, like his father,
he was born in the same month as the Prophet.
[46] Gladwin says they were twins, but this seems a mistake. They
were both born about the time of Akbar's death.
[47] In MS. No. 310 of Ethé's Cat. of I.O. MSS. Sa`id Khan is described
as giving as his reason for asking for M. Ghazi that he had adopted
him as his son. Price's Jahangir, p. 21, says the same thing.
[48] This should be Jan, and is so in I.O. MS. 181.
[49] See Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 932. The meaning of the half and half
is that the two men were made coadjutors.
[50] In R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. the following passage is a verse. See
also Mr. Lowe's translation, p. 16.
[51] Wird means 'daily practice,' and may be the word intended here.
[52] Cf. this with the fuller details in Price, p. 22. Following
Blochmann, I take Shab-i-jum`a to mean Thursday and not Friday night.
[53] The text has `Abdu-l-Ghani, but this, as the MSS. show and
Blochmann has pointed out, is a mistake for `Abdu-n-Nabi. `Abdu-n-Nabi
was strangled, and the common report is that this was done by
Abu-l-fazl. If this be true it is rather surprising that Jahangir does
not mention it as an excuse for killing Abu-l-fazl. Cf. the account
of Miran Sadr Jahan in Price, p. 24. The "Forty Sayings" is a book
by Jami. See Rieu, Cat. i, 17, and also Dr. Herbelot s.v. Arbain.
[54] This should be Ghiyas Beg. He was father of Nurjahan. According to
the Ma'asiru-l-umara (i, 129), he was commander of 1,000 under Akbar.
[55] Topkhana-i-rikab, lit. stirrup-arsenal. It means light artillery
that could accompany royal progresses. See Bernier, and Irvine,
A. of M., 134.
[56] Text, topchi, which seems properly to mean a gunner, but
the number is preposterous. Cf. Blochmann, p. 470, and Price,
p. 28. Price's original has 6,000 topchi mounted on camels, and has
paytakht, i.e. the capital. Erskine has "To have always in readiness
in the arsenal arms, and accoutrements for 50,000 matchlock men." This
seems reasonable, for even if Jahangir ordered 50,000 musketeers, he
would not have required them to be kept in the arsenal. It seems to
me that though chi in Turki is the sign of the agent (nomen agentis)
it is occasionally used by Indian writers as a diminutive. Thus topchi
here probably means a small gun or a musket, and in Hindustani we are
familiar with the word chilamchi, which means a small basin. At p. 301
of the Tuzuk, four lines from foot, we have the word ilchi, which
commonly means an ambassador--an agent of a people--used certainly
not in this sense, and apparently to mean a number of horses. It is,
however, doubtful if ilchi here be the true reading.
[57] Text, aknun (now), which is a mistake for altun (gold). See Elliot
and Dowson, vi, 288. Al is vermilion in Turki and altun gold. Jahangir
means that he changed the name from al tamgha to altun tamgha.
[58] Mirza Sultan was great-grandson of Sulaiman.
[59] Perhaps the reference is to the boy's own father. He was alive
at this time, and Akbar was not.
[60] This is the man who afterwards rebelled and made Jahangir his
prisoner.
[61] Text, ulus-i-Dihli. Blochmann (p. 482 n.) points out that this
is a very doubtful term, as Mirza `Ali came from Badakhshan. On
examining three MSS. of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri I find no word Dihli,
but the words in ulus, 'this tribe or family,' and I think this must
be the correct reading, and refers to the Timurides. The same phrase
occurs at text, p. 173. Blochmann suggests to read Dulday for Dihli,
but I think it more probable that the word Dihli should be `ali. Mirza
`Ali was styled Akbarshahi, and no doubt this is why Jahangir writes
in ulus or ulus-i-`ali. Mirza `Ali is often mentioned in the Akbarnama
in connection with the wars in the Deccan, and is generally called
Akbarshahi, e.g. at p. 702. For an account of his pathetic death see
Blochmann, l.c., the Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 357, and the text, p. 163.
[62] The MSS. have a different reading, "If a king seize country and
climes," etc.
[63] Shahrukh was married to Jahangir's half-sister, Shakaru-n-nisa. He
was a Timurid.
[64] The MSS. have Abu-l-wali, and this seems more likely.
[65] The MSS. have Bhina, and Price's original seems also to have
Bhina. Muqarrab did not return for about seven months, as this entry
could not have been made till then. See p. 35 of Persian text of Tuzuk.
[66] Text, Sukhunan-i-past u buland. Cf. Steingass, s.v. past. Words
gentle and severe seem meant.
[67] See Blochmann, p. 447. He is mentioned by Du Jarric as disputing
with the Catholic priests before Jahangir (see J.A.S.B. for
1896, p. 77). According to Badayuni, iii, 98, it was Naqib's
father, `Abdu-l-Latif, with whom Akbar read (see Akbarnama, ii,
19). `Abdu-l-Latif and his family arrived in 963 (1556). Erskine
understands Jahangir's remark to mean that Naqib was his (Jahangir's)
teacher, but probably Jahangir means that it was Naqib's father who
taught Akbar, or he has confounded the father and son. As Naqib lived
till 1023 (1614), he would probably be too young in 1556 to have been
Akbar's teacher.
[68] Man Singh was the adopted son of Bhagwan Das, and it would appear
from this passage that he was his nephew also.
[69] The MSS. have Hatim s. Babui Mangli, and this is right. See
Blochmann, p. 370, n. i, and p. 473.
[70] The MSS. have Shahwar.
[71] I.O. MSS. have Abu-l-wali. He was an Uzbeg, and received the
title of Bahadur Khan. See Ma asiru-l-umara, i, 400, and Akbarnama,
iii, 820 and 839, where he is called Abu-l-Baqa. The real name seems
to be Abul Be or Bey, and this is how Erskine writes the name.
[72] The text seems corrupt. The I.O. MSS. say nothing about Shiraz,
but merely that Husain Jami was a disciple who had a dervish character
(sirat); nor does the R.A.S. MS. mention Shiraz.
[73] That is, descended from the famous Central Asian saint Khwaja
Ahrar.
[74] Something seems to have fallen out of the text and MSS.,
for this passage is obscure and not connected with the context. It
is clearer in Price's version, where it is brought in as part of
Jahangir's statements about promotions, and where (p. 40) we read
as follows:--"I shall now return to the more grateful subject of
recording rewards and advancements.... On Khwaja Zakariyya, the
son of Khwaja Muhammad Yahya, although in disgrace, I conferred the
rank of 500. This I was induced to do on the recommendation of the
venerated Shaikh Husain Jami. Six months previous to my accession,"
etc. Evidently the statement about Zakariyya's promotion has been
omitted accidentally from the Tuzuk. There is a reference to the
Shaikh's dream in Muhammad Hadi's preface to the Tuzuk (p. 15). He
says there that it was the saint Baha'u-l-haqq who appeared in a
dream to Husain Jami and told him that Sultan Salim would soon be king.
[75] I.e. of Furj or Furg in Persia. But Furji is a mistake for Qurchi
(belonging to the body-guard). He was a Mogul. See Blochmann, p. 457.
[76] Text has wrongly Pakhta. See Blochmann, p. 469. He received the
title of Sardar Khan.
[77] Should be Namakin. See Blochmann, p. 199.
[78] This passage has been translated by Elliot (vi, 289). See also
Price (p. 44), where the discussion is fuller.
[79] Jahangir's idea is somewhat vaguely expressed, but his meaning
seems to be that the ten incarnations do not illustrate any attribute
of God, for there have been men who performed similar wonders. The
corresponding passage in the text used by Major Price is differently
rendered by him, but his version is avowedly a paraphrase, and it
appears incorrect in this passage.
[80] Literally, "of the How and the Why."
[81] Text, shir-andam, 'tiger-shaped,' which I think means thin in
the flank (see Steingass, s.v.). I have taken the translation of
the words malahat and sabahat from Elliot. See his note vi, 376,
where the two words seem wrongly spelt.
[82] Erskine has "Let Sulaiman place his ring on his finger."
[83] Price translates--
"In pleasure of the chase with thee, my soul breathes fresh
and clear;
But who receives thy fatal dart, sinks lifeless on his bier."
[84] Perhaps referring to the name which Daniyal gave to his gun,
and which recoiled on himself, but the MSS. and text have nagirad,
and not bagirad.
[85] The MSS. have Shakar-nisar, 'sugar-sprinkling.' She lived into
Shah-Jahan's reign.
[86] She died unmarried in Jahangir's reign.
[87] This must, I think, be the meaning, though according to the
wording the statement would seem to be that there is no room for Shias
except in Persia. Erskine has "None but Shias are tolerated in Persia,
Sunnis in Rum and Turan, and Hindus in Hindustan."
[88] Kings are regarded as shadows of God.
[89] The chronogram is one year short, yielding 962 instead of 963.
[90] According to the Tabaqat, Elliot, v, 366, what the Mirza said was
"Where are the elephants?"
[91] The word for 'face-guard' is pish-ruy (front-face), and Jahangir
makes his father pun upon the word, saying, "It has loosed (opened)
my front-face." Cf. Price, p. 54.
[92] 'The helper.' This is an allusion to Akbar's patron saint,
Mu`inu-d-din Chishti, whose name he adopted as his battle-cry.
[93] The reading in the lithograph seems wrong; the MSS. have az
bazicha, 'in jest.'
[94] Abu-l-fazl is more moderate; he says (Blochmann, p. 116) that
Akbar killed 1,019 animals with Sangram.
[95] Blochmann says, of Mashhad, p. 381.
[96] The furriery. See Blochmann, pp. 87 n. and 616. Kurk means 'fur'
in Turki.
[97] The word yatish is omitted in text, but occurs in the MSS.
[98] Haji Koka was sister of Sa`adat Yar Koka (Akbar-nama, iii,
656). According to Price this passage refers to a widows' fund.
[99] This was one of Akbar's regulations (Blochmann p. 142). The
amount was ten dams on each muhr of the horse's value, calculated on
an increase of 50 per cent. See also Price, p. 61.
[100] This passage is not clear, but the peculiarity to which
attention is drawn seems rather the prominent forehead than the oozing
fluid. Price (p. 62) has a fuller account of this elephant.
[101] See Blochmann, pp. 176, 452, and the very full account of him
in the Ma'asir, iii, 285. Amul is an old city south of the Caspian
and west of Astrabad.
[102] She was Akbar's first and principal wife, but bore him no
children. She long survived him.
[103] These are the opening lines of an ode of Hafiz.
[104] Ma'asiru-l-umara. Yatim instead of Pim or Bim. See Blochmann,
p. 470. Erskine has Sain Bahadur.
[105] MS. 181 has 34.
[106] I think Jahangir means that though the Khan was an excellent
servant in his own line, he was hardly fit for the command of 2,000
or for the title of Khan. Cf. his praise of him at p. 71 (Blochmann,
p. 498). He was called Pishrau probably from his going on ahead with
the advance camp, as being in charge of the carpets, etc., as well
as because of his personal activity.
[107] In Price's Jahangir, p. 15, Jahangir states that he had
imprisoned Khusrau in the upper part of the royal tower in the castle
of Agra. It from this confinement that Khusrau escaped.
[108] Du Jarric says it was in this way that he was allowed to pass
the sentinels. Du Jarric gives the date of Khusrau's flight as 15th
April, 1606 (this would be New Style). By Sunday night is meant
Saturday evening. Sunday was Akbar's birthday.
[109] Elliot (vii, 292) makes the Amiru-l-umara envious of his
peers, and Jahangir apprehensive lest he should destroy Khusrau,
but he had just told him that nothing he did against Khusrau would
be wrong. Clearly Jahangir's fear was that his favourite should be
destroyed by Khusrau, or perhaps by the Amir's treacherous associates.
[110] The text has a curious mistake here: instead of ba Kabul it has
bakawal ('superintendent of the kitchen') as part of Dust Muhammad's
name. Dust was not bakawal, but held higher office, and was later
put in charge of the fort of Agra and given the title of Khwaja Jahan.
[111] Price, p. 6, note.
[112] According to Khafi Khan (i, 250) he was put to death, unless
the expression "claws of death" is merely rhetorical. The Ma'asir
(iii, 334) says he was imprisoned.
[113] The above obscure passage is explained in Price, p. 69.
[114] Elliot (vi, 293) observes that this is a very involved and
obscure passage.
[115] Blochmann, p. 418.
[116] The word tiryaq means both opium and antidote.
[117] Blochmann, relying on Khafi Khan, puts her death in 1011,
and the Akbar-nama (iii, 826) puts it in 1012. The chronogram in the
Khusrau Bagh yields 1012. See J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 604.
[118] Where Lord Bellomont died in 1656. See Manucci (Irvine), i, 71.
[119] Probably this means the grandsons. At p. 329 it is mentioned
that the grandsons had been confined in Gwalior up to the 16th year.
[120] Para, qu. 'a heap'?
[121] Narela is said to be 15 1/2 miles north-west of Delhi. William
Finch, in his itinerary, mentions the stage as Nalera, a name that
corresponds with Jahangir's.
[122] 53 miles north of Delhi.
[123] Instead of taza the MSS. have para, and the meaning seems to
be that he accompanied Khusrau for some distance. In Price's Jahangir
(p. 81) it is said that Nizam received 6,000 rupees.
[124] This is an interesting passage, because it is Jahangir's account
of his father's 'Divine Faith.' But it is obscure, and copyists seem
to have made mistakes. It is explained somewhat by the MS. used by
Price (trans., pp. 82, 83), where more details are given than in the
text. It is there stated that Ahmad was Mir-i-`Adl of Jahangir before
the latter's accession.
