By the boundless favour of Allah, when one sidereal hour of Thursday,
Jumada-s-sani 20th, A.H. 1014 (October 24th, 1605), had passed, I
ascended the royal throne in the capital of Agra, in the 38th year
of my age. [3]
Till he was 28 years old, no child of my father had lived, and
he was continually praying for the survival of a son to dervishes
and recluses, by whom spiritual approach to the throne of Allah is
obtained. As the great master, Khwaja Mu`inu-d-din Chishti, was the
fountain-head of most of the saints of India, he considered that in
order to obtain this object he should have recourse to his blessed
threshold, and resolved within himself that if Almighty God should
bestow a son on him he would, by way of complete humility, go on
foot from Agra to his blessed mausoleum, a distance of 140 kos. In
A.H. 977, on Wednesday, 17th Rabi`u-l-awwal (August 31st, 1569), when
seven ghari of the aforesaid day had passed, when Libra (Mizan) had
risen to the 24th degree, God Almighty brought me into existence from
the hiding-place of nothingness. At the time when my venerated father
was on the outlook for a son, a dervish of the name of Shaikh Salim,
a man of ecstatic condition, who had traversed many of the stages of
life, had his abode on a hill near Sikri, one of the villages of Agra,
and the people of that neighbourhood had complete trust in him. As my
father was very submissive to dervishes, he also visited him. One day,
when waiting on him and in a state of distraction, he asked him how
many sons he should have. The Shaikh replied, "The Giver who gives
without being asked will bestow three sons on you." My father said,
"I have made a vow that, casting my first son on the skirt of your
favour, I will make your friendship and kindness his protector and
preserver." The Shaikh accepted this idea, and said, "I congratulate
you, and I will give him my own name." When my mother came near the
time of her delivery, he (Akbar) sent her to the Shaikh's house
that I might be born there. After my birth they gave me the name
of Sultan Salim, but I never heard my father, whether in his cups
or in his sober moments, call me Muhammad Salim or Sultan Salim,
but always Shaikhu Baba. My revered father, considering the village
of Sikri, which was the place of my birth, lucky for him, made it
his capital. In the course of fourteen or fifteen years that hill,
full of wild beasts, became a city containing all kinds of gardens and
buildings, and lofty, elegant edifices and pleasant places, attractive
to the heart. After the conquest of Gujarat this village was named
Fathpur. When I became king it occurred to me to change my name,
because this resembled that of the Emperor of Rum. An inspiration
from the hidden world brought it into my mind that, inasmuch as
the business of kings is the controlling of the world, I should give
myself the name of Jahangir (World-seizer) and make my title of honour
(laqab) Nuru-d-din, inasmuch as my sitting on the throne coincided with
the rising and shining on the earth of the great light (the Sun). I
had also heard, in the days when I was a prince, from Indian sages,
that after the expiration of the reign and life of King Jalalu-d-din
Akbar one named Nuru-d-din would be administrator of the affairs
of the State. Therefore I gave myself the name and appellation of
Nuru-d-din Jahangir Padshah. As this great event took place in Agra,
it is necessary that some account of that city should be given.
Agra is one of the grand old cities of Hindustan. It had formerly
an old fort on the bank of the Jumna, but this my father threw down
before my birth, and he founded a fort of cut red stone, the like of
which those who have travelled over the world cannot point out. It
was completed in the space of fifteen or sixteen years. It had four
gates and two sally-ports, and its cost was 35 lakhs of rupees, equal
to 115,000 toman of current Persian coinage and to 10,500,000 khani
according to the Turan reckoning. The habitable part of the city
extends on both sides of the river. On its west side, which has the
greater population, its circumference is seven kos and its breadth is
one kos. The circumference of the inhabited part on the other side of
the water, the side towards the east, is 2 1/2 kos, its length being
one kos and its breadth half a kos. But in the number of its buildings
it is equal to several cities of `Iraq, Khurasan, and Mawara'a-n-nahr
(Transoxiana) put together. Many persons have erected buildings
of three or four storeys in it. The mass of people is so great,
that moving about in the lanes and bazars is difficult. It is on the
boundary of the second climate. On its east is the province of Qanauj;
on the west, Nagor; on the north, Sambhal; and on the south, Chanderi.
