On Tuesday, the 1st Farwardin of the seventh year from my accession
on the 16th Muharram u-l-haram (19th March, 1612) in the year 1021,
the New Year's assembly that illuminates the world, and the festival
that brings joy, were held in the capital of Agra. After four gharis
of the night had passed on Thursday, the 3rd of the aforesaid month,
the hour that the astrologers had chosen, I sat on the throne. I
had ordered that, according to annual custom, the bazars should
be decorated and the assembly should be kept up until the day of
culmination (ruz-i-sharaf). Khusrau Bi Uzbeg, who was known among
the Uzbegs as Khusrau Qimchi, [346] came on these days and had the
honour of waiting on me. As he was one of the influential men of
Mawara'a-n-nahr, I bestowed many favours on him, and gave him a fine
robe of honour. I gave 15,000 rupees to Yadgar `Ali, ambassador of
the ruler of Iran, for his expenses. On the same day the offering
of Afzal Khan, which he had sent from the Subah of Behar, was
laid before me. There were 30 elephants and 18 ponies (gunth), and
pieces of Bengal cloth, sandalwood, some pods of musk, aloes-wood
(Agallochum), and all kinds of things. The offering of Khan Dauran
was also produced before me. He had sent 45 head of horse and two
strings of camels, porcelain from China, dressing-gowns (pustinha
[347]) of sable (sammur), and other valuable presents procurable in
Kabul and its neighbourhood. The officers of the palace had taken
trouble about their offerings, and according to the yearly custom from
day to day of the festival the offerings of the servants were laid
before me. Having looked at them in detail, I took what I approved
and gave them the remainder. On the 13th Farwardin, corresponding
with the 29th Muharram, a representation from Islam Khan arrived to
the effect that through the blessing of Allah's favour and through
the benign influence of the royal grace, Bengal had been freed from
the disturbance of `Usman, the Afghan. Before the circumstances of
this war are written down, some particulars with regard to Bengal
will be recorded. [348] Bengal is a country of great extent, and in
the second clime its length, from the port of Chittagong to Gari, is
450 kos; and its breadth, from the Northern hills to the boundary of
Sarkar Madaran, 220 kos. Its revenue is about 60 krores of dams. [349]
The former rulers of this place always had 20,000 horse, a lakh of
foot-soldiers, 1,000 elephants, and 4,000 or 5,000 war-boats. From
the time of Shir Khan and his son Salim Khan, this country was in the
possession of the Afghans. When the throne of sovereignty of Hindustan
in the hands of my revered father acquired beauty and splendour,
he ordered the victorious forces (of the empire) into it, and for
a long time made the conquest of it his object, until the aforesaid
province, through the great efforts of the chiefs of the victorious
State, passed from the possession of Da'ud Karani, who was the last
of its rulers. That wretch was killed in the fight with Khan Jahan,
and his army became scattered and in desperate condition. From that
date until now the province is in the possession of the servants of
the State. In the end a few of the remaining Afghans had remained in
the corners and sides of the country, and kept a few distant places in
their possession, until, by degrees, most of that body became despised
and helpless, and were captured by the chiefs of the State in the
places of which they had still possession. When the arrangement of
the affairs of rule and empire, simply through the grace of God,
became entrusted to this humble servant of the throne of Allah,
in the first year after my accession I sent for Raja Man Singh,
who had been appointed to the rule and government of that place,
to Court, and sent Qutbu-d-din Khan, who, out of all the officials,
was distinguished as my foster-brother, in his place. As he entered
the province he attained to martyrdom at the hand of one of those
mischievous ones who had been appointed to that country, and that
man, who had not thought of the consequences, also obtained the
reward of his deeds, and was slain. I promoted Jahangir Quli Khan,
who was governor and a Jagirdar in the province of Behar, on account
of his nearness to that neighbourhood, to the rank of 5,000 personal
and horse, and ordered him to go to Bengal and take possession of
the province. I sent an order to Islam Khan, who was at the capital
of Agra, to go to Behar and consider that province his jagir. When
a short time had passed under the rule of Jahangir Quli Khan, he
contracted a severe illness, in consequence of the bad water and
air of that place, and by degrees the power of the disease and his
weakness became so great as to end in his destruction. When the news
of his death came to my hearing at Lahore, an order was issued in the
name of Islam Khan to proceed as soon as possible to Bengal. When I
appointed him to this important duty, most of the servants of the State
made remarks on his youth and want of experience. As the excellence
of his disposition and his natural capacity had been noticed by my
judicious eye, I myself chose him for this duty. As it happened, the
affairs of this province were carried on by him in such a manner as
from the time when it first entered into the possession of the Chiefs
of the everlasting State until this day has never been attained to
by any of the servants of the Court. One of his noteworthy deeds
was the driving away of the rebel `Usman, the Afghan. He frequently
in the time of the late king encountered the royal forces, but his
expulsion was not accomplished. When Islam Khan made Dhaka (Dacca)
his place of abode and made the subjection of the Zamindars of that
neighbourhood his chief object, it occurred to him that he should
send an army against the rebel `Usman and his province. If he agreed
to serve loyally, well and good, but if not, they should punish and
annihilate him like other seditious people. At that time Shaja`at
Khan [350] joined Islam Khan, and the lot of leading in this service
[351] fell on his name. Several others of the State servants were
also appointed to go with him, such as Kishwar Khan, Iftikhar Khan,
Sayyid Adam Barha, Shaikh Achhay, [352] nephew of Muqarrab Khan,
Mu`tamad Khan, the sons of Mu`azzam Khan Ihtimam Khan, and others. He
took with him also some of his own men. At the hour when Mushtari