[125] The text has dast u sina (hand and bosom), but the correct
words, as is shown in the I.O. MS., No. 181, are shast u shabiha or
shabah, and these refer to the ring or token and the portrait given
by Akbar to the followers of the 'Divine Faith.' See Blochmann,
pp. 166 n. and 203; and Badayuni, ii, 338. Ahmad appears to be the
Ahmad Sufi of Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and of Badayuni, ii, 404,
and Lowe, p. 418. He was a member of the 'Divine Faith.'
[126] Text, puj or puch, but the manuscript reading luk is
preferable. Erskine's MS. has luj, naked.
[127] Price (p. 83) has Anand or Anwand. Apparently Aluwa is right; it
is a place 18 miles north-west of Umballa. Cf. "India under Aurangzib,"
by J. N. Sarkar.
[128] Abu-l-Bey, the Abu-l-Baqa of Akbar-nama, iii, 820.
[129] A member of the 'Divine Faith' (Blochmann, p. 452, etc.).
[130] The text has qatl by mistake for qabl.
[131] Biryani. See Blochmann, p. 60.
[132] The Gundval of Tiefenthaler, i, 113. Cunningham, in his history
of the Sikhs, spells it Goindwal. It is on the Beas.
[133] The text has singhasan instead of sukhasan. Kamgaar Husaini
has sukhpal.
[134] Instead of the basuzanad of the text, the MSS. have bashuranad,
he defiles. In the last line they have jay instead of takht.
[135] I.e. the place to which to turn in prayer.
[136] Elliot (vi, 299) has Jahan, and the word in the MSS. does not
look like Jaipal.
[137] This word appears to be a mistake; it is not in the MSS.
[138] When the boat stuck, the boatmen swam ashore, and it was probably
then that Husain shot at them. See Blochmann, p. 414, n. 2.
[139] "With a chain fastened from his left hand to his left foot,
according to the law of Chingiz Khan" (Gladwin's Jahangir, quoted by
Elliot, vi, 507). But apparently what is meant is that Khusrau was
led up from the left side of the emperor.
[140] Du Jarric, in his history of the Jesuit Missions, gives some
details about the punishment. The bullock and ass were slaughtered
on the spot and their skins were sewed on the bodies of the unhappy
men. Horns and ears were left on the skins.
[141] Perhaps the meaning is that the weather was bad.
[142] The proper form seems to be Bhaironwal, the Bhyrowal of the
maps. It is on the right bank of the Biah (Beas) on the road from
Jalandhar to Amritsar. See Blochmann, p. 414, note.
[143] The words are omitted in the text. Erskine read in his MS. gau
jizwan, which I do not understand. The I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS. Or 3276
have gawan u kharan. Husain Beg, whose proper name was Hasan, was a
brave soldier, and did good service under Akbar. See his biography
in Blochmann, p. 454.
[144] The fifth Guru of the Sikhs and the compiler of the Granth. He
was the father of Har Govind. See Sayyid Muhammad Latif's history of
the Punjab, p. 253. Arjun's tomb is in Lahore.
[145] But qashqa is a Turkish word. The Hindi phrase seems to be tika.
[146] The cousin of Moses, famous for his wealth; the Korah of
the Bible.
[147] Gladwin has Nagh.
[148] Blochmann, p. 50.
[149] Akbar-nama, iii, 748, and Blochmann, p. 546. He was a man
of piety and learning, and Jahangir means that he restored him to
his former quiet life. The arbab-i-sa`adat, or auspicious persons,
were those who offered up prayers for the king's prosperity and
other blessings.
[150] Amba was killed later by Nur-Jahan's husband, Shir-Afgan (Tuzuk,
pp. 54, 55).
[151] Blochmann, p. 310.
[152] These words are not in the MSS., and they seem to have crept
into the text by mistake and to be a premature entry of words relating
to Hashim, etc. The brother of the former ruler (or king) of Khandesh
could hardly be a khanazad.
[153] This should be, according to the MSS., "army against the Rana,"
not army of the Deccan.
[154] The MSS. have "in the neighbourhood of Lahore." Parwiz had then
charge of Bihar.
[155] Text, wrongly, Bahman. Jahangir was born on the 21st of
Shahriwar.
[156] Apparently, had long looked forward to the happy day when
Jahangir should be weighed as a king.
[157] Perhaps the meaning is that he was introduced along with
Daniyal's children.
[158] Blochmann, p. 492.
[159] This refers to his parentage.
[160] In the MSS. this name seems to be Bhim Mal. Manjholi is written
Manjholah in Blochmann, p. 175.
[161] ? Nandanpur. These places are in Sindsagar, near Multan.
[162] MS. 181 has Bahar, and it has 600 instead of 800 horse.
[163] Text, Uymaq puri (?). MS. 181 has buri, and 305 seems to have
the same. Can it mean 'red cavalry'? As Blochmann has pointed out,
371, n. 2, the word Uymaq does not always mean the tribe, but was
used to denote a superior kind of cavalry.
[164] The qamargah or ring-hunt produced 265 head of game; the rest
were shot at other times; the total of the list should be apparently
576.
[165] The MSS. have the 6th stage instead of "last."
[166] This is the famous Khan Jahan Lodi of Shah Jahan's reign.
[167] Text, ba dastur.
[168] I.e. built him up in it.
[169] Jahangir did not like the Khankhanan, and so here belittles
his services.
[170] During Shah Jahan's reign, Khan Jahan Lodi fled from Court,
was pursued, and killed.
[171] Perhaps the antelope's name was Raj, and the syllable man the
pronoun 'my,' when the translation would be 'my antelope Raj.' See
Elliot, vi, 302, and R.A.S. MS., No. 124.
[172] Perhaps the Jandiala of the Indian Gazetteer, vii, 137.
[173] Indian Gazetteer, v, 239.
[174] Text omits the negative.
[175] Text, susani; apparently a blue iris.
[176] The text has shumar wrongly for shiyar, and it seems that
the negative of the text is wrong, since it does not occur in the
MSS. Abu-l-fazl gives the number of petals and stamens more correctly
than Jahangir.
[177] Az tikka andazi; perhaps 'the cast of a javelin.'
[178] Lit. 'have joined hands.'
[179] Sih-barga; but this reading seems doubtful; perhaps it is
sir-i-barga, full of leaves. Jahangir says that to lay a carpet on the
grass would be bi-dardi, unfeeling, unsympathetic, and kam saliqagi.
[180] The text has naqsh bar jay, but the true reading seems to
be nafiztar.
[181] `Ilm-i-khala`-i-badan, 'withdrawal of the soul from the body'
(Erskine).
[182] So in text, but the MSS. and Elliot, vi, 307, have "on one of
the gates."
[183] The figures seem wrong, and the MSS. differ. See Elliot, vi,
307. Apparently the correct sum in rupees is 34 lakhs 25,000. At
p. 61 the khani of Turan is reckoned at one-third of a rupee. If
the dam be taken at its ordinary value of one-fortieth of a rupee,
the number of rupees should be 40 lakhs 25,000, and if the khani
of Turan be one-third of a rupee we should read one kror instead of
one arb. Probably Jahangir has used arb as meaning kror, and not 100
krors. There is a valuable note on his expedition through the Ghakkar
country in Blochmann, p. 486. Blochmann takes the figures for the
rupees to be four krors, but probably this is due to wrong pointing.
[184] The MSS. and text have Pila or Pila. I adopt Tila from Blochmann,
p. 487, note. Elliot has Tillah, vi, 307, and note.
[185] In Tolbort's account of Ludhiyana, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 86,
bhakhra is given as the name of a creeping plant (Pedalium murex).
[186] Rud-khana; this, according to Blochmann, should be the river
Kahan, khana being a mistake for Kahan. See p. 487 note. But all the
MSS. have khana.
[187] See Elliot, vi, 309 note.
[188] Bugyals; Elliot, vi, 309. They are descendants of Sultan Buga.
[189] Paka is mentioned in Tiefenthaler, i, 114.
[190] Khor; Elliot, vi, 309 note. Near the Manikyala tope.
[191] Kharbuza Saray is marked on Elphinstone's map.
[192] Mr. Rogers has "The soul of the fool thou canst purchase for
little." Perhaps the sense is "God grants life to the fool on hard
terms." Erskine has "To serve a fool is hard indeed." Possibly the
literal meaning is "You buy the soul of the fool at a high price,"
that is, it costs a great deal to win him over. Elliot had what is
probably the best rendering, "Barbarous characters should be treated
with severity"; though in Elliot, vi, 310, the translation is,
"The life of fools is held very cheap in troublous times."
[193] Apparently this remark must have been written after Jahangir's
visit to Kashmir by the Baramula route in the fourteenth year.
[194] Bhanwar, as Mr. Lowe has pointed out, means in Hindi an eddy
or whirlpool.
[195] William Finch says that at Hasan Abdal there were many fish with
gold rings in their noses hung by Akbar, and that the water is so clear
that you may see a penny in the bottom. Jahangir's informants were
apparently not versed in hagiography. Baba Hasan Abdal is apparently
the saint who was an ancestor of Ma`sum Bhakari, and is buried at
Qandahar. See Beale, and Jarrett's translation of the Ayin, ii, 324
note. The Sikhs identify the place with their Baba Nanak. It is not
a wife of Akbar who is buried at Hasan Abdal, but Hakim Abu-l-fath
and his brother.
[196] Elliot has Amardi, but the MSS. have Amrohi. The Ma'asir, ii,
755, has Ahru'i. See Blochmann, p. 522.
[197] Az taghyan farud amada. Perhaps the meaning is exactly the
opposite, viz. 'had come down in violence.' But if so, could a bridge
have been made, and with eighteen boats? The time was the 4th or 5th
May. Elliot has "the Nilab was very full."
[198] According to the Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 376, Ma`mur is a village
in Arabia.
[199] The MSS. have sad instead of chand, i.e. 100.
[200] This Asaf Khan is Qawamu-d-din Ja`far Beg and the No. iii of
Blochmann, p. 411. Apparently his appointment as Mir Bakhshi was made
in 989 (1581), in which year Akbar went to Kabul. Blochmann says Asaf
Khan was made Mir Bakhshi in the room of Qazi `Ali, and we find at
p. 372 of A. N., iii, that Qazi `Ali Bakhshi was appointed in that
year to the Panjab. Twenty-eight years before 1016 (to the beginning
of which Jahangir is referring) yields 988. Basawal is on right bank
of Kabul River below Jalalabad.
[201] Text bauli, but the MSS. have luli, i.e. dancing-girl.
[202] Generally spelt ballut, either the oak or the
chestnut. Cf. Erskine's Baber, p. 145. Sir Alexander Burnes calls
the ballut the holly.
[203] See below, p. 52, where the Ra'is or headman of Chikri is
mentioned.
[204] Cf. Erskine's Baber, p. 145.
[205] The fort of Pesh Bulaq is mentioned in the third volume of the
Akbar-nama, p. 512. It is marked on the map of Afghanistan between
Daka and Jalalabad.
[206] Sic in text, but should be Jaunpur as in the MSS.
[207] There was also a Shahr-banu who was Babar's sister. Bika Begam
was Babar's widow and the lady who carried his bones to Kabul.
[208] Bakafsh-pay, which Erskine renders 'with slippers on' and Elliot
'with his shoes on.'
[209] Bayazid Biyat describes Humayun as holding a cooking festival
in Badakhshan. See A.N., i, translation, p. 496, n. 2. They cooked
bughra, which appears to be macaroni. The text wrongly has raqz az
`ishq (love-dances). The real word, as the MSS. show, is arghushtaq,
which is a kind of dance (not a child's game as in Johnson). It
is described in Vullers, s.v., in accordance with the account in
the Burhan-i-qati`. It is a dance by girls or young men, and is
accompanied with singing and with clapping of hands, etc. Probably
it is the dance described by Elphinstone in his account of Kabul,
i, 311, where he says: "The great delight of all the western Afghans
is to dance the Attun or Ghoomboor. From ten to twenty men or women
stand up in a circle (in summer before their houses and tents,
and in winter round a fire); a person stands within the circle to
sing and play on some instrument. The dancers go through a number of
attitudes and figures; shouting, clapping their hands, and snapping
their fingers. Every now and then they join hands, and move slow or
fast according to the music, all joining in chorus. When I was showed
this, a love-song was sung to an extremely pretty tune, very simple,
and not unlike a Scottish air." Erskine's translation is: "Custards
and confections were presented, and the amusements of dancing girls
and arghustak were introduced."
[210] The words seem to me to yield 1066, but if we read pajshanba
instead of panjshanba we get 1016, which is the Hijra date of
Jahangir's entry into Kabul and corresponds to 4th June, 1607. A
marginal note on I.O.M. 305 makes the chronogram clear by writing
ruz-i-panchanba hizhdah-i-Safar, thereby getting rid of the mim and
the ya of hizhdaham and bringing out the figures 1016.
[211] Evidently a kind of sheep.
[212] This is a reference to Babar's Memoirs.
[213] A juz' is said to consist of eight leaves or sixteen pages. Does
Jahangir mean that he wrote sixty-four pages?