It is written in the books of the Hindus that the source of the Jumna
is in a hill of the name of Kalind, [4] which men cannot reach because
of the excessive cold. The apparent source is a hill near the pargana
of Khizrabad.
The air of Agra is warm and dry; physicians say that it depresses
the spirits (ruhra ba tahlil mibarad) and induces weakness. It is
unsuited to most temperaments, except to the phlegmatic and melancholy,
which are safe from its bad effects. For this reason animals of this
constitution and temperament, such as the elephant, the buffalo,
and others, thrive in its climate.
Before the rule of the Lodi Afghans, Agra was a great and populous
place, and had a castle described by Mas`ud b. Sa`d b. Salman in
the ode (qasida) which he wrote in praise of Mahmud, son of Sultan
Ibrahim, son of Mas`ud, son of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, on the capture
of the castle--
"The fort of Agra appeared in the midst of the dust
Like a mountain, and its battlements like peaks." [5]
When Sikandar Lodi designed to take Gwalior he came to Agra from
Delhi, which was the capital of the Sultans of India, and settled down
there. From that date the population and prosperity of Agra increased,
and it became the capital of the Sultans of Delhi. When God Almighty
bestowed the rule of India on this illustrious family, the late king,
Babar, after the defeat of Ibrahim, the son of Sikandar Lodi, and
his being killed, and after his victory over Rana Sanga, who was the
chief of the Rajas of Hindustan, established on the east side of the
Jumna, on improved land, a garden (charbagh) which few places equal
in beauty. He gave it the name of Gul-afshan (Flower-scatterer), and
erected in it a small building of cut red stone, and having completed
a mosque on one side of it he intended to make a lofty building,
but time failed him and his design was never carried into execution.
In these Memoirs, whenever Sahib qirani is written it refers to
Amir Timur Gurgan; and whenever Firdus-makani is mentioned, to Babar
Padshah; when Jannat-ashyani is used, to Humayun Padshah; and when
`Arsh-ashyani is employed, to my revered father, Jalalu-d-din Muhammad
Akbar Padshah Ghazi.
Melons, mangoes, and other fruits grow well in Agra and its
neighbourhood. Of all fruits I am very fond of mangoes. In the reign of
my father (`Arsh-ashyani) many fruits of other countries, which till
then were not to be had in India, were obtained there. Several sorts
of grapes, such as the sahibi and the habshi [6] and the kishmishi,
became common in several towns; for instance, in the bazars of Lahore
every kind and variety that may be desired can be had in the grape
season. Among fruits, one which they call ananas (pineapple), which
is grown in the Frank ports, [7] is of excessive fragrance and fine
flavour. Many thousands are produced every year now in the Gul-afshan
garden at Agra.
From the excellencies of its sweet-scented flowers one may prefer the
fragrances of India to those of the flowers of the whole world. It
has many such that nothing in the whole world can be compared to
them. The first is the champa (Michelia champaca), which is a flower of
exceedingly sweet fragrance; it has the shape of the saffron-flower,
but is yellow inclining to white. The tree is very symmetrical and
large, full of branches and leaves, and is shady. When in flower one
tree will perfume a garden. Surpassing this is the keora [8] flower
(Pandanus odoratissimus). Its shape and appearance are singular, and
its scent is so strong and penetrating that it does not yield to the
odour of musk. Another is the rae bel, [9] which in scent resembles
white jessamine. Its flowers are double and treble (?). Another is
the mulsari [10] (Mimusops Elengi). This tree, too, is very graceful
and symmetrical, and is shady. The scent of its flowers is very
pleasant. Another is the ketaki [11] (Pandanus ?), which is of the
nature of the keora, but the latter is thorny, whereas the ketki
has no thorns. Moreover, the ketki is yellowish, whereas the keora
is white. From these two flowers and also from the chambeli [12]
(Jasminum grandiflorum), which is the white jessamine of wilayat
(Persia or Afghanistan), they extract sweet-scented oils. There are
other flowers too numerous to mention. Of trees there are the cypress
(sarw), the pine (sanubar), the chanar (Platanus orientalis), the
white poplar (safidar, Populus alba), and the bid mulla (willow),
which they had formerly never thought of in Hindustan, but are now
plentiful. The sandal-tree, which once was peculiar to the islands
(i.e., Java, Sumatra, etc.), also flourishes in the gardens.