(Jupiter) was propitious, he started off this band, and appointed Mir
Qasim, son of Mirza Murad, its chief paymaster and news-writer. He took
also some of the Zamindars with him to show the road. The victorious
armies started. When they reached the neighbourhood of `Usman's fort
and land, they sent some eloquent men to admonish him and point out to
him the way of loyalty, and bring him back from the road of rebellion
to the right path. As much pride had seated itself in his brain-cup,
and he had in his head a desire to seize the country, beside other
fancies, he turned a deaf ear to their words and prepared himself for
conflict and fight. The battlefield happened to be on the bank of a
nullah in a place which was a complete bog. On Sunday (12th March,
1612), the 9th Muharram, Shaja`at Khan, choosing the hour for the
fight, arrayed the victorious forces, so that everyone should go to
his place and be prepared for the battle. `Usman had not settled the
battle for that day with himself. When he heard that the royal army
had come prepared for battle, having no remedy he himself mounted and
came to the bank of the nullah, and arrayed his own horse and foot
opposite the victorious army. When the affair grew hot, and the two
forces opposed each other, that foolish, obstinate man at the first
onset threw his own fighting raging elephant against the advanced
guard. After much fighting many of the leaders of the advanced guard,
as Sayyid Adam [353] Barha and Shaikh Achhay, attained the dignity
of martyrdom. Iftikhar Khan, the leader of the right wing, was in
no way remiss in attacking, and sacrificed his own life. The band
that was with him fought to such a degree that they were all cut to
pieces. In the same way Kishwar [354] Khan and his band of the left
wing bravely sacrificed themselves in the affair of their master,
but many of the enemy (lit. those of dark fortune) were also wounded
and killed. That evil one (`Usman) took account of the combatants
and ascertained that the leaders of the advanced guard and right and
left wings were killed. The centre alone remained. He took no account
of the killed and wounded on his own side, but attacked the centre
(of the royal army) with the same energy. On this side the son and
brothers and sons-in-law of Shaja`at Khan, as well as other officers,
stopped the advance of those lost ones, and attacked them like tigers
and leopards armed with claws and teeth. Some of them attained the
dignity of martyrdom, and those that remained alive bore away fatal
wounds. At this time (`Usman) drove a raging elephant of the name
of Gajpat, [355] which was his premier elephant, at Shaja`at Khan,
who laid hold of his spear and struck the elephant. What does a
raging elephant care for a javelin. He then seized his sword and
struck him two blows one after another. How did he regard these
either! He then drew his dagger and struck him twice with it, but
for this, too, he did not turn back, but overthrew Shaja`at Khan with
his horse. Immediately he was separated from his horse; calling out
"Jahangir Shah," he leapt up, and his equerry struck the elephant on
both front legs a blow with a two-handed sword. As the elephant fell
on his knees, the equerry pulled the elephant driver down off the
elephant, and Shaja`at with the dagger he had in his hand, and while
on foot, struck such blows on the trunk and forehead of the elephant
that the elephant roared out at the pain and turned round. As he was
severely wounded, he went to his own army and fell down. Shaja`at
Khan's horse got up safely. As he was mounting his horse those vile
ones drove another elephant at his standard-bearer, and overthrew his
horse and standard. Shaja`at Khan gave a manly shout and roused the
standard-bearer, saying: "Be bold: I'm alive and the standard is at
my feet (?)." [356] At this critical moment all the servants of the
State who were present seized their arrows and daggers and swords,
and smote the elephant. Shaja`at himself came up and shouted to the
standard-bearer to rise, and got another horse for the standard-bearer
and mounted him on it. The standard-bearer unfurled the standard and
maintained his ground. At the time of this struggle a (ball from a)
gun struck that rebel on his forehead. However much they enquired
for the man who fired it he could not be found. When this struck
him, he recognized that he was a dead man. Yet for two watches,
notwithstanding this fatal wound, he urged on his men to the fight,
and the battlefield was still deadly and the struggle warm. Afterwards
the enemy turned their faces, and the victorious army pursued them,
and continually striking them drove back those vile ones into the place
where they had encamped. With arrows and guns those wretches would
not allow the royal troops to enter the place where they were. When
Wali, the brother of `Usman, and Mamrez, his (`Usman's) son and other
relations and followers became aware of `Usman's wound, they made
up their minds that he would not recover from it, and that if they,
defeated and put to flight, should go towards their fort none would
reach it alive. They thought it best to remain for the night in the
place where they had encamped, and towards the end of the night seek
an opportunity and get to their fort. Two watches of night had passed
when `Usman went to hell. In the third watch they raised his lifeless
body, and leaving his tent and the things they had with them in the
camp, proceeded to their fortress. The scouts of the victorious army,
having obtained news of this, informed Shaja`at Khan. On the morning
of Monday the loyalists assembled and decided to follow them, and
not allow breathing-time to those of dark fortune. In the end, in
consequence of the tired state of the soldiers, and in order to bury
the martyrs and out of sympathy for the wounded, they were perplexed
in their minds as to going or settling down (where they were). Just
at this time `Abdu-s-Salam, son of Mu`azzam Khan, arrived with a body
of servants of the State, altogether 300 horse and 400 musketeers
(tupchi). When this fresh body of men arrived it was determined to
pursue, and they accordingly went on. When Wali, who after `Usman
was the stock of the disturbance, learned that Shaja`at Khan with the
victorious army had come together with another fresh force, he saw no