[214] Probably the sections which Jahangir wrote were those printed
in the Ilminsky edition and which bring the narrative down to
Babar's death. They seem to have been in great measure copied from
the Akbar-nama. Jahangir does not say if he wrote them when he was
in Kabul or previously. According to Blochmann, J.A.S.B. for 1869,
p. 134, one juz' = two sheets of paper. The passage is translated in
Elliot, vi, 315. Though Jahangir does not say when he wrote the four
sections, I think that his language implies that these additions were
in the manuscript when he was looking at it in Kabul. Perhaps he made
them when he was a student in India, and for the sake of practice in
Turki. He may have translated the sections from the Akbar-nama. All,
I think, he did in Kabul was to put the Turki note, stating that the
sections were his. But possibly even this was done before. Elliot,
vi, 315, has the words "to complete the work," but these words do not
occur in the MSS. that I have seen. The translation in Elliot, seems to
represent Jahangir's words as meaning that the work was complete, but
that the four sections were not, like the rest, in Babar's handwriting,
and so Jahangir re-copied them. But it does not appear that there
could be any object in his doing this. There is a valuable article
in the Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. for 1883, p. 141,
by Dr. Teufel, entitled "Bâbur und Abû'l-fazl," in which the fragments
in Ilminsky are discussed. But the passage in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri
is not referred to.
[215] The text mentions a horse, but the MSS. have not this, and it
seems to be a mistake.
[216] Apparently the Shorkot of I.G., xii, 424. In the Rechnau Duab
(Jarrett, ii, 321). It is north of Multan and in the Jhang district.
[217] I.G., v, 188.
[218] Perhaps the `Ali Dust Khan of Blochmann, p. 533.
[219] The MSS. have Herat, and this is probably correct.
[220] That is, apparently, Mirza Shadman, but perhaps the meaning
is that Qaracha had sought a wife for his son among the Hazaras,
and not that he had himself married an Hazara woman.
[221] The MSS. have "less than 1 1/2 gaz by 1/8 (nim-pao)."
[222] Should, I think, be Tattah, i.e. Sind.
[223] Ghaibana, 'secretly.' But the phrase merely means that the
appointment was not made in the Emperor's presence.
[224] Text bargasht, 'he turned round.' But the MSS. have chi
rawish-i-tuzukast, "What kind of arrangement is this?"
[225] Shamshir-i-sikhaki, 'pointed sword, poniard'?
[226] The meaning of two words being used probably is that both
Hindu and Persian astrologers are referred to. Blochmann, p. 311,
says that Shah-Jahan's birthday was 30th Rabi`u-l-awwal.
[227] Lit., "His disposition had changed from equability."
[228] Gilas is a cherry in Kashmiri. See Blochmann's Ayin,
p. 616. Abu-l-fazl mentions in the Ayin (Blochmann, p. 66) that Akbar
called gilas shah-alu.
[229] Paywandi means 'to graft,' and possibly this is the meaning here,
but Steingass gives paywandi as part of the name of a plum. The text
seems to be corrupt, and perhaps what Jahangir wrote was "the zard-alu
resembles the khubani."
[230] Text has Yaqut, but it is clear from the Iqbal-nama, p. 25,
and from I.O. MS. 181 that the name is Khwaja Tabut, 'the coffin
Khwaja.' The author of the Iqbal-nama was the person sent to make the
inquiry, and he gives a long account of what he saw. A surgeon was
sent with him, as the Khwaja was said to have been martyred, and it
was necessary to report on the wounds. The coffin story is mentioned
in the Ayin, i, 194. See Jarrett, ii, 409-10, but the translation is
not quite accurate, I think. The punctuation of the text seems to me
to be correct. It is characteristic of Jahangir and the author of
the Iqbal-nama that they take no notice of the colossal figures at
Bamiyan, though Abu-l-fazl does. See Jarrett's note. It is stated in
the Iqbal-nama that Khwaja Tabut was said to have been killed in the
time of Chingiz Khan. If so, the Sultan Mahmud mentioned by Jahangir
must be Sultan Mahmud Ghori.
[231] He was appointed governor of Sehwan (Iqbal-nama, p. 27).
[232] The MSS merely have "of a size that I had never seen
before." Probably the text is corrupt, and the meaning may be "as
big as a head." Bih is a quince, and perhaps this is what is meant
here. Or the meaning may be "equal to the biggest for size." Or sar
may be a mistake for sih and the meaning be "equal in size to three
(ordinary peaches)."
[233] I.O. MS. 181 has Qarqara mountains. There is also the reading
Kharaq.
[234] Blochmann, p. 31.
[235] Du'aba is mentioned as a stage by W. Finch.
[236] The text omits the word zinda, 'alive.'
[237] The urdu or camp was probably not with Jahangir then, and he
thought that if he sent to it for the capture of 500 there would be
confusion. He therefore contented himself at the time with arresting
the ringleaders. There is a full account of the conspiracy in the
Iqbal-nama, p. 27, etc.
[238] Possibly the meaning is "his experience was greater than
his skill."
[239] Lit., when he was smooth-faced, i.e. beardless.
[240] The I.O. MSS. do not call him governor, and the names of the
animals captured differ in the MSS. from those given in the text. The
latter are obviously wrong, and I have discarded them. The Iqbal-nama,
p. 30, has Arzana as the name of the hunting-ground. Erskine has
Arzina.
[241] Erskine has "many of the hounds were destroyed." Sagan-i-tazi
probably means greyhounds, whether bred in Arabia or elsewhere.
[242] Blochmann, p. 377, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 642. He was
an Arghun.
[243] The passage is obscure and the text is corrupt. Erskine's
translation is: "His manners towards the soldiers is frank and gallant,
but not according to the rules of discipline, especially towards those
who have been or are in the wars with him. He is much flattered by his
servants, which gives him a light appearance." Evidently Erskine read
udzi or naz instead of baz as in the text, and the MSS. support his
reading. I think, however, that naz kashidan means 'to jest.' Instead
of the ta bamandand of text the MSS. have ya namayand, the meaning
being those soldiers who have served him well, or are doing so. We
learn from Blochmann, p. 378, that Shah Beg was "a frank Turk."
[244] The peculiarity of this year was that the lunar month and
the solar month of Akbar's birth, viz. Rajab and Aban, coincided,
so that there was a double celebration.
[245] Wajihu-d-din was a famous Gujarat saint. He died in 998.
[246] The word used by Jahangir, and which has been translated 'repeat
continually,' is mudawamat, and Erskine understood it to mean that
Jahangir hoped to prolong his life by this exercise.
[247] Har ahu'i kih zad bar sar-i-tir raft. The literal rendering
apparently is: "whenever an antelope was struck by him the arrow
entered up to its (the arrow's) head." Perhaps the meaning simply is
every arrow (or bullet) that he shot went home.
[248] Jalal Khan was a grandson of Sultan Adam (Blochmann, pp. 455
and 486).
[249] See infra for another notice of him in the chapter on Gujrat.
[250] One of Jahangir's wives was a daughter of Ray Ray Singh (of
Bikanir). See Blochmann, p. 310.
[251] See Rieu, Cat. ii, p. 634.
[252] There is evidently something wrong in the text, for a ruby
weighing 6 surkhs could not weigh 2 tanks and 15 surkhs. I.O. MS. 181
has barja instead of surkh, but I do not know what this means. Perhaps
shash-gusha, 'hexagonal,' was intended. This view is confirmed by
the Iqbal-nama, p. 31, which has shash pahlu, 'six-sided.' Erskine's
MS. also had 'six-sided,' and he translates "a six-sided ruby which
weighed two tangs fifteen surkhs." I.O. MS. 305 has shash parcha,
and it is evident that this word, as also the barja of No. 181,
is the parche of Steingass, which means a segment or facet.
[253] This remark about Mirza Ghazi, and also the quotation, do not
occur in the two I.O. MSS.
[254] Blochmann, p. 417.
[255] Bayakta, but the I.O. MSS have batagpay, 'rapidly.'
[256] Properly Zainu-d-din Mahmud. See the story in Badayuni, Ranking,
p. 589; also Akbar-nama translation, i, 611, and Blochmann, p. 539
and note.
[257] I do not know if this is the author. There appears to be no
mention of the construction in the Akbar-nama. Nakodar is in the
Jalandhar district (I.G., x, 180, and Jarrett, ii. 317). Perhaps
the two tombs at Nakodar mentioned in I.G. as of Jahangir's time are
those of Muqim the Waziru-l-mulk and his wife. See Tuzuk, pp. 6 and 64.
[258] Khwurd, lit. 'devoured.' Apparently he refers to the fact of
the birth as a misfortune. I.O. MS. 181 has sar-i-madar u pidar ra
khwurd, and the A.S. 124 has shir-i-madar u pidar-i-khud, 'the milk
of his own mother and father'!
[259] This is given as a quotation in No. 181.
[260] This should be the 17th if Monday was the 14th.
[261] The MSS. seem to have mutassil-i-mab-i-chaukandi, 'in shape
like a chaukandi(?).' It was from the roof of this building that
Humayun fell.
[262] Turghai or turghei is a thrush according to Vambéry, and was
the name of Timur's father. Perhaps the bird was the large maina,
the Bhimraj or Bhringraj(?) of the Ayin, Jarrett, ii, p. 125 and
note. In Scully's Glossary, turghai is said to be the lark. The text
arranges the words differently from the MSS. They have mushakhkhas
Miyan Tuti gufta, and Erskine translates 'which said clearly Miyan
Tuti.' But possibly Jahangir meant that it spoke clearly like a parrot.
[263] Blochmann, p. 332. Sikandra, Akbar's tomb, lies half-way between
Rankattah and Agra. Tiefenthaler, i, 206, gives the name as Runcta,
and says it is a famous place, as Ram there took the figure of Paras
Ram. Jarrett, ii, 180, has Rangtah, and it is there described as a
village on the Jumna, near the city, and a much frequented place of
worship. The Agra volume of the N.W.P. Gazetteer, p. 764, spells
it Runkutta, and says it is 9 miles north-west of Agra. See also
Ma'asir, ii, 407, art. Sa`id Khan, where mention is made of Rankatta
and Hilalabad, and Blochmann, p. 332.
[264] If Thursday was the 2nd, Saturday would be the 4th. He went
first to Agra from Rangta, apparently.
[265] Tuyghun or tuyghun is given in Zenker as Turki for the white
falcon. See Elliot, vi, 317.
[266] Bighu, which is given in Zenker, is Turki. The text has lifu. The
I.O. MSS. have bigu.
[267] Should be budana, 'quail.'
[268] Apparently this is a translation from the Hindi.
[269] Text wrongly has 1014.
[270] Jahangir calls Islam farzand because he was the son of his
foster-brother. Jahangir Quli means 'slave of Jahangir.'
[271] The seed of Abrus precatorius.
[272] Or devtaq. Qu. devanayak? The MSS. have yunk and wabunk. The
text is corrupt and has converted the word for 'bat' into a 'lamb.'
[273] The text is corrupt.
[274] Blochmann, p. 387.
[275] Sister of Mirza Hakim, also known as Fakhru-n-nisa (Blochmann,
p. 322). The MSS. have Bakhtu-n-nisa, and it would seem that the
Najibu-n-nisa of the text is a wrong reading. See Gulbadan Begam's
Memoirs, p. 214.
[276] Text wrongly has Shamshiri. The MSS. have Shustari, and this
is right. See Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and 518.
[277] Riqa` is a kind of writing (Blochmann, pp. 99, 100).
[278] Blochmann, p. 417. His name was Anisu-d-din.
[279] This must be Raja Sangram of Kharakpur, who had been a rebel. See
Blochmann, p. 446 and note.
[280] Text Qutbi, but I think the word is Qibti, 'Egyptian.'
[281] Fighani was a famous poet and also a drunkard. See Rieu,
ii, p. 651, and Sprenger, Oude Cat., p. 403. Fighani also means
lamentation, and there is a play in the couplet on the double meaning.
[282] In the Elliot MSS., B.M., the second line is translated
"Alas! if the angels made his shroud of another kind of odour!" The
angels meant are Nakir and Munkar.
[283] Blochmann, p. 612.
[284] Cf. Jarrett, ii, p. 122.
[285] Blochmann, p. 469.
[286] "What money and articles he could produce at the time" (Elliot,
vi, 320).
[287] Apparently the person spoken of as a Nazarene (Christian) was
the Emperor of Constantinople. Can this picture be the original of
that prefixed to White & Davey's translation of Timur's Institutes?
[288] Perhaps the meaning is enough milk to fill a coffee-cup.
[289] According to the contemporary, but anonymous, author quoted in
Elliot, vi, 448, this was in reward for restoring the sight of Khusrau.
[290] Majzub-i-madar-zad. Probably the meaning is that he was a
born idiot.
[291] The story is also told in the Iqbal-nama, p. 37, where it is
said that the tiger was one brought by a calendar as a present. It
had the name of La`l Khan and was very tame. It is added that the
tiger did no injury to the jogi with his claws or teeth.
[292] The MSS. have `Inayat.
[293] I.O. MS. No. 181, Shah Beg Khan.
[294] Salamu-llah is mentioned later on (p. 78), and is described
as brother's son of Mubarak, who held the country of Jotra (?) and
Darful. He is also mentioned in the Iqbal-nama, p. 38, where Mubarak
is described as ruler (hakim) of Juyza and Saful (?). But a MS. of the
Iqbal-nama in my possession only mentions Juyza or Juyna. I think Juyza
must be Juina or Juanny, which, according to Sir William Jones, is one
of the names of the island of Johanna or Hinzuan (one of the Comorro
Islands), and that Saful must be Sofala, a town on the east coast of
Africa. Sir W. Jones was landed on Johanna, and has a long account
of the island (see his works). The Iqbal-nama says that Salamu-llah
killed himself with drink. There is a short notice of him in the
Ma'asir, ii, 641, where he is called by his title of Shaja`at Khan.
[295] The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. Instead of 'every
morning' they have 'renew (humility).' The word nur, 'light,' in the
last line probably refers to Jahangir's name of Nuru-d-din.