The inhabitants of Agra exert themselves greatly in the acquirement
of crafts and the search after learning. Various professors of every
religion and creed have taken up their abode in the city.
After my accession, the first order that I gave was for the
fastening up of the Chain of Justice, so that if those engaged in the
administration of justice should delay or practise hypocrisy in the
matter of those seeking justice, the oppressed might come to this
chain and shake it so that its noise might attract attention. Its
fashion was this: I ordered them to make a chain of pure gold, [13]
30 gaz in length and containing 60 bells. Its weight was 4 Indian
maunds, equal to 42 `Iraqi maunds. One end of it they made fast to the
battlements of the Shah Burj of the fort at Agra and the other to a
stone post fixed on the bank of the river. I also gave twelve orders to
be observed as rules of conduct (dasturu-l-`amal) in all my dominions--
(1) Forbidding the levy of cesses under the names of tamgha and mir
bahri (river tolls), and other burdens which the jagirdars of every
province and district had imposed for their own profit.
(2) On roads where thefts and robberies took place, which roads
might be at a little distance from habitations, the jagirdars of the
neighbourhood should build sara'is (public rest-houses), mosques,
and dig wells, which might stimulate population, and people might
settle down in those sara'is. If these should be near a khalisa estate
(under direct State management), the administrator (mutasaddi) of
that place should execute the work.
[14](3) The bales of merchants should not be opened on the roads
without informing them and obtaining their leave.
(4) In my dominions if anyone, whether unbeliever or Musalman,
should die, his property and effects should be left for his heirs,
and no one should interfere with them. If he should have no heir,
they should appoint inspectors and separate guardians to guard the
property, so that its value might be expended in lawful expenditure,
such as the building of mosques and sara'is, the repair of broken
bridges, and the digging of tanks and wells.
(5) They should not make wine or rice-spirit (darbahra) [15] or any
kind of intoxicating drug, or sell them; although I myself drink wine,
and from the age of 18 years up till now, when I am 38, have persisted
in it. When I first took a liking to drinking I sometimes took as much
as twenty cups of double-distilled spirit; when by degrees it acquired
a great influence over me I endeavoured to lessen the quantity, and in
the period of seven years I have brought myself from fifteen cups to
five or six. My times for drinking were varied; sometimes when three
or four sidereal hours of the day remained I would begin to drink,
and sometimes at night and partly by day. This went on till I was
30 years old. After that I took to drinking always at night. Now I
drink only to digest my food.
[16](6) They should not take possession of any person's house.
(7) I forbade the cutting off the nose or ears of any person, and
I myself made a vow by the throne of God that I would not blemish
anyone by this punishment.
(8) I gave an order that the officials of the Crown lands and the
jagirdars should not forcibly take the ryots' lands and cultivate
them on their own account.
(9) A government collector or a jagirdar should not without permission
intermarry with the people of the pargana in which he might be.
(10) They should found hospitals in the great cities, and appoint
physicians for the healing of the sick; whatever the expenditure
might be, should be given from the khalisa establishment.
(11) In accordance with the regulations of my revered father, I
ordered that each year from the 18th [17] of Rabi`u-l-awwal, which
is my birthday, for a number of days corresponding to the years of
my life, they should not slaughter animals (for food). Two days in
each week were also forbidden, one of them Thursday, the day of my
accession, and the other Sunday, the day of my father's birth. He
held this day in great esteem on this account, and because it was
dedicated to the Sun, and also because it was the day on which the
Creation began. Therefore it was one of the days on which there was
no killing in his dominions. [18]
(12) I gave a general order that the offices and jagirs of my father's
servants should remain as they were. Later, the mansabs (ranks or
offices) were increased according to each one's circumstances by not
less than 20 per cent. to 300 or 400 per cent. The subsistence money
of the ahadis was increased by 50 per cent., and I raised the pay of
all domestics by 20 per cent. I increased the allowances of all the
veiled ladies of my father's harem from 20 per cent. to 100 per cent.,
according to their condition and relationship. By one stroke of the
pen I confirmed the subsistence lands [19] of the holders of aimas
(charity lands) within the dominions, who form the army of prayer,
according to the deeds in their possession. I gave an order to Miran
Sadr Jahan, who is one of the genuine Sayyids of India, and who for