resource for himself but to go to Shaja`at Khan on the straight line
of faith and loyalty. In the end he sent a message that he who had
been the cause of the disturbance had gone, and that the body of those
who were left were servants and Musulmans. If he would give his word
they would wait upon him and would agree to serve the State, giving
their elephants as an offering. Shaja`at Khan and Mu`taqid Khan, who
had arrived on the day of the battle and had done approved service,
and all those who were loyal, in accordance with the necessity of
the time and with what was best for the State, gave their word and
encouraged them. On the next day, Wali and the sons, brothers, and
sons-in-law of `Usman all came and waited upon Shaja`at Khan and the
other servants of the State. They brought forty-nine elephants as an
offering. After the completion of this work Shaja`at Khan, leaving
some of the royal servants in Adhar [357] and the neighbourhood which
was in the possession of that one of evil fortune, took with him
Wali and the other Afghans, and on Monday, the 6th of the month of
Safar, came to Jahangirnagar (Dacca) and joined Islam Khan. When the
joyful news reached in Agra this supplicant at the throne of Allah,
he performed the prostrations of gratitude, and recognized that the
driving away of this description of enemy was brought about simply
through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty Giver. As a reward for
this good service I promoted Islam Khan to the rank of 6,000 personal,
and honoured Shaja`at Khan with the title of "Rustam of the age"
(Rustam-zaman), as well as increased his rank by 1,000 personal and
horse. I also increased the rank of other servants according to the
measure of their services, and they were selected for other honours.
When this news first came of the killing of `Usman it appeared to
be a joke, but by way of ascertaining the truth or falsehood of the
words I took an omen from the divan of the tongue of the unseen world,
Khwaja Hafiz of Shiraz, and this ghazal [358] turned up:--
"I make my eyes red and throw patience to the wilds,
And in such a case throw my heart into the sea.
I'm wounded by the shaft of heaven:
Give wine, so that intoxicated I may cast a knot in the girdle
of the Twins."
As this couplet was very appropriate to the occasion, I drew an omen
from it. After some days news came again that the arrow of Fate,
or rather of God, had struck `Usman, for however much they enquired
for him, he who fired the shot was not made manifest. This has been
recorded on account of its strange nature.
On the 16th Farwardin, Muqarrab Khan, who is one of my chief retainers
and the old confidants of the Jahangiri service, who had attained
the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, came from the fort
of Cambay and had the honour of waiting on me. I had ordered him,
on account of certain business, to go to the port of Goa [359] and
buy for the private use of the government certain rareties procurable
there. According to orders he went with diligence to Goa, and remaining
there for some time, took at the price the Franks asked for them the
rareties he met with at that port, without looking at the face of
the money at all (i.e. regardless of cost). When he returned from
the aforesaid port to the Court, he produced before me one by one
the things and rareties he had brought. Among these were some animals
that were very strange and wonderful, such as I had never seen, and
up to this time no one had known their names. Although King Babar has
described in his Memoirs the appearance and shapes of several animals,
he had never ordered the painters to make pictures of them. As these
animals appeared to me to be very strange, I both described them and
ordered that painters should draw them in the Jahangir-nama, so that
the amazement that arose from hearing of them might be increased. One
of these animals in body is larger than a peahen and smaller than a
peacock. [360] When it is in heat and displays itself, it spreads out
its feathers like the peacock and dances about. Its beak and legs are
like those of a cock. Its head and neck and the part under the throat
are every minute of a different colour. When it is in heat it is quite
red--one might say it had adorned itself with red coral--and after a
while it becomes white in the same places, and looks like cotton. It
sometimes looks of a turquoise colour. Like a chameleon it constantly
changes colour. Two pieces of flesh it has on its head look like the
comb of a cock. A strange thing is this, that when it is in heat the
aforesaid piece of flesh hangs down to the length of a span from the
top of its head like an elephant's trunk, and again when he raises it
up it appears on its head like the horn of a rhinoceros, to the extent
of two finger-breadths. Round its eyes it is always of a turquoise
colour, and does not change. Its feathers appear to be of various
colours, differing from the colours of the peacock's feathers. He
also brought a monkey of a strange and wonderful form. Its hands,
feet, ears, and head are like those of a monkey, and its face like
that of a fox. The colour of its eyes is like that of a hawk's eye,
but the eyes are larger than those of a hawk. From its head to the
end of its tail it is an ordinary cubit in length. It is lower than
a monkey and taller than a fox. Its hair is like the wool of a sheep
and its colour like that of ashes. From the lobe of its ear to its
chin it is red and of the colour of wine. Its tail is two or three
finger-breadths longer than half a cubit, quite different from that
of other monkeys. The tail of this animal hangs down like the tail
of a cat. Sometimes it makes a sound like a young antelope. On the
whole it is a very strange beast. Of the wild birds which they call
tadru (pheasant) till now it has never been heard that they breed in
captivity. In the time of my revered father they made great efforts
to obtain eggs and young ones but it was not managed. I ordered them
to keep some of them, male and female, in one place, and by degrees
they bred. I ordered them to place the eggs under hens, and in a
space of two years sixty or seventy young were produced and fifty or
sixty grew up. Whoever heard of this matter was astonished. It was
said that in the Wilayat (Persia?) the people there had made great
efforts, but no eggs were produced and no young were obtained.