[296] See note above. Jutra or Jotra is probably a mistake for the
island of Johanna, i.e. Hinzuan. Darful is Dazful in I.O. MS. No. 181.
[297] Possibly Qur Yasawul is right, but most probably it was a
yasawul attached to the Qur, for which see Blochmann, p. 50.
[298] Jahangir's conduct was sufficiently brutal, but the text has
made it worse than it was by omitting the word pay before pay. The
back tendons of the bearers' feet were cut. Their feet were not cut
off. Erskine translates the passage rightly, and the I.O. MSS. agree
with him.
[299] This was the same `Abdu-r-Rahim who was a companion of Khusrau,
and after his capture was sweated in a skin. As he had life left in
him he escaped from that destruction, and, on being released, became
one of the personal servants, and served His Majesty till by degrees
the latter became gracious to him. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad.)
[300] Ghazi Khan was one of the famous officers of Akbar. Husam his
son was married to Abu-l-fazl's sister. See Blochmann, p. 440.
[301] Brahmini ducks.
[302] A son of Akbar's officer, Muhammad Quli Barlas (Blochmann,
pp. 342 and 478).
[303] Mir `Ali was a famous calligrapher. See Rieu, Cat., ii, 531. Can
the copy mentioned by Jahangir be that in the Bodleian Library, which
Sir W. Jones praised so highly? A writer in the Journal of the Moslem
Institute for January-March, 1907, p. 186, suggests that the copy is
in the Bankipur Library.
[304] The Iqbal-nama, p. 41, has Shayyadi, 'a dervish, a hypocrite,'
and the R.A.S. MS. has Sayyidi Shayyad. Shayyad is used at p. 60 to
mean an impostor. Here, perhaps, it would mean a buffoon.
[305] `Ali Ahmad's father was Shaikh Husain. See Blochmann, p. 53.
[306] It was the bathing of the Hindus that the saint was watching.
[307] The point of Amir Khusrau's hemistich is that kaj-kulah literally
means 'the awry cap,' and so refers to the saint, who had his cap
on his ear or on the side of his head. But it also means one who is
presumptuous, and has left the true path of religion. It also means,
according to Steingass, a beloved person.
[308] I.O. MS. 181 has Takht-i-bakht (Throne of fortune).
[309] Kesho Das was perhaps the father of Karamsi, one of Akbar's
wives. See Blochmann, p. 310.
[310] Blochmann, p. 465.
[311] Takhti, qu. a signet?
[312] Kaukab is mentioned again at the end of the twelfth year. For
notice of his father see Blochmann, p. 485.
[313] Elliot, vi, 321.
[314] Ujjainiyya here means Bhojpur.
[315] Apparently we may infer from this that Jahangir did blind
or attempt to blind his son Khusrau, though he says nothing about
it. Else why should this impostor pretend that he had marks of
the blinding? Tavernier says Khusrau was blinded. Du Jarric also
tells us that Jahangir blinded Khusrau on his way back from Kabul,
when he came to the place where Khusrau had fought the battle. He was
blinded by some juice of a plant being poured into his eyes. The juice
resembled milk (qu. Euphorbia). One of his captains, who was also a
judge, was likewise blinded there along with his son. W. Finch, too,
speaks of this outbreak. He also says that Khusrau was reported to
have been blinded on the battlefield with a glass. Another story was
that Jahangir merely caused a handkerchief to be tied over his eyes
and had it sealed with his own seal. It is mentioned in Whiteway's
"Rise of the Portuguese Power in India," p. 165, note, that fifteen
relatives of the King of Ormuz had been blinded by red-hot bowls
having been passed close to their eyes.
[316] Kharakpur. The word is written Gorakhpur in some MSS., but I
think it is clear that Kharakpur is the place meant, for `Abdu-r-Rahman
had lately got Sangram's estate of Kharakpur in jagir. The fact, too,
that he fought with the impostor at the Pun Pun to the east of Patna
shows that he was coming back from down the Ganges.
[317] Text wrongly has Mandhu.
[318] A tasu, or tasu, is said in Wilson's Glossary to be the 24th
part of a gaz or about a third of an inch. I.O. MS. makes the breadth
3 1/2 cubits 1 tasu. The slab is described in Keene's Guide and in
the N.W.P. Gazetteer, Agra volume. One inscription has the date 1011,
or 1602. Archæological Report, lv, pp. 132-5, says it is 10 ft. 7 1/2
ins. long, 9 ft. 10 ins. broad, and 6 inches thick. It is supported
on octagonal pedestals. See also Beale's Miftahu-t-tawarikh, pp. 300,
301, where a representation of the stone and copies of the inscriptions
are given.
[319] A fort in the Deccan "sixty miles north of Bidar" (Elliot,
vi, 70).
[320] So in MSS. Apparently Khan Jahan's meaning was that if this
Deccani man were sent to Agra (as if to be punished) the other Deccani
leaders would be discouraged.
[321] The text seems corrupt. Apparently I.O. MS. has Sargala, and
this may have been Kesho Das's title.
[322] Para durtar, but it would seem from the Ma'asir, ii, 231,
five lines from foot, that para, or bara, is a word meaning a body
of men. Perhaps it is barah, 'twelve.'
[323] At p. 256 we have the phrase majra girand applied to the
directing of cannon against the buildings of Fort Ranthambhor. I
confess that I do not know whether Jahangir fired the gun that was
on the stand or the one that Kamal loaded.
[324] Majra giriftam seems rather to mean here 'adjusted the tripod,'
for from what follows it appears that the gun was not then loaded. The
Iqbal-nama, p. 47, has masha ra zir kard, 'applied the match'(?).
[325] Apparently the meaning is that he rolled the tiger over to the
side furthest from Jahangir.
[326] Kuragi. The Iqbal-nama, p. 48, says the night was dark, and
so the lamplighter blindly (az kuragi) fell upon the tiger and was
killed. This tiger hunt and Jahangir's danger, etc., are described
by William Finch (Purchas, i, 430).
[327] Anikini means an army in Sanskrit and Rai is a title meaning
leadership.
[328] Text, Zangchiyan (?). I.O. 181 has Ibachkiyan, i.e. people of the
Ibachki-khana or closet. See Ayin, Persian text, i, 42, and Blochmann,
i, 46.
[329] This is said ironically.
[330] The text has 14th night, but I follow the I.O. MS. 181.
[331] Jahangir does not mention that it was in this year that he
married Nur-Jahan. He saw her on New Year's Day (Iqbal-nama, p. 56),
and it appears from a note of Jahangir on p. 132 of B.M. MS. Or. 3276
that he married her on 14th Khurdad (end of May, 1611). It was in the
11th year that she got the title of Nur-Jahan. Before that she was
known as Nur-Mahall. It would seem that Jahangir married Nur-Jahan
four years and a few days after her first husband's death.
[332] Khan Dauran was away in the district of Ningnahar (Iqbal-nama,
p. 53).
[333] Text wrongly has Qizilbashes.
[334] Or Barki.
[335] The text has here the word ghayatan, which does not seem to
have much meaning. Erskine has 'without his knowledge,' so he probably
had gha'ibana in his MS.
[336] Compare Elliot, vi, 324.
[337] Sang-i-durushti. Elliot had the name reading and translates 'a
heavy stone.' But both MSS. have sang u rasani, 'a stone and a cord,'
query a sling, and this is certainly the right reading. See Iqbal-nama,
p. 57.
[338] Text bar pay, but the I.O. MS. and Iqbal-nama, p. 58, have bar
bazi ('on the rope'? or perhaps 'is doing gymnastics')
[339] Note of Sayyid Ahmad (to the fourth compartment).--"Evidently
this masterpiece was not the work of a slave in the seal department,
for no reason appears why the portrait of Jesus should be introduced
into the fourth compartment. Probably this masterpiece was the work
of Frank artists and had fallen into the hands of the slave, and he
had ascribed it to his own workmanship. (Perhaps the scene depicted
was the Transfiguration.)"
[340] See Blochmann, p. 89, note. It came from Europe.
[341] In Scinde; it is the same as Sahwan, and is on the Indus.
[342] Blochmann, p. 45.
[343] Elliot, vi, 325.
[344] Both MSS. have bar ru instead of bar u, 'in front' or 'in the
face' of the letter, and this is no doubt the correct reading. See
Iqbal-nama, p. 59. See Blochmann, p. 263, for the different places
where seals are to be put. Jahangir's order apparently was that the
provincial governors were not to impress their seals on the face of
their letters or other documents.
[345] The reference seems to be, not to these subsidiary regulations,
but to the code of twelve rules promulgated by him at the commencement
of his reign.
[346] Quruqchi in I.O. MS. and in Iqbal-nama, p. 60. Steingass gives
it as meaning one who looks after the king's game, and as a sentinel.
[347] Text has pustha, skins, but I.O. MS. has pustinha.
[348] Copied from Ayin. See Jarrett, ii, 115. See also Elliot, vi, 326.
[349] This is equal to one krore, fifty lakhs of rupees. The Sarkar
of Orissa was included in Bengal, and its revenue is included in
this. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad.)
[350] Also called Shaikh Kabir Chishti (Blochmann, p. 519;
Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 630).
[351] Perhaps this is only rhetoric, but Abu-l-fazl describes how
lots were cast between him and Raja Birbal as to who should go on
the Yusufzai expedition.
[352] Ichi means a hawk, but the meaning may be a Shaikh of Uch. Acha
is given in Zenker as meaning a father in Turki. The Iqbal-nama
has Ajha.
[353] Text wrongly has A`zam. See Blochmann, p. 521, note.
[354] Kishwar was the son of Jahangir's foster-brother Qutbu-d-din,
who was killed by Shir-afgan.
[355] The Iqbal-nama and the B.M. MSS. call it Bakhla.
[356] These last words seem to be part of Shaja`at's speech, but see
Iqbal-nama, p. 63. See also Elliot, vi, 329, and the translation of
the Iqbal-nama account in Appendix L, Stewart's Cat. of Tippo Sultan's
MSS., p. 275. The Iqbal-nama says that `Usman's corpulence compelled
him to ride on an elephant.
[357] The text has dar adhar u tarf kih dar tasarruf-i-an tira-ruzgar
bud. I do not know if adhar is the name of a place or what its
meaning is. The I.O. MSS., Nos. 181 and 305, have arhad. Blochmann,
p. 520, on the authority of the Makhzan-i-Afghani, says the fight
took place 100 kos from Dacca and in a place called Nek Ujyal,
and he points out in a note that there are several Ujyals in Eastern
Bengal. Possibly Adhar is Udhar or Uzar, and a corruption of Ujyal. The
'hills of Dacca,' referred to by Blochmann, might be Ran Bhawal or
the Madhupur jungle. The Riyazu-s-salatin does not mention the site
of the battle, and the translator, Maulawi `Abdu-s-Salam, has in his
note at p. 175 confounded two `Isa Khans, and so drawn groundless
inferences. Blochmann points out, p. 520, that the Ma'asiru-l-umara
says the prisoners were afterwards put to death. The passage is at
vol. ii, p. 632. It says they were put to death by Jahangir's orders by
`Abdu-llah (who certainly was brute enough for anything). Jahangir,
Tuzuk, p. 112, mentions the arrival of `Usman's sons and brothers
at Court, so that Blochmann's statement at p. 520 about their being
executed on the road is not correct. It appears, too, they came to
Court after Shaja`at's death. Jahangir says (Tuzuk, p. 112) he made
over the prisoners to responsible servants of government. `Abdu-llah
may have been one of these, and have got rid of his prisoners by
killing them. It would appear that the battle with `Usman took place
to the east or south-east of Dacca, and not near Orissa, as Stewart
supposed.
[358] The lines occur in Hafiz' divan, under the letter M,
Brockhaus' ed., No. 396, but Jahangir has missed out two lines in his
quotation. An Indian lithograph has rakht in the first line instead
of sabr, but the latter reading occurs in Brockhaus. In the fourth
line nargis is a mistake for tirkash. Tir-i-falak, 'the arrow of
the spheres,' is also a name for the planet Mercury. Tirkash-i-Jauza
means both a particular constellation in the sign Gemini, which is
supposed to resemble a quiver in appearance, and also the strings
of a musical instrument. The meaning of the lines seems to be,
"I have been wounded by the shaft of heaven: give me wine that I may
become intoxicated and be able to tie a knot in the quiver-girdle of
the Gemini." The appositeness of the fal is not very apparent, but
the mention of an arrow was taken to be an allusion to the death of
`Usman by a shot from an unknown hand.
[359] Elliot, vi, 331.
[360] They call this in the English language a turkey, and the people
of India call it piru; Persian-knowing Indians call it in Persian
filmurgh. They are now plentiful in India. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad.)
[361] Akbar-nama, iii, 533. It was in the 33rd year.
[362] He asked Todar Mal's protection, but the son was sent
(Akbar-nama, iii, 533).
[363] This name is not in all the MSS. It is another name for I`tiqad,
son of I`timadu-d-daulah.
[364] Blochmann, p. 508.
[365] Elliot, vi, 333.
[366] Raja of Baglana.
[367] A periphrasis for Jahangir himself.
[368] The history of Nur, i.e. the history of Nuru-d-din Jahangir.
[369] Should be Abu-n-nabi. See infra.