a long time held the high office of sadr (ecclesiastical officer)
under my father, that he should every day produce before me deserving
people (worthy of charity). [20]I released all criminals who had been
confined and imprisoned for a long time in the forts and prisons. [21]
At a propitious hour I ordered that they should coin gold and silver
of different weights. To each coin I gave a separate name, viz.,
to the muhr of 100 tola, that of nur-shahi; to that of 50 tola,
that of nur-sultani; to that of 20 tola, nur-daulat; to that of
10 tola, nur-karam; to that of 5 tola, nur-mihr; and to that of 1
tola, nur-jahani. The half of this I called nurani, and the quarter,
rawaji. With regard to the silver coins (sikkas). I gave to the coin
of 100 tola the name of kaukab-i-tali` (star of horoscope); to that
of 50 tola, the name of kaukab-i-iqbal (star of fortune); to that of
20 tola, the name of kaukab-i-murad (star of desire); to that of 10
tola, the name of kaukab-i-bakht (star of good luck); to that of 5
tola, the name of kaukab-i-sa`d (star of auspiciousness); to that of
1 tola, the name of jahangiri. The half jahangiri I called sultani;
the quarter, nisari [22] (showering money); the dime, khair-i-qabul
(the acceptable). Copper, also, I coined in the same proportions,
and gave each division a particular name. I ordered that on the gold
muhr of 100, 50, 20, and 10 tola the following verse by Asaf Khan
[23] should be impressed--namely, on the obverse was this couplet:--
"Fate's pen wrote on the coin in letters of light,
The Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir";
and between the lines of the verse the Creed (Kalima) was impressed. On
the reverse was this couplet, in which the date of coinage was
signified:--
"Through this coin is the world brightened as by the sun,
And the date thereof is 'Sun of Dominion' (Aftab-i-Mamlakat)." [24]
Between the lines of the verse, the mint, the Hijra year, and the
regnal year were impressed. On the nur-jahani, which is in the place
of the ordinary gold muhr and exceeds it in weight by 20 per cent. (as
12 to 10), is impressed this couplet of the Amiru-l-umara:--
"Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir ibn Akbar Padshah
Made gold's face bright with the sheen of sun and moon."
Accordingly, a hemistich was impressed on each face, and also the mint,
and the Hijra and regnal year. The jahangiri sikka, also, which is
greater in weight by 20 per cent., was reckoned as equal to a rupee,
its weight being fixed in the same manner as that of the nur-jahani
(each was a tola in weight, but one was in gold and the other was
in silver). The weight of a tola is 2 1/2 misqals of Persia and
Turan. [25]
It would not be good to give all the versified chronograms which were
made for my accession. I therefore content myself with the one which
Maktub Khan, the superintendent of the library and picture gallery,
and one of my old servants, composed--
"The second lord of conjunction, Shahinshah Jahangir,
With justice and equity sat on the throne of happiness.
Prosperity, Good Fortune, Wealth, Dignity, and Victory,
With loins girt in his service, stood rejoicing before him.
It became the date of the accession when Prosperity
Placed his head at the feet of the Sahib-Qiran-i-Sani." [26]
To my son Khusrau a lakh of rupees was presented that he might build
up for himself the house of Mun`im Khan, [27] the (former) Khankhanan,
outside the fort. The administration and government of the Panjab was
bestowed on Sa`id Khan, [28] who was one of the confidential nobles and
connected with my father by marriage. His origin was from the Moghul
tribe, and his ancestors were in the service of my forefathers. At the
time of his taking leave, as it was said that his eunuchs oppressed and
tyrannized over the weak and the poor, I sent a message to him that
my justice would not put up with oppression from anyone, and that in
the scales of equity neither smallness nor greatness was regarded. If
after this any cruelty or harshness should be observed on the part
of his people, he would receive punishment without favour. [29]
Again, having previously bestowed on Shaikh Farid Bukhari, who
had been Mir Bakhshi in my father's service, a dress of honour, a
jewelled sword, a jewelled inkstand and pen, I confirmed him in the
same post, and in order to exalt him I said to him, "I regard thee as
Sahibu-s-saif-wa-l-qalam" ("Captain Sword and Captain Pen"). Muqim,
[30] to whom my father had given at the end of his reign the title of
Wazir Khan and the viziership of his dominions, I selected for the same
title, rank, and service. I also gave Khwajagi Fathu-llah a dress of
honour, and made him a bakhshi, as formerly `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri,
although when I was prince he had left my service without cause or
reason and had gone over to my father, I made bakhshi as formerly,
and I gave him a dress of honour. To Aminu-d-daula, who when I was
prince had the post of bakhshi, and without my leave had run away and