In these days I increased the mansab of Mahabat Khan by 1,000 personal
and 500 horse, which thus became 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. The
mansab of I`timadu-d-daulah, original and increased, was fixed at
4,000 personal and 1,000 horse. To the mansab of Maha Singh also an
increase of 500 personal and horse was given: it was originally and
with increase 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. The mansab of I`tiqad
Khan was increased by 500 personal and 200 horse, and made up to 1,000
personal and 300 horse. Khwaja Abu-l-hasan in these days came from the
Deccan and waited on me. Daulat Khan, who had been appointed to the
faujdarship of Allahabad and of the Sarkar of Jaunpur, came and paid
his respects: an increase of 500 was made to his mansab, which was
1,000. On the day of culmination (ruz-i-sharaf), which was the 19th
Farwardin, I raised the mansab of Sultan Khurram, which was 10,000,
to 12,000, and made that of I`tibar Khan, which was 3,000 personal
and 1,000 horse, up to 4,000. I raised the mansab of Muqarrab Khan
from 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse by 500 personal and horse; and
increased that of Khwaja Jahan, which was 2,000 personal and 1,200
horse, by 500. As these were the days of the New Year, many of the
servants (of the State) obtained an increase of their mansabs. On
the same day Dulip came from the Deccan and waited on me. As his
father Ray Ray Singh had died, I honoured him with the title of Ray
and clothed him in a dress of honour. Ray Ray Singh had another son,
by name Suraj Singh. Although Dulip was his tika (marked with the
tika) son, he wished Suraj Singh to succeed him, in consequence of
the love that he bore to his mother. When the circumstances of his
death were reported to me, Suraj Singh, in consequence of his want
of intelligence and tender years, represented to me: "My father
has made me his successor and given me the tika." This remark was
not to my liking, and I said: "If thy father has given the tika to
thee, we shall give it to Dulip." Then marking the tika with my own
hand, I presented the latter with his father's jagir and hereditary
possessions. I bestowed on I`timadu-d-daulah an inkstand and jewelled
pen. Rudar, the father of Lakhmi Chand, Raja of Kumaon, who is one
of the considerable Rajas of the hill country, had come in the time
of the late King Akbar, [361] and when he came had petitioned [362]
that the son of Raja Todar Mal might take him by the hand and bring
him to wait on him. In consequence, the Raja's (Todar Mal's) son had
been appointed to bring him. Lakhmi Chand now similarly asked that
the son of I`timadu-d-daulah might bring him to pay his respects. I
sent Shapur [363] to bring him to wait on me. He laid before me rare
things from his own hill country, such as gunth ponies, and birds of
prey, such as hawks, jurra (falcons), royal falcons, qatas (yaks),
navels of musk, and skins of the musk antelope with the musk-bags on
them, swords which in their language they call khanda, and daggers
which they call katar, and all kinds of things. Amongst the Rajas of
this hill country this Raja is well known for the large quantities
of gold he has. They say there is a gold-mine in his territory. [364]
In order to lay the foundation of a palace at Lahore, I sent there
Khwaja Jahan Khwaja Dust Muhammad, who is well skilled in this kind
of business.
As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the disagreements
among the Sardars and the carelessness of Khan A`zam, did not look
well, and the defeat of `Abdu-llah Khan had taken place, I had sent
for Khwaja Abu-l-hasan to make enquiries into the real state of these
quarrels. After much enquiry and investigation it became clear that
the defeat of `Abdu-llah Khan had been caused by his pride and his
sharp temper, and not listening to words (of advice) and partly by
the quarrels and want of agreement between the Amirs. Briefly, it had
been determined that `Abdu-llah Khan should start from the direction
of Nasik and Trimbak with the Gujarat army and the Amirs who had been
appointed to accompany him. This army had been brought into proper
order by trustworthy leaders and zealous Amirs, such as Raja Ram Das,
Khan A`lam, Saif Khan, `Ali Mardan Bahadur, Zafar Khan, and other
servants of the State. The number of the army had passed 10,000 and
come up to near 14,000. On the side of Berar it was settled that Raja
Man Singh, Khan Jahan, the Amiru-l-umara, and many other leaders should
proceed. These two armies should be aware of each other's marches and
halts, so that on an appointed day they might catch the enemy between
the two. If this rule had been observed and their hearts had been in
unison, and self-interest had not come between, it is most probable
that Almighty God would have given them the victory of the day. When
`Abdu-llah Khan passed the Ghats and entered the enemy's country,
he did not take care to send runners (qasidan) to bring intelligence
from the other army, nor did he, in accordance with the arrangements,
make his movements harmonise with theirs, so that on an appointed day
they might take the enemy between two armies. Rather he relied on
his own strength, and considered that if he could gain the victory
alone it would be better. This idea fixed itself in his mind, and
however much Ram Das desired him to promise to go forward with due
deliberation, it was of no use. The enemy, who were observing him
closely, had sent a large number of leaders and Bargis (Mahrattas)
against him, and encounters took place with them every day. They did