[370] This was Arjumand Banu or Mumtaz-mahall, the favourite wife of
Shah Jahan and the mother of fourteen of his children. She was the
niece of Nur-Jahan, her father being Nur-Jahan's brother, the Asaf
Khan IV and Abu-l-hasan of Beale, who also had the names of I`tiqad
Khan and Yaminu-d-daulah. There is an account of the betrothal and
wedding in the Padshah-nama, i, 388. It seems that the betrothal took
place five years and three months before the marriage, and when Shah
Jahan was 15 years old. At the time of the marriage Shah Jahan was 20
years and 3 months old and Arjumand Banu was 19 years and 1 month. 18th
Khurdad, 1021, would correspond to about the end of May, 1612, but
the Padshah-nama gives the eve of Friday, 9th Rabi`u-l-awwal of 1021,
corresponding to 22nd Urdibihisht, as the day of the marriage. This
would correspond to 30th April, 1612, so that apparently Jahangir's
visit to the house (apparently I`timadu-d-daulah's, but possibly Shah
Jahan's) took place about a month after the marriage. Arjumand Banu
died in childbed at Burhanpur in 1040, or July, 1631, the chronogram
being one word, viz. gham, 'grief.' She must have been born in 1591,
and was in her 40th year when she died. She was not Shah Jahan's first
wife, for he was married to the daughter of Muzaffar Husain Safawi,
a descendant of Shah Isma`il of Persia, in September, 1610 (Rajab,
1019), but the betrothal to Arjumand was earlier than this. It was
in Arjumand's honour that the Taj was built.
[371] Turha. The corresponding passage in the Iqbal-nama, p. 67, last
line, shows that jewels are meant. The text omits the preposition ba
before Begaman.
[372] Khun-para, 'congestion of blood'; para or bara is used to mean
a collection or gathering. See Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 221, where we
have bara ya`ni jam`i. Erskine, in spite of his MS., reads chun para
and translates 'as quicksilver.'
[373] Asar, which, according to Forbes, is a sir weight.
[374] Perhaps it was only what is called a char-jama and not an
enclosed howdah.
[375] The reference is to the Messiah as the restorer to life by
His breath. For baguzar, 'pass by,' Erskine had in his MS. maguzar,
'pass not.' Apparently the verse means that it is more meritorious
for the Messiah to restore one man to life than it is for another to
slay a hundred infidels.
[376] `Ali Ahmad died suddenly two years before this, unless indeed the
passage at p. 169 refers to the mimic and not to `Ali Ahmad. Probably
the meaning is that `Ali Ahmad had made this couplet on some previous
occasion, and that one of the courtiers now quoted it. His verse about
the hundred murders may contain a play on the word khun, 'blood,'
and refer to the spilling of the blood-like wine. It is difficult to
understand how Jahangir came to introduce the verse into his Memoirs
here. It does not seem to have any connection with the account of
the Raja of Kumaon. Jahangir says it was quoted 'incidentally,' ba
taqarrubi. Perhaps the word here means 'by way of parody,' or 'by
way of paraphrase.' In the MS. used by Erskine the words of the first
line seem to be Maguzar Masih bar sar-i-ma, and so Erskine translates
"Pass not, O Messiah, over the heads of us victims of love." Perhaps
maguzar means 'do not pass by.'
[377] This is the Dakhani chief mentioned previously at p. 192.
[378] Blochmann, p. 485. He acted in Kashmir for his brother Hashim.
[379] The katara was a long, narrow dagger. See Blochmann's Ayin,
pl. xli, fig. 9. But the word phul (flower) is obscure. Perhaps
it means the knot or crochet of jewels called by Chardin, iv, 164,
ed. Rouen, "une enseigne ronde de pierreries," and which, he says,
the Persians called 'rose de Poignard.'
[380] He must have remained more than four days, for he got the news
of Salima's death while in the garden. See infra. Perhaps the date
10th refers to Day and not to Zi-l-qa`da. The Dahrah garden was in
the environs of Agra.
[381] This statement is wrong. Salima was 76 when she died, she
having been born on 4th Shawwal, 945, or 23rd February, 1539. She
died on or about 10th Zi-l-qa`da, 1021 (2nd January, 1613), so that
she was 73 solar years old. See note in B.M. MS. Or. 171, Rieu, 257a,
and an article in J.A.S.B. for 1906. The note is by the author of
the Tarikh-i-Muhammadi and is at 72a of the B.M. MS. Or. 171, and
the corresponding passage appears in MS. Or. 182, on p. 140. The
chronogram of Salima's birth was Khush-hal, which yields 945. She
was about 3 1/2 years older than Akbar.
[382] The real name appears to be Abu-n-nabi. He had the title of
Bahadur Khan. See Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 400. In the Akbar-nama, iii,
820 and 839, he is called Abu-l-Baqa.
[383] This must refer to the 2 months and 20 days of hunting.
[384] Zin-i-murassa` kari-i-Farangi. The MSS. in the B.M. seem to
have zaram instead of zin.
[385] Jahangir's words seem to imply that he caused the fowl's leg
to be broken in order to try the experiment. Manucci, i, 55, has
a good deal to say about mumiya, though he admits that he had not
himself witnessed its effects. I do not find that Haji Baba descants
on its virtues, though at the end of the first chapter he says that his
mother gave him an unguent which she said would cure all fractures. The
Persian translator, no doubt rightly, has rendered the word 'unguent'
by mumiya. With regard to the derivation of the word, may it not be
connected with mom, 'wax'? Vullers has a long article on the word.
[386] The text has biradari, 'brotherhood,' but the true reading, as
shown by the B.M. MSS., is bar awardi, br 'AUrdI, and this means either
the establishment of `Abdu-llah or a list submitted by him. Perhaps
'list' is a better translation, the word awardi being connected with
the awarda-nawis of Wilson's Glossary.
[387] The sentence is very obscure. MS. No. 181 I.O. has khun,
'blood,' instead of chun, 'as,' and perhaps the meaning is blood
in the breasts turns to milk on account of love for their cubs,
and then the sucking by the latter increases the mother's natural
ferocity and the milk dries up.
[388] In the B.M. MSS. the words are mansabdaran-i-riza-mansab. These
last two words are wanting in the text.
[389] Text Patna, but B.M. MSS. have Thatta.
[390] Text has Patna.
[391] Text Kachhi, but it is Gajpati in B.M. MSS.
[392] This seems taken from Abu-l-fazl. See Jarrett, iii, 115. The
third duty, which Jahangir calls "worshipping fire," is by Abu-l-fazl
termed Yag, i.e. sacrifice.
[393] It is the day of the full moon in Sawan that is holy.
[394] Blochmann, p. 184, and Wilson's Glossary. Badayuni (Lowe, p. 269)
speaks of Akbar's wearing the rakhi on the 8th day of Virgo. I do not
know why Jahangir calls the day after the last day of Sawan the first
day of the New Year. Perhaps ruz-i-duyam here means 'another day,' and
not 'the next day'; but then, if so, why is it the rakhi day, for that
is in Sawan? The Hindu New Year begins in Baisakh (April). It will be
observed from Jarrett, ii, 17, that Sawan is also the name of a month
of a particular length. Perhaps Jahangir has confused the two things.
[395] It is the 10th of Aswin (September).
[396] The text wrongly has dar har mah instead of only dar mah.
[397] The negative in text is wrong apparently. It does not occur in
MS. No. 181 I.O. nor in the B.M. MSS., which have ba instead of na.
[398] That is, 9th Amurdad corresponded with the Hijra date of Akbar's
death, viz. 13th Jumada-s-sani, which this year, 1022, occurred in
July. According to the solar calendar Akbar's death was in October.
[399] Pargalas seem to be clothes of some sort. Perhaps the word
is another form of the fargul of Blochmann, p. 89. The text has
sitarkani. Sitar means a veil, but probably we should read Sonargaoni,
'of Sonargaon.' Both the MSS. give the number of elephants as 68
instead of 28 as in text.
[400] See Jarrett, ii, 268, where it is said that an ancestor of
Bappa came to Berar.
[401] According to Tod, Bappa, the ancestor of the Rana, acquired
Chitor in A.D. 728. Jahangir makes twenty-six princes rule for 1,010
years and twenty-six others only reign for 461 years! Tod says the
legendary ancestor Kenek Sen, the sixty-third from Loh, the son of
Ram, emigrated from the Panjab to Gujarat in 145 A.D. Perhaps the
Mewat of the Tuzuk is a mistake for Mewar.
[402] Probably the town of that name in the Rajputana State of
Jhalawar. See "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 211.
[403] The Raushanis, called by their enemies the Tarikis.
[404] Both Jahangir and Allah Akbar yield 288.
[405] Sanskrit Devahara, 'an idol temple.'
[406] "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 69.
[407] Instead of kaff ardi, 'a handful of flour,' the R.A.S. MS. has
kaf az way, 'his spittle,' and this seems more likely.
[408] Text ajnabi, 'foreign' or 'strange,' and Dowson had the same
reading, for at vi, 337, we have the translation 'ships engaged in
the foreign trade of Surat.' But I adopt the reading of I.O. MS. 181,
which is ajnasi, as it does not seem likely that Jahangir would
interest himself about 'foreign' ships.
[409] "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 63. There are now two large caldrons
(dig) inside the darguh enclosure.
[410] Hafiz Jamal was the name of the saint Mu`inu-d-din's daughter
("Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 62). It lies at the back of the Taragarh
hill, and is now commonly called Nur-chashma. The fountains, etc.,
are in a ruined state. Sir Thomas Roe visited this place (id., p. 123).
[411] Shab-i-jum`a, which is Friday eve according to Blochmann.
[412] Khusrau was married to his daughter.
[413] The "Arrogant of the Earth" (Tod).
[414] Perhaps this means Peshawar, for apparently Qilij was there
when he died.
[415] According to the Ma'asir, iii, 486, in the biography of `Isa
Khan, Rustam was sent to put down the Tarkhans, and succeeded in doing
so. See also ibid., p. 438, in the biography of Rustam, where it is
said that Jahangir told him to send away the Arghuns. Perhaps the
passage in Ma'asir, p. 438, which according to Blochmann, p. 314,
means that Rustam ill-treated the Arghuns, rather means that he
intrigued with them but oppressed the peasantry.
[416] Though the text has Pulam, the real word seems to be Ilam or
Ailam. Ailam Guzar appears to be a pass in a range of hills. It may,
however, be a ferry on the Kabul River. That river seems to be also
known as the Shah `Alam, and there is a ferry on it of that name. The
text speaks of Kot Tirah as 8 kos from Jalalabad, but Tirah is much
further away. The B.M. MSS. have Kotal-i-Tirah, 'the Tirah defile.'
[417] Compare Price's Jahangir, p. 94. It appears from that
account that Mu`taqid alias Lashkar Khan was originally called
Abu-l-husain. According to the account there, the prisoners were
brought to Jahangir with the decapitated heads of 17,000 (!) suspended
from their necks!
[418] She was a daughter of Mir Mahmud, Akbar's secretary (Blochmann,
p. 449).
[419] Man Singh died in the Deccan in 1614, and apparently in the
month of June.
[420] Text pidar by mistake for pisar.
[421] Garha, described as Bandhu in Ma'asir, ii, 175. It is
Garha-Katanga, i.e. Jabalpur.
[422] Perhaps the meaning is that there was an eruption.
[423] Buzurgan, which perhaps here means elder ladies of the harem.
[424] This is Tash Beg (Blochmann, p. 457). The text wrongly has Patna.
[425] Jahangir was born in this month, which then corresponded
to Rajab.
[426] Is this an allusion to some complimentary remark of Sir Thomas
Roe? Sir Thomas did not come to Ajmir till December, 1615, but Jahangir
is here apparently writing of what happened a year after his visit
to Hafiz Jamal. The chronogram was 1024 (1615).
[427] Mahall-i-Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir, 1024 (1615). See Proceedings
A.S.B. for August, 1873, pp. 159-60.
[428] Salima died in the 7th year, so that the discovery must have
occurred some time before this mention of it.
[429] Hindustani, dhurpad, "petit poëme ordinairement composé de
cinq hémistiches sur une même rime." "It was invented by Raja Man of
Gwalior" (Garçin de Tassy, Hist. Litt. Hindouie, i, 12).
[430] See Rieu, 741b, who calls the nauras a treatise on music
composed by Ibrahim `Adil Shah II. This `Adil Shah was Firishta's
patron, and reigned till 1626. Jamalu-d-din is the dictionary-maker
and friend of Sir T. Roe. The sentence about reporting the remainder
of the facts seems to be an extract from his report. Muhammad Waris,
in his continuation of the Padshah-nama, B.M. MS. Add. 6556, p. 438,
mentions, with reprobation, that `Adil Shah had given his niece in
marriage to a singer.
[431] Translated Elliot, vi, 339.
[432] Lit. procure for him the sign of the blessed panja (five
fingers). The sign-manual was that of Jahangir. See below. See also
Tod's Rajasthan, reprint, i, 411, for a representation of the panja;
also p. 383, note id.
[433] Panja mubarak (Tod's Rajasthan, i, 383 and 411).
[434] Perhaps the uncle and Haridas, or the inha, 'them' may mean
the farman. See Elliot, vi, 340, which has 'my letters.' Tod has
translated this part of the Tuzuk, i, 382.
[435] The text has khaurmiyan, and I. O. 181 has khaur-i-bandar. Khaur
means a bay or gulf in Arabic. The battle is that between Captain
Downton and the Portuguese, which took place in January, 1615, and is
described in Orme's Hist., Fragments, p. 351, etc. See also Danvers'
"Portuguese in India," ii. 170. The engagement was in the Swally
channel.
[436] Elliot, vi, 340. As Mr. Rogers remarks, the sentence is not
easily intelligible. Probably the translation should be, "No one
remained (all the Rajputs having been killed) who could finish off
Malik `Ambar."