taken service with my revered father, not looking to his offences I
gave the office of Atish-i-begi [31] (Head of the Artillery), which
he had held under my father. I left all those who were in possession
of posts, both inside and outside, in the positions which they had
with my father. Sharif Khan [32] had lived with me from his early
years. When I was prince I had given him the title of khan, and when
I left Allahabad to wait upon my honoured father I presented him
with a drum and the tuman-togh (standard of yak tails). I had also
promoted him to the rank of 2,500 and given him the government of the
province of Bihar. I gave him complete control over the province, and
sent him off there. On the 4th of Rajab, being fifteen days after my
accession, he waited upon me. I was exceedingly pleased at his coming,
for his connection with me is such that I look upon him as a brother,
a son, a friend, and a companion. As I had perfect confidence in his
friendship, intelligence, learning, and acquaintance with affairs,
having made him Grand Vizier, I promoted him to the rank of 5,000 with
5,000 horse and the lofty title of Amiru-l-umara, to which no title
of my servants is superior. Though his position might have warranted
a higher rank, he himself represented to me that until some notable
service on his part had become perceptible to me he would not accept
a higher grade than that mentioned (5,000).
As the reality of the loyalty of my father's servants had not
yet become apparent, and certain faults and errors and unbecoming
intentions which were not approved at the throne of the Creator or
pleasing to His creatures had shown themselves, they of themselves
became ashamed. Though on the day of my accession I had forgiven all
offences and determined with myself that I would exact no retribution
for past deeds, yet on account of the suspicion that had been aroused
in my mind about them I considered the Amiru-l-umara my guardian and
protector; although God Almighty is the guardian of all His servants,
and is especially so of kings, because their existence is the cause
of the contentment of the world. His father, `Abdu-s-Samad, who
in the art of painting had no equal in the age, had obtained from
the late king (Jannat-ashyani) Humayun the title of Shirin-qalam
(Sweet pen), and in his council had attained a great dignity and was
on intimate terms with him (the king). He was one of the chief men
of Shiraz. My honoured father, on account of his former services,
paid him great honour and reverence. I made Raja Man Singh--who was
one of the greatest and most trusted noblemen of my father, and had
obtained alliances with this illustrious family, inasmuch as his aunt
had been in my father's house (i.e. was his wife), [33] and I had
married his sister, and Khusrau and his sister Sultanu-n-nisa Begam,
the latter of whom is my eldest child, were born of her--as before,
ruler of the province of Bengal. Though as in consequence of certain
of his acts he had no expectation of this favour towards himself,
I dignified him with a charqab (vest without sleeves) as a robe of
honour, a jewelled sword, and one of my own horses, and sent him off to
his province, which is a place of (or can keep up) 50,000 horse. His
father was Raja Bhagwan Das. His grandfather, Raja Bihari Mal, was
the first of the Kachwaha Rajputs to have the honour of entering my
father's service, and he excelled his tribe in truth and sincerity
of friendship, and in the quality of valour. After my accession, when
all the nobles with their retinues presented themselves at my palace,
it came into my mind that I should send this body of retainers under
my son, Sultan Parwiz, to make a holy war against the Rana, who was
one of evil deeds, and a foul infidel of the country of Hindustan,
and in my father's time had had troops sent constantly against him,
but had not been driven off. In a fortunate hour I invested my said
son with gorgeous robes of honour, a jewelled waist-sword, a jewelled
waist-dagger, and a rosary of pearls intermixed with rubies of great
price of the value of 72,000 rupees, `Iraq and Turkman horses and
famous elephants, and dismissed him. About 20,000 horsemen with nobles
and chief leaders were appointed to this service. The first was Asaf
Khan, who in my father's time was one of his confidential servants,
and for a long time had been confirmed in the post of bakhshi and
afterwards became diwan ba istiqlal (Chancellor with full powers);
him I advanced from the rank of an Amir to that of Vizier, and
promoting him from the command of 2,500 horse to that of 5,000 made
him guardian to Parwiz. Having honoured him with a robe of honour,
jewelled waist-sword, a horse and an elephant, I ordered that all
the mansabdars (commanders), small and great, should not depart from
such orders as he thought proper to give them. I made `Abdu-r-Razzaq
Ma`muri his bakhshi and Mukhtar Beg, Asaf Khan's paternal uncle, diwan
to Parwiz. I also presented to Raja Jagannath, son of Raja Bihari Mal,
who had the rank of 5,000, a robe of honour and a jewelled waist-sword.