not fail to throw rockets and different fireworks at night. At last
the enemy drew near, and yet he obtained no intelligence about the
other army, though he had approached Daulatabad, which was the place
of assembly of the Dakhanis. `Ambar, the black-faced, had raised to
sovereignty a child who, in his opinion, bore relationship to the
family of Nizamu-l-mulk. In order that men might fully accept his
(the child's) sovereignty, he raised him up and took him by the hand,
and made himself the Peshwa and leader. He sent men again and again
(against `Abdu-llah), and the number of the enemy was continually
increasing till at last they made an attack, and by throwing rockets
and other fireworks made matters hot for him. [365] At length the
loyalists thought it best, as no assistance had come to them from the
other army and all the Dakhanis had turned against them, to retreat at
once and try some other arrangement. All agreed, and with one consent
started off before dawn. The Dakhanis followed them to the boundaries
of their own country, and the two armies, meeting every day, did not
fail in fighting. In these days several of the ambitious and zealous
young men were killed. `Ali Mardan Khan Bahadur, behaving like a brave
man, carried away terrible wounds and fell into the hands of the enemy,
and showed his companions an example of fidelity to his salt and of
life-sacrifice. Zu-l-faqar Beg also displayed manly actions, and a
rocket struck him on the leg, and two days afterwards he died. When
they entered the country of Raja Bharju, [366] who was one of those
loyal to the throne, that body (the enemy) turned back, and `Abdu-llah
Khan proceeded towards Gujarat. The real truth is this, that if in
going he had drawn his rein (gone slowly) and allowed the other army
to have come up to him, the matter would have turned out according to
the wish of the chief men of the victorious State. [367] As soon as the
news of the retreat of `Abdu-llah Khan reached the leaders of the army
that was advancing from Berar, not seeing any advantage from further
stay, they also retired, and joined the camp of Parwiz at `Adilabad
in the neighbourhood of Burhanpur. When this intelligence reached me
at Agra I was greatly agitated, and proposed to go there myself and
destroy root and branch those servants who had become masters. The
Amirs and other devoted ones would in no way consent to this. Khwaja
Abu-l-hasan represented that as no one understood the business of that
region as the Khankhanan did I ought to send him, and that he should
again arrange matters that had fallen into disorder, and according
to the exigencies of the time should compose differences so that
affairs might return to their original condition. Other well-wishers
being consulted, all their opinions were at one in this, that the
Khankhanan must be sent and that Khwaja Abu-l-hasan should accompany
him. Agreeing with this determination, those who had charge of the
affairs of the Khankhanan and his companions obtained leave to go on
Sunday, the 17th Urdibihisht, in the 7th year. Shah-nawaz Khan, Khwaja
Abu-l-hasan, Razzaq-birdi Uzbeg, and several others of his associates
paid their parting salutations on the same day. The Khankhanan was
promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal, Shah-nawaz Khan to that of
3,000 and horse, that of Darab Khan increased by 500 personal and 300
horse (altogether 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse), and to Rahman-dad,
his (the Khankhanan's) younger son, I also gave a fitting mansab. I
presented the Khankhanan with a grand dress of honour, a jewelled
dagger, a special elephant with talayir (accoutrements), and an Iraq
horse. In the same way I bestowed on his sons and companions dresses
of honour and horses. In the same month Mu`izzu-l-mulk came from Kabul
with his sons, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Shyam
Singh and Ray Mangat Bhadauriya, who belonged to the army of Bangash,
according to the request of Qilij Khan, were promoted to higher
mansabs. Shyam Singh had 1,500 personal and was increased by 500,
and Ray Mangat was also raised to a higher rank.
For a long time past news had come of the illness of Asaf Khan;
sometimes the disease was got under and sometimes recurred, until
he died at Burhanpur in the 63rd year of his age. His understanding
and capacity were very good. He was very quick-witted. He also wrote
poetry. He composed "Khusrau and Shirin," dedicating it to me, and
called it the "Nur-nama" (the writing of light). [368] He had been
ennobled in the time of my revered father and made Vizier. In the
days when I was a prince he had several times done foolish things,
and most men, and indeed Khusrau himself, were of opinion that after
my accession I would do unpleasant things (with regard to him). In a
manner contrary to what had entered the minds of himself and others,
I favoured him and promoted him to the rank of 5,000 personal and
horse, and after he had for some time been Vizier with full authority,
neglected no point in increasing favour towards him. After his death
I gave mansabs to his sons and bestowed kindnesses on them. At last
it was clear that his disposition and sincerity were not as they
should be, and, considering his own evil deeds, he had always been
suspicious with regard to me. They say he was aware of the conspiracy
and disturbance that took place on the Kabul expedition, and had
given support to the wretches. Indeed, I had no confidence that
notwithstanding my favour and kindness to him he was not disloyal
and of perverse fortune.