[437] Probably the father or grandfather of the Muhammad Beg Zu-l-faqar
who was a servant of Aurangzib (Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 89).
[438] R.A.S. MS. has Dayanat Khan, and so has I.O. MS. 181.
[439] Qulba. It does not appear that this is a land-measure.
[440] Kharwar. It is a weight. See Jarrett, ii, 394, where a kharwar
is said to be equal to ten Hindustani maunds.
[441] Probably this was the son who died in the 14th year (Tuzuk,
p. 282).
[442] Should be 18th. See Elliot, vi, 341. I.O. 181 has 20th, and
this is probably correct, bistam and hashtam being often mistaken
for one another by the copyists. B.M. MS. Add. 26215 has dushamba,
Monday, instead of shamba, Saturday.
[443] Akbar used the word parm narm, 'very soft,' as a substitute for
'shawl' (Blochmann, p. 90).
[444] According to Gladwin, 96 tanks = one sir. Four mashas make a
tank, and a masha is about 18 grains troy.
[445] Text k-hyt'h chAr, kheta char. But the two B.M. MSS. which I have
consulted have no ya, and have khatta or ghatta char. I think that
the word must be ghata, which in Sanskrit means a troop of elephants
assembled for war. I am not sure what the word char means, but perhaps
it is only an affix. According to Abu-l-fazl a herd of (wild) elephants
is called sahn (Blochmann, p. 122).
[446] Panj tuquz, i.e. 9 by 5. The text has tAqUr, taqur.
[447] The B.M. MSS. seem to have panch kunjar, 'five elephants,'
i.e. equal to five elephants(?).
[448] In Sarkar Delhi (Jarrett, ii, 287).
[449] The text does not expressly say that the dervish foretold
two years before his death the period of his death, but apparently
Jahangir means this, for he goes on to speak of the time mentioned
for his delivery. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 81, where the dervish is
called Hafiz, and where it is added that the whole population of
Srinagar followed the bier.
[450] Lit. give it, for the Koran cannot be directly sold.
[451] Text pisar, 'son of Buland Ray.' but from the B.M. MSS. it
appears that pisar is a mistake for Sar.
[452] Blochmann, p. 387. Possibly he was the part author of a
translation of Babar's Commentaries.
[453] The name is wrong. The Iqbal-nama, p. 84, has Rasht (Rashd),
which is a well-known town on the Caspian.
[454] According to the Iqbal-nama the true reading is sanjaki (see
p. 84). But Olearius, who gives a full account of the murder (p. 352
of English translation, ed. 1662), says Bihbud gave him two stabs
with a chentze, which is a kind of poniard.
[455] A Persian festival in memory of a rain which fell on the 13th
Tir and put an end to a famine (Bahar-i-`ajam).
[456] Sangram was Raja of Khurkpur in Behar, and was killed in battle
with Jahangir Quli Khan (Blochmann, p. 446, note).
[457] Shakwa'i-sahib-i-Suba. I presume it means a complaint against
the governor, and perhaps one made by Kesho.
[458] The pearls are omitted in the MSS.
[459] It is phul in MS. No. 181.
[460] Takhti, qu. a signet? No. 181 has a lal takhti.
[461] Sir Thomas Roe's friend.
[462] Text wrongly has 3 instead of 30.
[463] Apparently because born in Lahore (see Blochmann, p. 500).
[464] According to I.O. MS. 181 every zamindar took some money from
Chin Qilij and sent him out of his estate, and this seems to be
the probable meaning, for we are told later on that the zamindars
plundered Chin Qilij.
[465] Tirhut. R.A.S. MS. has "It chanced that the zamindar of this
place was with Jahangir Quli, and the latter sent him with some
people to seize Chin Qilij." I.O. MS. has the same, and this seems
correct. The text has "It chanced that the zamindar of that place was
spending some days in that neighbourhood(?)." Perhaps a negative has
been omitted before 'spending.' I.O. MS. seems to have Johirhat as
the name of the zamindar's estate.
[466] Apparently the verse is quoted with reference to Jahangir Quli's
failure to exact retribution from the zamindars, There is an account
of Chin Qilij in the Ma'asir, iii, 351.
[467] Gunth, a breed of small horses or ponies.
[468] A farji is a coat (see Blochmann, p. 89).
[469] Text in ruba`i, 'this quatrain,' which does not seem to make
sense. Perhaps in here should be ayin-i-ruba`i, 'the rules or the
custom of a quatrain.' Similarly, in kitabat five lines down may be
ayin-i-kitabat, 'the rules of writing.'
[470] His father was Khalilu-llah, previously mentioned in the Tuzuk,
and who had lately died (Iqbal-nama, p, 84, and Tuzuk, pp. 62 and
69). Tahmasp gave Ni`matu-llah's daughter in marriage to his own
son Isma`il.
[471] Khanish Khanim in Ma'asir, iii, 339.
[472] Ishal-i-kabd.
[473] Two I.O. MSS. and the R.A.S. MS. have 18 instead of 15. Elliot
has "up to my fourteenth" year. Jahangir was born in Rabi`, 977,
or 31st August, 1569, and the beginning of wine-drinking to which he
refers must have taken place at earliest in January, 1586. He tells us
that it was after the death of Muhammad Hakim, and at the time when
his father was at Attock. Now Akbar arrived there on 15th Muharram,
994, according to Nizamu-d-din, and on 12th Day, 994, according to
Abu-l-fazl, iii, 976, i.e. about the end of December, 1585, and at
that time Jahangir was 17 years and 4 months of age, or in his 18th
year. He continued to drink heavily for nine years, i.e. till he was
26 (17 + 9), then he moderated for seven years, i.e. till he was 33,
and he kept to that for fifteen years more, i.e. till he was 48. These
years were lunar years, and he tells that at the time of writing he
was 47 years and 9 months old, according to the lunar calendar. It
seems to follow that the MSS. are right, and that we should read 18.
[474] Elliot, vi, 341.
[475] The two good I.O. MSS. have, not murgh or murghi, but tughdari
or tughdari, a 'bustard,' unless indeed the word be taghaddi,
'breakfast.' But probably the word is tughdari, a bustard, and the
reference is to the particular memorable day when he first drank
wine. His food that day, he says, was a bustard with bread and a radish
(turb).
[476] Blochmann. Calcutta Review, 1869, has 'turnips.'
[477] Filuniya. The word is not given in ordinary dictionaries, but
it is explained in Dozy's Supplement. It is stated there that it is
a sedative electuary, and that the word is derived from the Greek,
being philônia, which is the name of an antidote or drug invented
by Philon of Tarsus. There is an account of Philon and a reference
to his drug in Smith's Classical Dictionary. Philon lived in or
before the first century after Christ, and is referred to by Galen
and others. The word as given there is philôneion. We are not told
what it was made of. In Price's Jahangir, filuniya, misread there
as Kelourica, is described by Jahangir as brother's son to tiryaq,
i.e. theriaca (see Price, p. 6). Tiryak or tiryaq is supposed to be a
Greek word (see Lane), and means an antidote against poison, etc. It
is so used in the verse from Avicenna quoted by Jahangir to his son
Shah Jahan. See D'Herbelot, s.v. Teriak. But it is also often used
apparently as a synonym for opium. The mixing of wine with spirits
was intended to dilute the potation, for hitherto Jahangir had been
taking raw spirit. A misqal is said to be 63 1/2 grains troy, and so
18 misqals would be about 3 ounces, and the six cups would be about
1 1/2 lb. troy. In Elliot, Jahangir is made to say that he does not
drink on Thursdays and Fridays. But the shab-i-jum`a, as Blochmann
has pointed out elsewhere, Ayin translation, p. 171, n. 3, means
Thursday night or Friday eve, and this is clearly the case here,
for Jahangir speaks of the eve's being followed by a blessed day. It
should be noted that there is no connection in Jahangir's mind between
abstaining from wine and abstaining from meat. He did not eat meat
on Thursdays or Sundays because he did not approve of taking life on
these days, but he drank on both of them.
[478] Cf. Blochmann's translation and Calcutta Review for 1869.
[479] I understand the two exceptions (du chiz) to be that on Thursdays
he drank in the daytime, contrary to the general rule of only drinking
at night, and that on Thursday evenings he did not drink.
[480] Elliot, vi, 343.
[481] The MSS. have Jadun Ray and Baba Chokanth (Jiu Kanth?). The
Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 646, has Maluji Kantiya. The text has Babu
Kantiya.
[482] The text is corrupt. The Ma'asir, id., has Atash instead
of Danish.
[483] The text is corrupt. In the second line of the verse the
text has guft, which seems meaningless, and two I.O. MSS. and
B.M. MS. Add. 26,215 have jang, 'battle.' The R.A.S. MS. has pay,
'feet,' which seems to me the best reading. Possibly guft should be
read kift, 'shoulder.'
[484] It will be remembered that Jahangir has called `Ambar's army
the army of darkness, alluding perhaps to `Ambar's being an Abyssinian.
[485] Elliot, vi, and Blochmann, p. 479, n. 3.
[486] Perhaps it should be phanga or feringha, a grasshopper, or it may
be jhingur, a cockroach. Presumably the country was covered with thick
jungle, and the cloud of insects indicated where water was. Erskine's
MS. has chika. B.M. Or. 3276 has chika or jika. Possibly the word is
jhingur, a cockroach (see Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1871, vol. xl). He
quotes a Hindustani Dict., which says that the jhinga is what in Arabic
is called the jaradu-l-bahr or water-locust. The river referred to
by Jahangir is the Sankh of I.G., xii, 222. V. Ball, Proc. A.S.B. for
1881, p. 42, suggests that the jhinga may be thunder-stones!
[487] Compare Tavernier's account of the searching for diamonds in
Sambhalpur (vol. ii, p. 311, of ed. of 1676).
[488] Text, khud-hunarkari, 'his own workmanship,' but the MSS. have
khud-sarkari. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 87, which says that Jamalu-d-din
had had it made in Bijapur.
[489] Really a topaz. Tavernier points out that the natives call
various precious stones rubies, distinguishing them by their colour.
[490] Text, ba-andaza-i-mu`tad-i-man, 'of capacity corresponding to
my custom.' Presumably it was a drinking-cup, and held Jahangir's
customary potation.
[491] Halqa ba-gushan. Apparently referring to his being one of those
who bored their ears in imitation of Jahangir.
[492] The text is corrupt. The true reading seems to be sad
dana-i-kish, 'one hundred pieces of muslin' (?). I.O. 181 seems to
have kabsh, 'rams'.
[493] Here follow two unintelligible words, Pagana Bankana.
[494] Perhaps this should be faghfuri, 'porcelain.'
[495] Jauhar-dar, defined by Vullers as bone or wood bearing veins,
i.e. striated.
[496] See Akbar-nama, ii, 315. It was sent before Jahangir was
born. It, too, was an African elephant.
[497] Here the two words referred to at note 2 on p. 321 are repeated.
[498] Ma'asiru-l-umara. i, 736. Khan `Alam's name was Mirza Barkhurdar.
[499] This seems wrong; the number of horse would probably not
be reduced.
[500] So in text, but No. 181 has 600, and this is more likely,
for the number of horse is never, I think, larger than the zat rank.
[501] I.O. MSS. have 18th.
[502] I.O. MSS. have 20th.
[503] The two I.O. MSS. have the following sentence here: "On this
day it happened that however much I tried to write, my heart and hand
would not act. Whenever I seized the pen my condition altered. At
last I had to tell I`timadu-d-daulah to write."
[504] This sentence is not in the I.O. MSS.
[505] Here comes the passage which the two I.O. MSS. enter higher up.
[506] I.O. MS. 181 has "writes that on the 11th," etc.
[507] The I.O. MSS. add here "of the 11th year."
[508] Probably this is the Chimni Begam, a daughter of Shah Jahan,
whose grave is near that of the saint Khwaja Mu`inu-d-din Chishti
("Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 62). Probably Chimni should be Chamani,
which means 'verdant' and comes from chaman, a garden. Perhaps she
died of smallpox. It was in the summer.
[509] Apparently the reference is to the parents of the child and to
the grandfather, that is, the writer of this notice.
[510] I.O. MSS. have Monday, the 6th Tir, and say that Jahangir went
to Chashma-i-Nur on the 9th, which they say was a Thursday. And we
see later that Jahangir speaks of Saturday as the 11th.
[511] The word 'dagger' is omitted in the text.
[512] I.O. MSS. have bar daur, 'round.'
[513] Elliot, vi, 346. There is a better account of the plague in
the Iqbal-nama, pp. 88, 89.
[514] The words are dar wilayat, and may mean 'any country' or 'any
foreign country.'
[515] The son of the historian Nizamu-d-din. Sir T. Roe refers to
this affair.
[516] Text Anand, but this makes no sense. The I.O. MSS. have amba,
mangoes, and though the remark seems abrupt this is no doubt the
correct reading. Jahangir was particularly fond of mangoes, and perhaps
he is here playing on the similarity between the words amba and anand.
[517] In Sarkar Saharanpur (Jarrett, ii, 292). It is now in the
Muzaffarnagar district (I.G., vii, 308).
[518] "It is a pity that no trace of these is left at Agra. Had
there been, they would have been the wonder of the age" (note of
Sayyid Ahmad). Perhaps they are the two figures which have generally
been supposed to have been put up by Akbar and to represent Chitor
heroes. The word tarkib in the text may mean that they were mounted
statues. But then the description of them as marble statues would
be wrong.