Again, I gave Rana Shankar, cousin of the Rana--to whom my father had
given the title of Rana, proposing to send him with Khusrau against the
Rana, but at that time he (Akbar) became a shanqar (a falcon, i.e. he
died)--a robe of honour and a jewelled sword, and sent him with him.
I presented Madho Singh, brother's son of Raja Man Singh, and Rawal
Sal Darbari with flags, from this consideration, that they were
always present at Court and belonged to the Sekhawat [34] Rajputs,
and were confidential servants of my father. Each received also the
rank of 3,000.
I promoted Shaikh Ruknu-d-din the Afghan, to whom when I was
prince I had given the title of Shir Khan, from the grade of 500 to
that of 3,500 Shir Khan is the head of his clan and a very valiant
man. He lost his arm by the sword in service against the Uzbegs. [35]
`Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, Maha Singh, grandson of Raja
Man Singh, Zahid Khan, son of Sadiq Khan, Wazir Jamil, and Qara Khan
Turkman were exalted to the rank of 2,000; all these obtained robes of
honour and horses, and were dismissed. Manohar also obtained leave to
join the expedition. He is of the tribe of the Sekhawat Kachhwahas,
and on him in his young days my father bestowed many favours. He had
learned the Persian language, and, although from him up to Adam the
power of understanding cannot be attributed to any one of his tribe,
he is not without intelligence. He makes Persian verses, and the
following is one of his couplets:--
"The object of shade in Creation is this:
That no one place his foot on the light of my Lord, the Sun." [36]
If the details were to be described of all the commanders and servants
appointed by me, with the conditions and connections and rank of each,
it would be a long business. Many of my immediate attendants and
personal followers and nobles' sons, house-born ones (khanazadan) and
zealous Rajputs, petitioned to accompany this expedition. A thousand
ahadis, the meaning of which is single ones (Blochmann, p. 20),
were also appointed. In short, a force was collected together such
that if reliance on the Friend (God) were vouchsafed, it could have
embarked on enmity and conflict with any one of the monarchs of power.
"Soldiers came up from all sides,
Seizing life from heroes of the world in battle;
They had no fear of death from the sharp sword,
No terror of water [37] and no flight from fire;
In valour singular, in vigour a crowd,
Anvils in endurance, rocks in attack."
When I was prince I had entrusted, in consequence of my extreme
confidence [38] in him, my own uzuk seal [39] to the Amiru-l-umara
(Sharif), but when he was sent off to the province of Bihar I made
it over to Parwiz. Now that Parwiz went off against the Rana, I made
it over, according to the former arrangement, to the Amiru-l-umara.
Parwiz was born of Sahib-Jamal (Mistress of Beauty), the cousin [40]
of Zain Khan Koka, who, in point of affinity, was on the same footing
[41] as Mirza `Aziz Koka, in the 34th year of my father's reign,
in the city of Kabul, two years and two months after the birth of
Khusrau. After several other children had been born to me and had been
received into God's mercy, a daughter was born of Karamsi, [42] who
belonged to the Rathor clan, and the child received the name of Bihar
Banu Begam. To Jagat Gosa'in, [43] daughter of the Mota Raja (the fat
raja), was born Sultan Khurram, in the 36th year of my father's reign,
corresponding to A.H. 999, [44] in the city of Lahore. His advent
made the world joyous (khurram), [45] and gradually, as his years
increased, so did his excellencies, and he was more attentive to my
father than all (my) other children, who was exceedingly pleased with
and grateful for his services, and always recommended him to me and
frequently told me there was no comparison between him and my other
children. He recognised him as his real child.
After that (Khurram's birth) some other children were born who
died in infancy, and then within one month two sons were borne by
concubines. One of these I called Jahandar and the other Shahryar. [46]
About this time there came a petition from Sa`id Khan with regard
to granting leave to Mirza Ghazi, who was a son of the ruler of the
province of Thathah (Tattah in Sind). [47] I said that as my father
had betrothed his sister to my son Khusrau, please God, when this
alliance came into force, I would give him leave to return to Sind.