After a short space of time, on the 25th of the same month of
Urdibihisht, the news of Mirza Ghazi's death arrived. The said
Mirza was of the ruling family of Thatta (Tatta), of the tribe of
Tarkhani. His father, Mirza Jani, in the time of my revered father
became loyal, and with the Khankhanan, who had been appointed to his
province, he had the good fortune to have the honour of waiting on
Akbar near Lahore. By the royal favour he was given his own province,
and, choosing himself to serve at Court, he sent his men to the charge
and administration of Thatta, and remained in the service while
he lived. At last he died at Burhanpur. Mirza Ghazi Khan, his son,
who was at Thatta, in accordance with the firman of the late king
obtained the government of that country. Sa`id Khan, who was at Bhakar
(Bukkur), received an order to console him and bring him to Court. The
aforesaid Khan sent men to him to recommend loyalty to him. At last,
having brought him to Agra, he procured him the honour of kissing
the feet of my revered father. He was at Agra when my father died
and I ascended the throne. After I arrived at Lahore for the pursuit
of Khusrau news came that the Amirs on the borders of Khurasan had
assembled together and proceeded against Qandahar, and that Shah Beg,
the governor of that place, was shut up in the fort and looking out
for assistance. Of necessity an army was appointed for the relief
of Qandahar under the leadership of Mirza Ghazi and other Amirs
and generals. When this army reached the neighbourhood of Qandahar,
the army of Khurasan, not seeing in themselves the power to await it,
returned. Mirza Ghazi, having entered Qandahar, handed over the country
and the fort to Sardar Khan, who had been appointed to the government
of the place, and Shah Beg went to his own jagir. Mirza Ghazi started
for Lahore by way of Bhakar. Sardar Khan was only a short time at
Qandahar before he died, and that province was again in need of a
leader and master. This time I added Qandahar to Thatta and handed
it over to Mirza Ghazi. From that time till his death he remained
there continuously in performance of the duties of its protection
and government. His conduct towards the disaffected was excellent. As
it was necessary to send a leader to Qandahar in the place of Mirza
Ghazi, I appointed Abu-l-bi Uzbeg, [369] who was at Multan and in
that neighbourhood, to that post. I promoted him in rank from 1,500
personal and 1,000 horse to 3,000 personal and horse, and honoured him
with the title of Bahad Khan and a standard. The governorship of Delhi
and the protection and administration of that province was conferred
on Muqarrab Khan. I dignified Rup Khawass, who was one of the personal
servants of my revered father, with the title of Khawass Khan, and,
giving him the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, bestowed on him
the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Qanuj. As I had sought the daughter
[370] of I`tiqad Khan, son of I`timadu-d-daulah, in marriage for
Khurram, and the marriage festival had been arranged for, I went on
Thursday, 18th Khurdad, to his house, and stayed there one day and
one night. He (Khurram) presented offerings (to me) and he gave jewels
[371] to the Begams, and to his mothers (including stepmothers) and to
the female servants of the harem, and dresses of honour to the Amirs.
I sent `Abdu-r-Razzaq, the bakhshi of the palace (darkhana), to settle
the country of Thatta (Sind) until a Sardar should be appointed who
could conciliate the soldiery and the cultivators, and so bring
the province into order. I increased his rank and presented him
with an elephant and a shawl (parmnarm), and sent him off. I made
Mu`izzu-l-mulk bakhshi in his room. Khwaja Jahan, who had been sent
to inspect the buildings in Lahore and to arrange about them, came
in the end of this month and waited on me. Mirza `Isa Tarkhan, one
of the relations of Mirza Ghazi, had been appointed to the army of
the Deccan. I sent for him to arrange about the business of Thatta,
and on the same day he had the good fortune to pay his respects. As he
was deserving of favour, he was given the rank of 1,000 personal and
500 horse. The disease of khun-para [372] had affected my health. By
the advice of the physicians on Wednesday, the (date not given) of
the said month, I drew about a sir (asar) [373] of blood from my left
arm. As great lightness resulted, it occurred to me that if they were
to call blood-letting 'lightening' it would be well. Nowadays this
expression is made use of. To Muqarrab Khan, who had bled me, I gave
a jewelled khapwa (dagger). Kishan Das, accountant of the elephant
department and stable, who from the time of the late king until now
has been the clerk in charge of two departments, and for ages had
been hopeful of the title of Raja and the rank of 1,000 personal,
and before this had been gratified with a title, now had the rank
of 1,000 conferred on him. Mirza Rustam, son of Sultan Husain Mirza
Safawi, who had been appointed to the army of the Deccan, I sent for
at his request. On Saturday, the 9th of the month of Tir, he came with
his sons and waited on me. He made an offering of a ruby and forty-six
royal pearls. I increased the rank of Taj Khan, the governor of Bhakar,
who was one of the old Amirs of this State, by 500 personal and horse.
The tale of the death of Shaja`at Khan is a very strange affair. After
he had performed such services and Islam Khan had given him leave
to go to the Sarkar of Orissa, one night on the road he was riding
on a female elephant chaukandi-dar [374] (? in a square howdah or
four-pillared canopy), and had given a young eunuch a place behind
him. When he left his camp they had fastened up an elephant that
was in heat on the road. From the noise of the horses' hoofs and
the movement of the horsemen he attempted to break his chain. On this
account a great noise and confusion took place. When this noise reached
the ear of the eunuch, he in a state of bewilderment awoke Shaja`at
Khan, who was asleep or in the insensibility of wine, and said: "An
elephant in heat has got loose and is coming in this direction." As
soon as he heard this he became confused and threw himself down from
the front of the chaukandi. When he threw himself off his toe struck
against a stone and was torn open, and he died in two or three days of
that same wound. In short, from hearing this affair I was completely
bewildered. That a brave man on the mere hearing of a cry or a word
coming from a child should become so confused and throw himself down
without control from the top of an elephant is in truth a matter of
amazement. The news of this event reached me on the 19th of the month
of Tir. I consoled his sons with kindnesses and the conferring of
offices. If this accident had not happened to him, as he had done
notable service, he would have obtained exaltation with greater
favours and kindnesses.
"One cannot strive against destiny."