[519] Text has gusfand-i-nar, 'a ram,' but the MSS. have gusfand u
bar, or buz, and it is evident that the true reading is 'a sheep,
a goat.' See Blochmann, p. 266, where goats are mentioned among
the animals distributed by Akbar. The number of animals distributed
corresponded with the years of Jahangir's age (48) multiplied by 3, and
so would be 48 × 3 = 144 (see Blochmann, l.c.). The weight of Jahangir
was 6,514 tulchas, and Blochmann (p. 267, n.) takes this to be the
same as tolas, and estimates Jahangir's weight at 210 1/2 lb. troy or
15 stone. Probably this is excessive, and his weight might be 82 sir
or about 2 maunds, i.e. 164 lb. or 11 1/2 stone. The perfumes against
which he was weighed were ambergris, not amber (which has no scent),
`ud, i.e. lignum aloes, and ban (not pan as in text), which apparently
is the same as luban, 'frankincense' (see the chapter on perfumes in
Blochmann, p. 77). I am not sure of the meaning of the phrase ba-dast
nihada. The MSS. have not the preposition ba. Perhaps the meaning is
'put them into the hands of the fakirs.' Jahangir was born on the
18th Shahriwar, 977 = 31st August, 1569. The weighings described in
the text took place on the 26th Shahriwar. Perhaps this was because
his birthday was on the 24th Shahriwar according to the Jalali year.
[520] Generally written taghma, 'a badge of honour,' 'a medal,' etc.
[521] See Tuzuk, p. 11, Blochmann, p. 482, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii,
355. The statement at Tuzuk, p. 11, about Delhi seems a mistake, and
is not in the MSS. Mirza `Ali came from Badakhshan. He is frequently
mentioned in vol. iii of the Akbar-nama.
[522] This is the same phrase as, according to the MSS., occurs at
p. 11. Apparently the ulus referred to is the Timuride family to
which Jahangir belonged. It is connected with Mirza `Ali's title
of Akbarshahi.
[523] See in Blochmann, l.c., the affecting story of his death.
[524] This letter being of the usual Persian style, and having nothing
to do with Jahangir's history, is omitted. It relates to the sending
of Muhammad Husain Chelebi with presents to the emperor, and to the
offering his services for the purchase of jewels, etc.
[525] Text 20th Aban, but the MSS. have 8th, and this is clearly
right. By the latter part of the sentence Jahangir means that
Shah Jahan was to start first, and that he himself was to leave
afterwards. The "auspicious palace" referred to in the next sentence
is apparently Shah Jahan's establishment. Jahangir did not leave
for about a fortnight. Though Shah Jahan and the establishment
(daulat-khana-i-humayun) made a start on the 8th or 9th Aban, he did
not finally leave till the 20th Aban. See infra.
[526] Author of Iqbal-nama.
[527] 'Of body like Krishna, or like a flute'?
[528] According to Roe, it was not the English carriage, but a
copy. Perhaps Jahangir had the original carriage and Shah Jahan
the copy.
[529] Elliot, vi, 346.
[530] The day was Saturday, not Tuesday, and it is Saturday in the MSS.
[531] Elliot has Deo Rani, and it is Deo Rani in I.O. MS. 305.
[532] Jahangir arrived in Ajmir on the 26th Aban, 1022, and left it on
the 21st Aban, 1025. The Muhammadan dates are 5th Shawwal, 1022, and
1st Zi-l-qa`da, 1025 = 18th November, 1613, and 10th November, 1616.
[533] Text tar, but MSS. have abtar, i.e. inferior and perhaps low
land. The text seems corrupt.
[534] MSS. have 86,500 horse and 347,000 foot, and this agrees with
the Ayin (Jarrett, ii, 272).
[535] Text wrongly has Nil. The tank in question is the Bisalya tank
of the Rajputana Gazetteer, ii, 4, which was made by Bisal Deo Chohan
about 1050 A.D. It is described in Tod's "Personal Narrative," i, 824,
of Calcutta reprint. It is, or was, about 8 miles in circumference
and is about a mile west of the Anasagar, which was made by Bisal
Deo's grandson.
[536] About 20 miles south-east of Ajmir.
[537] This is the name of a water-bird in Turki. It is also called
magh and water-crow (zagh-i-ab), and in Hindi jalkawa (note of
Sayyid Ahmad).
[538] Probably the meaning is that he allowed those who wished to
drink to do so. Many, or at least some, would be abstainers.
[539] Namuda in MSS.
[540] Sahal in MSS.
[541] In Sarkar Marosor (Jarrett, ii, 208). It was in Malwa. But the
I.O. MSS. have Nauda.
[542] Text Udaipur, but this was not on the border of the Rana's
territory, and the MSS. have Dudpur.
[543] Perhaps the Toda of Sir T. Roe.
[544] Lyasa in MSS.
[545] Son of Nizamu-d-din the historian.
[546] Gorana in MSS. and the distance 2 1/4 kos and 1 jarib.
[547] 23rd in MSS.
[548] Manpur in text.
[549] MSS. 2,000 rupees.
[550] Perhaps Kanha Das.
[551] Should be Fath-jang as in MSS.
[552] Jarrett, ii, 195.
[553] The name seems to be wrong. Jahangir is evidently copying from
the Ayin, and the rivers mentioned there (Jarrett, ii, 195) are the
Narbada, Sipra, Kalisindh, Betwa, and the Kodi (or Godi).
[554] 29,668 (Jarrett, ii. 198).
[555] The MSS. also have sweet pomegranates from Yezd, and sub-acid
(may-khwush) ones from Farah, and pears from Badakhshan (see Elliot,
vi, 348).
[556] The MSS. have khassa-i-sharifa.
[557] Qu. komla? Instead of qabiltar the MSS. have ma'iltar.
[558] Pahna'i. Its area or shade. Perhaps the 175 1/2 are yards,
not cubits.
[559] Evidently the four-horned antelope, the Tetracerus
quadricornis of Blanford, p. 520, and which has the Hindustani name
of doda. Blanford describes its colour as dull pale brown. "The
posterior horns are much larger than the anterior ones, which are
situated between the orbits and are often mere knobs. It is the only
Indian representative of the duikarbok of Africa. Another Indian name
is chausingha. In jungle this species and the hog-deer may easily be
mistaken the one for the other. It is not gregarious, and moves with
a peculiar jerky action." The resemblance between the four-horned
antelope and the hog-deer--the kutah paycha or short-legged deer of
Babar and Jahangir--may account for Blanford's giving doda as a native
name for the hog-deer (Cervus porcinus). For Babar's description of
the kutah paya or paycha see Erskine, p. 317. Gladwin in his history
of Jahangir writes the native name as Dirdhayan.
[560] Blochmann, p. 493.
[561] Text, khurma, a date, but evidently the khurma-i-Hind or
the tamarind, i.e. 'the palm of India,' is meant (see Babar's Mem.,
Erskine, p. 324). I do not understand the measurements. The word yak,
'one,' before the word shakh is not in the MSS. and is, I think,
wrong. I think the 16 gaz and 15 1/2 gaz are the lengths of the two
branches, and that the measurements 2 1/2 and 2 3/4 gaz refer to the
length and circumference of the two branches at the place when they
started from the trunk and before they put out leaves.
[562] Hindwas or Hindawas in MSS.
[563] This is in accordance with and probably derived from Babar's
Commentaries, Erskine, p. 51, where he says that 1,584 years have
elapsed from the time when Bikramajit made his observatory. Erskine
takes this to show that Babar was writing in 934, and if we add 92
years, or the difference between 934 and 1026, we get 1,676 years
(or 1,675 if we take the year to be 1025).
[564] See Jarrett, ii, 196. Abu-l-fazl says there that the flow
occurred a week before his arrival at Ujjain.
[565] Cf. Jarrett, ii, 196.
[566] Sanyasi-i-murtaz.
[567] Text, mihrabi-shakl uftada, 'a place like a
prayer-niche.' Possibly the true reading is majra bi-shakl uftada,
'a passage without form.' However, the MSS. have mihrab. The account
in the text may be compared with the Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 574, and with
the Iqbal-nama, p. 94. The measurements of the mouth of the hole in the
Ma'asir are taken from the Iqbal-nama, and differ from the account in
the Tuzuk. The Ma'asir, following the Iqbal-nama, calls the ascetic
Achhad or Ajhad. It also gives his subsequent history. He went to
Mathura and was there cruelly beaten by Hakim Beg. Jahangir's visit
to Jadrup is referred to by Sir Thomas Roe, who mentions a report
that the saint was said to be 300 years old. Jahangir does not say
any such nonsense.
[568] See Jarrett, iii, 271, etc. The Sanskrit word is Asrama,
or Ashrama.
[569] Left shoulder in Ayin.
[570] Sanskrit, Vanaprastha.
[571] Text qat`i dar miyan alat nihada, but apparently this should
be alat qat` ba miyan nihada: that is, "membrum virile in involucris
reponens."
[572] Text, sarb biyasi, which may mean 'distributing everything.' The
Iqbal-nama, p. 96, has sarb nasi, 'destroying everything.'
[573] I.O. MS. No. 306 says nothing about a garden, but speaks of a
village Khirwar and of halting under a mango-tree. Nor does No. 305
mention a garden.
[574] Cf. Elliot, vi, 348. The MSS. say nothing about two sons.
[575] From the "Gulistan."
[576] Cf. Jarrett, ii, 197. The story is also told with many more
details in Price's Jahangir, p. 108 etc.
[577] Text, Madan. But the name is Mandan, as MS. No. 181 and the
Ayin-i-Akbari (Jarrett, ii, 197) show. The legend is intended to show
how Mandu got its name (see also Tiefenthaler, i, 353).
[578] Elliot, vi. 348.
[579] Monday, the 23rd Isfandarmuz, the day on which he reached
Mandu. It was about the 6th March, 1617.
[580] The MSS. have 1,672.
[581] See Elliot, vi, 351 and 362, note. Jahangir only gives details of
the 17,167 animals killed by himself. The mhaka is possibly a clerical
error for mar-khwur. The text says it is allied to the gawazn, but the
MSS. have gur, a wild ass. The details of the quadrupeds come to 3,203,
the total stated by Jahangir. The details of the birds come to 13,954,
but the 10 crocodiles bring up the figures to 13,964, and the total
3,203 + 13,964 comes to the 17,167 mentioned. It has been suggested to
me that the mhaka of the text is the maha or swamp-deer of the Terai,
Rucervus Duvaucelli.
[582] The MSS. have Saturday instead of Tuesday, and this seems
reasonable, for there were no offerings on Tuesday (see infra).
[583] Text, Sakar. Now locally called the Sagan, 'sea,' tank.
[584] The MSS. only speak of twelve.
[585] The MSS. seem to have merely ba tir-i-banduq, 'with bullets.'
[586] Biyana in text.
[587] That is, apparently, the journey back by sea from the Deccan. The
MSS. have Hasan instead of Husain, and say the route by Ormuz was
closed. Perhaps the ba Mir of text is a mistake for bar bahr, 'by sea.'
[588] Tuquz means nine in Turki.
[589] The I.O. MSS. seem to have Sakakdar or Sakakandar.
[590] It appears from Shah `Abbas's letter to Jahangir (Tuzuk, p. 165)
that Muhammad Husain Chelebi had been employed by Jahangir to collect
curios in Persia.
[591] Note by Sayyid Ahmad. They say that a poet recited this
impromptu couplet--
"Though Nur-Jahan be in form a woman,
In the ranks of men she's a tiger-slayer."
The point of this couplet is that before Nur-Jahan entered Jahangir's
harem she was the wife of Shir-afgan, the tiger-slayer. The line may
also read "In battle she is a man-smiter and a tiger-slayer."
[592] The two I.O. MSS. have "a pair of pearls and a diamond."
[593] There is a fuller account of this flute-player in Price's
Jahangir, p. 114. The melody which he composed in Jahangir's name
is there called by Price Saut Jahangiri. (The text does not give
the name Jahangiri.) It is there stated that Shah Jahan brought the
flute-player with him from Burhanpur and introduced him.
[594] Hauza-dari, 'with a basin-shaped litter on it.'
[595] The word pashida, 'scattered,' does not occur in the
I.O. MSS. But perhaps the word has two opposite meanings.
[596] Father and son both died apparently at the same age.
[597] It was in Sarkar Qanauj (Jarrett, ii, 185). It is Chibramau of
I.G., iii, 97, and is in Farrukhabad district.
[598] Urvasi is the name of an Apsara or celestial nymph. Probably it
is here the name of a dress. (In Forbes's Hindustani Dictionary urbasi
is said to denote a particular kind of ornament worn on the breast.)
[599] The MSS. have maghra, which may be connected with the Arabic
maghr, 'travelling quickly.' It may be the name of a courier, or
merely mean 'quickly.'
[600] Apparently it should be Bhim; see infra. Gadeha is probably Gadhi
in Khandesh; see Lethbridge's "Golden Book of India," p. 138. It is the
Garvi of I.G., v, 33, and is one of the Bhil States in the Dang Tract.
[601] There was a Bodah in Sarkar Marosor in Malwa, but its revenue
was only 2 1/2 lakhs of dams (Jarrett, ii, 208). The two I.O. MSS. and
Debi Prasad's Hindi version have Toda. Toda was in Ajmir, Rantambhor
Sarkar, and its revenue in Akbar's time was 1 1/2 lakhs of rupees
(Jarrett, ii, 275).
[602] Ode 192 of Brockhaus' edition, p. 112, first couplet.
[603] This is the building described by William Finch. See the Journal
of John Jourdain, ed. by Foster for the Hakluyt Society, App. D. Finch
speaks of a high turret 170 steps high. The tower was the Tower of
Victory erected by Sultan Mahmud I in 1443 to commemorate a victory
over the Raja of Chitor. "The stump of it has been found." Jourdain
speaks of six storeys. It was built of green stone like marble.