A year before I became king I had determined that I would drink no
wine on Friday eve, and I hope at the throne of God that He will keep
me firm in this resolve as long as I live.
Twenty thousand rupees were given to Mirza Muhammad Riza Sabzwari to
divide amongst the faqirs and the needy of Delhi. The viziership of
my dominions I gave in the proportions of half and half to Khan Beg,
[48] to whom when I was prince I had given the title of Waziru-l-mulk,
and to Wazir Khan [49] (Muqim), and I gave to Shaikh Farid Bukhari,
who held the rank of 4,000, that of 5,000. I promoted Ram Das
Kachhwaha, whom my father had favoured, and who held the rank of
2,000, to that of 3,000. I sent dresses of honour to Mirza Rustam,
son of Mirza Sultan Husain and grandson of Shah Isma`il, the ruler of
Qandahar, and to `Abdu-r-Rahim Khankhanan, son of Bairam Khan, and to
Iraj and Darab, his sons, and to other nobles attached to the Deccan
(command). Barkhurdar, son of `Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Mu'ayyid Beg, as
he had come to court without a summons, I ordered back to his jagir.
[50]It is not according to good manners to go to the king's banquet
without a summons, otherwise there would be no forbidding of the
doors and walls to the foot of desire.
A month had elapsed after my auspicious accession when Lala Beg, who
while I was prince had obtained the title of Baz Bahadur, obtained
the blessing of waiting on me. His rank, which had been 1,500, was
raised to 4,000. I promoted him to the Subah of Bihar and gave him
2,000 rupees. Baz Bahadur is of the lineage of the special attendants
of our family; his father's name was Nizam, and he was librarian to
Humayun. Kesho Das Maru, who is a Rajput of the province of Mairtha
and is greater in loyalty than his contemporaries, I promoted to the
rank of 1,500. I directed the `ulama and the learned men of Islam
to collect those of the distinctive appellations of God which were
easy to remember, in order that I might make them into my rosary [51]
(ward). On Friday eves [52] I associate with learned and pious men, and
with dervishes and recluses. When Qilij Khan, who was one of the old
retainers of the State in my revered father's reign, was appointed to
the government of the province of Gujarat, I presented him with a lakh
of rupees for his expenses. I raised Miran Sadr Jahan from the rank
of 2,000 to that of 4,000. I knew him in my childhood when I read the
"Forty Sayings" with Shaikh `Abdu-n-Nabi, [53] whose history is given
in detail in the Akbarnama. From these early days till now Miran Sadr
Jahan has acted towards me with single-minded loyalty, and I regard him
as my preceptor in religions matters (khalifa). Whilst I was prince
and before my revered father's illness, and during that time, when
the ministers (pillars of the State) and the high nobles had become
agitated, and each had conceived some idea of gain for himself and
wished to become the originator of some act which could only bring
ruin on the State, he had not failed in the activity of his service
and devotedness. Having made `Inayat Beg, [54] who for a long period
in the reign of my father had been Master of Works (Diwan-i-buyutat)
and held the rank of 700, half-vizier of my dominions in the place
of Wazir Khan, I gave him the high title of I`timadu-d-daula with
the rank of 1,500, and I appointed Wazir Khan to the Diwani of the
province of Bengal, and assigned to him the settlement of the revenues
thereof. To Patr Das, who in the time of my father had the title of
Ray Rayan, I gave the title of Raja Bikramajit. The latter was one of
the great Rajas of India, and it was in his reign that astronomical
observatories were established in India. I made Patr Das Master of
Ordnance, and ordered that he should always have light artillery
[55] in the arsenal, 50,000 light guns [56] and 3,000 gun-carriages,
ready and in efficient order. He was a khatri by caste, and rose in
my father's service from being accountant of the elephants' stables
to be diwan and an amir. He is not wanting in military qualities
and in administrative skill. I made Khurram, the son of Khan A`zam
(`Aziz Koka), who had had the rank of 2,000, an officer of 2,500.