Islam Khan had sent 160 male and female elephants from Bengal; they
were brought before me and placed in my private elephant stables. Raja
Tekchand, the Raja of Kumaon, asked for leave to depart. As in the
time of my father there had been given to his father 100 horses, I
gave him the same number as well as an elephant, and while he was at
Court bestowed on him dresses of honour and a jewelled dagger. Also
to his brothers I gave dresses of honour and horses. I presented him
with his territory according to previous arrangements, and he went
back to his home happy and successful.
It happened incidentally that this verse of the Amiru-l-umara was
quoted:--
"Pass, O Messiah, o'er the heads of us slain by love;
Thy restoring one life is worth a hundred murders." [375]
As I have a poetical disposition I sometimes intentionally and
sometimes involuntarily compose couplets and quatrains. So the
following couplet came into my head:--
"Turn not thy cheek, without thee I cannot live a moment;
For thee to break one heart is equal a hundred murders."
When I had recited this, everyone who had a poetical vein composed a
couplet in the same mode. Mulla `Ali Ahmad, [376] the seal-engraver,
of whom an account has been given previously, had not said badly--
"O Censor, fear the weeping of the old vintner;
Thy breaking one jar is equal to a hundred murders."
Abu-l-fath Dakhani, [377] who was one of the most considerable of `Adil
Khan's Amirs, and had two years previously taken to being loyal and had
entered himself among the leaders of the victorious army, on the 10th
of Amurdad waited on me, and being accepted by my grace and favour
had bestowed on him a special sword and a robe of honour, and after
some days I also gave him a special horse. Khwajagi Muhammad Husain,
[378] who had gone to Kashmir as the deputy for his brother's son,
when he was satisfied in his mind with the state of affairs of that
place, came on the same day and waited on me. As a Sardar was needed
to be sent for the governorship of Patna and the rule of that place,
it occurred to me to send Mirza Rustam. Having raised his rank from
5,000 personal and 1,500 horse to 5,000 personal and horse, on the
26th Jumada-s-sani, corresponding to the 2nd Shahriwar, I gave him the
government of Patna, and bestowing on him a special elephant, a horse
with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, and a superb dress of honour,
I dismissed him. His sons and the sons of his brother Muzaffar Husain
Khan Mirza'i were exalted with increased rank, elephants, horses,
and dresses of honour, and sent off with him. I appointed Ray Dulip
to support Mirza Rustam. As his residence was near that place, he
collected a good body of men for that service. I increased his rank
by 500 personal and horse, so that it became 2,000 with 1,000 horse,
and also gave him an elephant. Abu-l-fath Dakhani had obtained a jagir
in the Sarkar of Nagpur and that neighbourhood. He was dismissed in
order that he might administer his jagir and look to the guarding and
government of that country as well. Khusrau Bi Uzbeg was appointed
to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Mewar. His rank of 800 personal
and 300 horse was now increased to 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and I
also presented him with a horse. As I had my eye on the old service of
Muqarrab Khan, it occurred to me that I must not pass by the desire of
his heart. I had increased his rank and he had obtained good jagirs,
but he longed for a standard and drums, and he was now honoured with
these as well. Salih, the adopted son of Khwaja Beg-Mirza Safawi,
was a youth of great bravery and zeal. I gave him the title of Khanjar
Khan, and made him eager in the service.
On Thursday, the 22nd Shahriwar, corresponding with 17th Rajab,
1021, the feast of my solar weighing took place in the house of
Maryam-zamani. It is an approved custom with me to weigh myself in
this manner. The late king Akbar, who was the place of manifestation
of kindness and grace, also approved of the custom, and twice in every
year weighed himself against several sorts of metals, gold, silver,
and many precious articles, once according to the solar and once
according to the lunar year, and divided their total value, which
was worth about a lakh of rupees, among faqirs and needy people. I
also observe this annual custom and weigh myself in the same manner,
and give those valuables to faqirs. Mu`taqid Khan, Diwan of Bengal,
who had been relieved from that service, produced before me the sons
and brothers and some of the servants of `Usman, whom Islam Khan had
sent with him to the Court. The charge of each one of the Afghans was
entrusted to a responsible servant. Then he (Mu`taqid) produced his
own offering, which consisted of twenty-five elephants, two rubies,
a jewelled phul katara [379] (a kind of dagger), trustworthy eunuchs,
Bengal stuffs, etc. Mir Miran, son of Sultan Khwaja, who was in the
Deccan army, obtained the honour of kissing the threshold and gave
a ruby as an offering. As between Qilij Khan, leader of the army
of Bangash on the borders of Kabul, and the Amirs of that Subah who
had been sent as companions to him under his leadership, there were
quarrels, especially with Khan Dauran, I sent Khwaja Jahan to make
enquiry as to which side was in fault. On the 11th of the month of
Mihr, Mu`taqid Khan was appointed to the high dignity of bakhshi,
and his mansab was raised to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Raising for
the second time the mansabs of Muqarrab Khan a little, I made it 2,500
personal and 1,500 horse by an increase of 500. On the representation
of the Khankhanan, Faridun Khan Barlas was raised to the mansab,
original and increase, of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Ray Manohar
received that of 1,000 personal and 800 horse, and Raja Bir Singh Deo
that of 4,000 personal and 2,200 horse. Bharat, grandson of Ramchand
Bandilah, I, after the latter's death, honoured with the title of
Raja. On the 28th Aban, Zafar Khan, having come according to summons