[604] Two hundred rupees per storey(?).
[605] Blochmann, p. 371, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 537. Now locally
called the Nil-kanth, 'blue neck.'
[606] The text misses out a conjunction before sada.
[607] Apparently the meaning is that the standard of two and three
horses had not been kept up.
[608] Some lines of this agree with the verses in the Akbar-nama,
ii, 190. The last two lines are quoted again in the account of the
15th year (p. 299 of Persian text).
[609] The account is obscure. Elliot's translation is "In the root
of the tree is found a lump of sweet substance which is exactly like
that of Faluda. It is eaten by the poor." The text and some MSS. have
yak parcha-i-shirini, but B. M. Or. 3276 has yak para. Roxburgh says
nothing about any such growth on the wild plantain. Faluda or paluda
is the name of a sweetmeat.
[610] It is curious that the word amukhta, 'taught,' in the text,
and which appears to be almost necessary for the sense, does not
occur either in the two I. O. MSS. or in the R. A. S. one. Burhanpur
is about 100 miles as the crow flies south-south-east of Mandu.
[611] The text has par, 'feathers,' instead of the sign of the
comparative tar, but the MSS. have kalantar.
[612] The word is hawali, which is sometimes translated
'neighbourhood,' and has been so translated here by Mr. Rogers. But
either Jahangir has made a mistake or the word hawali is capable
of a wide interpretation, for Jaitpur appears to be Jaitpur in
Kathiawar. See Jarrett, ii, 258. and I. G., vii, 192. Possibly Mandu
is a mistake for Bandhu. But there is a Jetgarh in Malwa (Jarrett,
ii, 200).
[613] Probably this was the author who collaborated with Jerome
Xavier. See Rieu's Catalogue, iii, 1077.
[614] I. O. MS. 305 has dana-i-naziki, 'soft (or small) seeds.'
[615] Note 181 has wasil gashtan. 'becoming united' (to the Deity).
[616] Ja dadan, 'to give way,' the meaning apparently being that
they had protected Ruhu-llah's murderers. But I. O. MS. 305 seems to
have jawidan, 'eternal,' which would mean that they were killed and
also eternally disgraced as rebels. The Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 13,
has a different account of the manner of Ruhu-llah's death. He was
Fida'i's elder brother.
[617] The I. O. MSS. have Pir Bahar and Chandra Kona, which latter
may be the place in Midnapur.
[618] Text 8th, but should be 20th. See p. 196, where the next Thursday
is mentioned as the 27th. See Elliot, vi, 351.
[619] Text 15 months and 11 days, but it should be 11 months. Shah
Jahan left his father at Ajmir on the last day of Shawwal, 1025,
and he rejoined him on 11th Shawwal of the following year.
[620] So in text, but I.O. MSS. have kursi, 'a chair or stool' (l. 37).
[621] Text budand, but Uda Ram is the only Dakhani officer mentioned.
[622] The MSS. have zar-baft, 'gold brocade.'
[623] In reference to his own name of Nuru-d-din.
[624] Gharagi, 'unripeness.'
[625] The Udaji Ram of Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 142.
[626] Jamkura is given in Forbes as the Dakhani word for a covering
made of reeds or palm-leaves and used in rainy weather.
[627] The MS. has eight.
[628] In the MSS. the name seems to be Hansomat (swan-like?).
[629] Text has walida-i-khud, 'his own mother.'
[630] A repetition.
[631] The MSS. have 3 3/4 kos.
[632] Text khata', 'fault,' but the MSS. show that the word is khatar,
'danger.'
[633] The passage is obscure, and the MSS. do not throw much light on
it. Fortunately for the Mirza, there was no bullet in his gun. The word
which I have translated by 'flexible' is rawan. Perhaps the meaning
is quite different. Possibly it is "he would fire a shot and then
reload. As many of his bullets had been shot away, he put a pellet
(ghalula) into his mouth and was shaping it," etc.
[634] He has just spoken of Tuesday as the 15th! And as Jahangir did
not shoot on Sundays, Sunday must be a mistake for Wednesday. It is
Wednesday in I.O. MS. 305.
[635] Perhaps bukra here means a male nilgaw; bukra means also
a he-goat.
[636] This is the same kind of bird that Nur-Jahan is mentioned as
having shot. Perhaps a green pigeon is meant.
[637] Text nila, without the addition of gaw. The MSS. have gor or
chor, a pheasant (?).
[638] Elliot, vi, 352.
[639] The 'two' is omitted in text.
[640] In Sarkar Mandu (Jarrett, ii, 207) Debi Prasad's Hindi version
has Dakna.
[641] The MSS. have "more than 1,000." Raja Bhoj's date, according
to Tod, is 567 A.D. (Jarrett, ii, 211).
[642] This iron pillar is not now in existence at the mausoleum of
Akbar (Note of Sayyid Ahmad). The pieces of the pillar are still
lying at Dhar, outside the Lat Musjid (I.G., new ed., xi, 295).
[643] The MSS. have 807, and this is correct, for Dilawar conquered
Malwa in 803 = 1400.
[644] Probably this means that `Amid was the son of Da'ud.
[645] Text 70, but should be 7. 807 = 1405.
[646] A son of Hushang. Muhammad Shah, intervened.
[647] The MSS. have Jalot (as in the Hindi version).
[648] Text, "the parganah aforesaid." But the MSS. have Badnor. See
infra, p. 204 of text. (In this passage the Hindi version has Madlor.)
[649] Blochmann, p. 502.
[650] MSS. Bakor.
[651] Dahut in MSS. But Dohad seems right, as it means two boundaries.
[652] The dam was also used as a weight, and was equal to 5 tank or
1 tola, 8 masha, 7 surkh (Blochmann, p. 31).
[653] Apparently Sahra is the name of a town, and does not mean an
open space here.
[654] Perhaps the line refers to the bee, and means that the bee
wishes to suck the moisture of the flower.
[655] The MSS. have gul-i-kul, 'the flower of the tank.' It seems to
be a water-lily.
[656] Query "the tank of Yasoda," the foster-mother of Krishna?
[657] Blochmann, p. 252.
[658] Jahangir crossed the Ghati Chand or Chand, between Ajmere
and Malwa, in the 11th year (see p. 172), but he does not speak of
having had any rohu fish there. Perhaps the reference is to his halt
at Ramsar shortly before coming to Ghati Chand. He got 104 rohu at
Ramsar. See p. 169.
[659] Elliot, vi, 353.
[660] Mondah of Jarrett, ii, 253.
[661] Text Nilao. No such parganah is mentioned in the Ayin; the two
I.O. MSS. have Naryad.
[662] Pitlad is mentioned in Bayley's Gujarat, p. 9, as having a very
large revenue. It is the Patlad of Jarrett, ii, 253. Text wrongly
has Nilab. Possibly Bhil is the parganah meant.
[663] Elliot, vi, 353.
[664] The I.O. MSS. have Abhay or Abhi Kar.
[665] Tiefenthaler, i, p. 380, etc., has an interesting notice of
Cambay. He also gives a sketch of its bay (plate xxxii).
[666] Now so silted up that no tolerably large vessel can approach it.
[667] Abu-l-fazl calls them tawari (Jarrett, ii, 241).
[668] I.O. MSS. have 'ten.'
[669] Tal tarang. Possibly tarang should read tarang (waves), and
the meaning be that Jahangir went to see the famous bore in the Gulf
of Cambay.
[670] See Elliot, vi, 355, and note.
[671] In the text ahdi occurs by mistake instead of `ahdi, and man
instead of mas.
[672] Wrongly so in text, but Jay Singh should be corrected to Raj
Singh. The son of Jay Singh, Raja of Ajmir, was Ram Singh, who was
born in Sambat, 1692.
[673] Or `Arabi (Arabian?).
[674] Matar or Natar in I. O. MSS.
[675] I. O. MS. 181 has "in all the cities of Upper India."
[676] The historian.
[677] A saint of Multan who died in 1384. See Beale, s.v. Shaikh Jalal,
and Jarrett, iii, 369.
[678] So in text, but surely it should be "8th or 7th"? It appears
from the Khazinatu-l-asfiya, ii, 71, that the attendant who lost the
child was a female disciple, and that the child was young.
[679] According to Bayley's Gujarat, p. 238, and Index, p. 515,
the name is either Taj Khan Turpali or Narpali.
[680] Suwari-i-khud u khwush-jalu-i-u, "my own riding and his pleasant
paces (?)." It does not seem likely that Jahangir would himself drive
the elephant. The meaning here probably is that Jahangir trusted to
his being on the elephant. Khwush-jalu is used lower down about another
elephant, and seems to refer to the elephant's paces. See p. 214.
[681] Or doors. The Iqbal-nama, 108, has "in front of each gate there
is a bazar."
[682] 123 in Iqbal-nama.
[683] 350 in I.O. MSS.
[684] Panjara-i-sang, presumably lattice-work in stone.
[685] See for dimensions of the mosque Bayley's Gujarat, p. 92 and
note, and the authorities there quoted.
[686] Text wrongly has Sunday.
[687] Muhammad Ghaus was accused of heresy by some of the Gujarati
mullas. He was much respected by Humayun, and is buried at Gwalior.
[688] Jahangir means that Wajihu-d-din was a very learned man, and
that his devotion to Muhammad Ghaus, who was an ignorant man (ummi),
shows what a great personality the latter was. Cf. Iqbal-nama, 169,
and Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 583, where we are told that Wajihu-d-din
thanked God that both his Prophet and his Pir were ignorant.
[689] He wrote a history of Gujarat--the Mirat-i-Sikandari. Rieu,
Cat., i, 287.
[690] Blochmann, 507, note.
[691] "Shaikh Ahmad Khattu, who had the title of Jamalu-d-din,
was born at Delhi of a noble family in 737 A.H. (1336-7). He was
the disciple and successor of Baba Ishaq (Isaac) Maghribi. His name
was Nasiru-d-din. By the jugglery of the heavens he was separated
from his home in a storm, and after a while entered the service of
Baba Ishaq. Maghribi. He acquired from him spiritual and secular
learning, and came to Gujarat in the time of Sultan Ahmad. High and
low accepted him, and paid him homage. Afterwards he travelled to
Arabia and Persia, and made the acquaintance of many saints. He is
buried at Sarkhech, near Ahmadabad."--Ayin-i-Akbari (vol. ii, p. 220,
of Bib. Ind., ed. Jarrett, iii, 371). See Bayley's Gujarat, p. 90,
note, and Khazinatu-l-asfiya, ii, 314, and Blochmann, 507, note, where
the reference to the Khazina, 957, seems wrong. The story told in the
Khazina is that Shaikh Ahmad belonged to the royal family of Delhi,
and was, as a baby, blown out of his nurse's arms into the street
during a storm.
[692] Text khawanin, 'khans,' but evidently this is a mistake for
khawatin, the plural of khatun, 'a lady.'
[693] I.O. MSS. have Sundar Sen.
[694] See Elliot, vi, 355.
[695] This name is doubtful, for the MSS. have a different reading,
apparently Namud. There is a Halod in Gujarat (Jarrett, ii, 242). See
also Bayley's Gujarat, 439. Perhaps it is the Halol of the Indian
Gazetteer.
[696] The existence of this son of Baqi Tarkhan does not seem to
have been known to Abu-l-fazl or to Blochmann. Nor is he mentioned
in the Ma'asiru-l-umara. See Jarrett, ii, 347, where only Payanda is
spoken of as the son of Baqi Khan, and Blochmann, p. 362. See also
Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 485, the biography of Mirza `Isa Tarkhan. His
name appears, however, in the pedigree of his house in the Tarkhan-nama
of Jamal Shirazi.
[697] The word sani in Sahib-qiran-i-sani in text is a mistake.
[698] Shaqa'iq, which perhaps means tulips. In Price's Jahangir,
p. 115, there is much more said about the "Garden of Victory,"
and Jahangir's entertainment there by his wife Khairu-n-nisa, the
daughter of the Khankhanan.
[699] Bagina in text. Debi Prasad has Bakina.
[700] Banoh in text. See Bayley's Gujarat, p. 237; also Tiefenthaler,
i, 377, who speaks of it as being 3 leagues south of Ahmadabad. See
also Jarrett, ii, 240, n. 7.
[701] For Sayyid Mubarak and his son see Bayley's Gujarat. Sayyid
Mubarak was the patron of the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari. See
loc. cit., p. 454.
[702] It is the Chandsuma of Bayley's map.
[703] Jarrett, iii, 210; and Akbar-nama, translation, i, 147, n. 2.
[704] This should be Tapa. See Addenda.
[705] I.O. MS., instead of khatimat-i-ahwal-u, has chunanchih ahwal,
"as has been stated in its place." This is probably correct, as
Jahangir has already referred to his death. See also the account of
the 2nd year, where he speaks of Ray Singh's going home without leave.
[706] Perhaps an explanation of Zamakhshari's Commentary.
[707] A Persian commentary on the Koran (Rieu, p. 96).
[708] A life of Muhammad (Rieu, i, 147).
[709] Dabhol (I.G., new ed., xi, 100).
[710] Biyaz. The meaning is not clear. Perhaps what is meant is that
there was no writing, only the circles.
[711] Elliot, vi, 356.
[712] MSS. seem to have Manib.
[713] MSS. seem to have Nimda.
[714] The MSS. have Muhammad Husain Saudagar (trader).
[715] The Jhallod of Bayley's map.
[716] MSS. have Ranud.