from the Subah of Gujarat, waited on me. He brought as offerings a ruby
and three pearls. On the 6th Azar, corresponding with the 3rd Shawwal,
news came from Burhanpur that the Amiru-l-umara had died on Sunday,
the 27th Aban, in the parganah of Nihalpur. After the illness he had
at Lahore his intelligence appeared to be less, and a great loss of
memory happened to him. He was very sincere. It is sad that he left
no son capable of patronage and favour. Chin Qilij Khan came from
his father, who was at Peshawar, on the 20th Azar, and offered (on
his father's behalf) 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, and also presented the
offerings he had of his own in the shape of a horse and cloth stuffs
and other things. To the government of Behar I promoted Zafar Khan,
who is one of the trustworthy house-born ones and foster-children,
and increasing his mansab by 500 personal and horse, I made it up to
3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and also honouring his brothers with
robes of honour and horses, allowed them to go off to that province. He
had always hoped that he might obtain some separate service in order
that he might show his natural ability. I also desired to prove him
and make this service the touchstone by which to try him. As it was
the season for travelling and hunting, on Tuesday, the 2nd Zi-l-qa`da
(25th December, 1612), corresponding with the 4th Day, I left Agra
with the intention of hunting and encamped in the Dahrah garden,
remaining there four days. [380] On the 10th of the same month the
news came of the death of Salima Sultan Begam, who had been ill in
the city. Her mother was Gul-rukh Begam, daughter of King Babar, and
her father Mirza Nuru-d-din Muhammad, of the Naqshbandi Khwajas. She
was adorned with all good qualities. In women this degree of skill
and capacity is seldom found. H.M. Humayun, by way of kindness (to
Bairam), had betrothed her who was his sister's daughter to Bairam
Khan. After his death, in the beginning of the reign of the late king
Akbar, the marriage took place. After the said Khan had been killed,
my revered father married her himself. She received mercy (died)
in the 60th year of her age. [381] On the same day I marched from
the Dahrah garden and sent I`timadu-d-daulah to bury her (lit. lift
her up), and ordered him to place her in the building in the Mandakar
garden which she herself had made. On the 17th of the month of Day,
Mirza `Ali Beg Akbarshahi came from the army of the Deccan and waited
on me. Khwaja Jahan, whom I had despatched to the Subah of Kabul,
returned on the 21st of the same month and waited on me. The time for
his going and coming had extended to three months and eleven days. He
brought twelve muhrs and twelve rupees as an offering. On the same
day Raja Ram Das also came from the victorious army of the Deccan and
paid his respects, and made an offering of 101 muhrs. As robes of
honour for the winter season had not been sent to the Amirs of the
Deccan, they were forwarded by the hand of Hayat Khan. As the port
of Surat had been assigned in jagir to Qilij Khan, he prayed that
Chin Qilij (his son) might be despatched for its guardianship and
administration. On the 27th Day he had a dress of honour, and being
honoured with a dress of honour and the title of Khan, and a standard,
obtained leave to go. For the purpose of advising the Amirs of Kabul,
and on account of the disagreements that had sprung up between them
and Qilij Khan, I sent Raja Ram Das, and bestowed on him a horse and
robe of honour and 30,000 rupees for expenses. On the 6th Bahman,
when my camp was in the parganah of Bari, there came the news of the
death of Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, who was of the ancient servants
of this State. His elder brother, Muhammad Qasim Khan, in the time of
my revered father, found great favour, and Khwaja Muhammad Husain as
well was one of his confidential servants, and held employments such
as that of superintendent of the kitchen (bakawul) and such like. He
left no son and was beardless, and not a single hair of moustache
or whiskers appeared on him. At the time of speaking he spoke very
shrilly, and was looked upon as an eunuch. Shah-nawaz Khan, whom the
Khankhanan had sent from Burhanpur to make certain representations,
came on the 15th of the same month and waited on me. He presented 100
muhrs and 100 rupees. As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence
of the hasty proceedings of `Abdu-llah Khan and the treachery of
the Amirs, did not present a good prospect, the Dakhanis obtained
an opportunity for speaking and began to talk of peace to the Amirs
and well-wishers there. `Adil Khan embraced the robe of loyalty, and
prayed that if the affairs of the Deccan were entrusted to him he would
so arrange that some of the districts which had been taken out of the
possession of the officers of the State should be restored. The loyal
ones, looking to the necessities of the time, represented this, and a
settlement of some kind was arrived at, and the Khankhanan undertook
to settle matters. The Khan A`zam was also desirous of putting down
the rebel Rana, and begged for this service by way of obtaining merit
(as a ghazi). He was ordered to go to Malwa, which was his jagir,
and after arranging matters there to take up this duty. The mansab of
Abu-l-bi Uzbeg [382] was increased by 1,000 personal and 500 horse
to 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. My hunting went on for 2 months
and 20 days, and during that time I went out every day to hunt. As
not more than 50 or 60 days remained before the world-illumining New
Year, I returned, and on the 24th Isfandiyar encamped in the Dahrah
garden. The courtiers and some of the mansabdars, who by order had
remained in the city, came on that day and waited on me. Muqarrab Khan
presented a decorated jar, Frank hats, and a jewelled sparrow (?). I
remained three days in the garden, and on the 27th Isfandiyar entered
the city. During this time [383] 223 head of deer, etc., 95 nilgaw,
2 boars, 36 cranes (or herons), etc., and 1,457 fish were killed.