As it was my desire that many of the Akbari and Jahangiri officers
should obtain the fruition of their wishes, I informed the bakhshis
that whoever wished to have his birthplace made into his jagir should
make a representation to that effect, so that in accordance with the
Chingiz canon (tura) the estate might be conveyed to him by al tamgha
and become his property, and he might be secured from apprehension of
change. Our ancestors and forefathers were in the habit of granting
jagirs to everyone under proprietary title, and adorned the farmans
for these with the al tamgha seal, which is an impressed seal made in
vermilion (i.e. red ink). I ordered that they should cover the place
for the seal, with gold-leaf (tilaposh) and impress the seal thereon,
and I called this the altun [57] tamgha.
I had selected from the other sons of Shahrukh, Mirza Sultan, [58] son
of Mirza Shahrukh the grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, who was a descendant
(great-grandson) of Mirza Sultan Abu Sa`id and for a long time ruler
of Badakhshan, and with consent of my [59] revered father brought
him into my service. I count him as a son, and have promoted him to
the rank of 1,000. I also promoted Bhao Singh, son of Raja Man Singh
and the most capable of his sons, from his original rank to that of
1,500. I raised Zamana Beg, [60] son of Ghayur Beg of Kabul, who has
served me personally from his childhood, and who, when I was prince,
rose from the grade of an ahadi to that of 500, giving him the title
of Mahabat Khan and the rank of 1,500. He was confirmed as bakhshi
of my private establishment (shagird-pisha).
I promoted Raja Bir Singh Deo, a Bandela Rajput, who had obtained my
favour, and who excels his equals and relatives in valour, personal
goodness, and simple-heartedness, to the rank of 3,000. The reason
for his advancement and for the regard shown to him was that near the
end of my revered father's time, Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, who excelled the
Shaikhzadas of Hindustan in wisdom and learning, had adorned himself
outwardly with the jewel of sincerity, and sold it to my father at
a heavy price. He had been summoned from the Deccan, and, since his
feelings towards me were not honest, he both publicly and privately
spoke against me. At this period when, through strife-exciting
intriguers, the august feelings of my royal father were entirely
embittered against me, it was certain that if he obtained the honour
of waiting on him (Akbar) it would be the cause of more confusion, and
would preclude me from the favour of union with him (my father). It
became necessary to prevent him from coming to Court. As Bir Singh
Deo's country was exactly on his route and he was then a rebel, I
sent him a message that if he would stop that sedition-monger and
kill him he would receive every kindness from me. By God's grace,
when Shaikh Abu-l-fazl was passing through Bir Singh Deo's country,
the Raja blocked his road, and after a little contest scattered his
men and killed him. He sent his head to me in Allahabad. Although this
event was a cause of anger in the mind of the late king (Akbar), in
the end it enabled me to proceed without disturbance of mind to kiss
the threshold of my father's palace, and by degrees the resentment
of the king was cleared away.
I made Mir Ziya'u-d-din of Qazwin, who had done me service in
the days of my princehood and had shown loyalty, commander of
1,000 and accountant of the stables. An order was given that every
day thirty horses should be produced before me for the purpose of
making presents. I honoured Mirza `Ali Akbarshahi, who is one of the
distinguished braves of this family, [61] with the rank of 4,000,
and gave him the sarkar of Sambhal as his jagir.
One day the Amiru-l-umara (Sharif Khan) greatly pleased me by an
incidental remark. It was this: "Honesty and dishonesty are not
confined to matters of cash and goods; to represent qualities as
existing in acquaintances which do not exist, and to conceal the
meritorious qualities of strangers, is dishonesty. In truth, honesty
of speech consists in making no distinction between intimates and
strangers and in describing each man as he really is."
When I sent off Parwiz I had said to him, "If the Rana himself, and
his eldest son who is called Karan, should come to wait upon you and
proffer service and obedience, you should not do any injury to his
territory." My intention in this recommendation was of two kinds;
one, that inasmuch as the conquest of Transoxiana was always in the
pure mind of my revered father, though every time he determined on it
things occurred to prevent it, if this business could be settled, and
this danger dismissed from my mind, I would leave Parwiz in Hindustan,
and in reliance on Allah, myself start for my hereditary territories,
especially as at this time there was no permanent ruler in that
region. Baqi Khan, who, after `Abdu-llah Khan and `Abdu-l-Mu'min
Khan, his son, had acquired complete independence, had died, and the
affairs of Wali Muhammad Khan, his brother, who is now the ruler of
that region, had not as yet been brought into proper order. Secondly,
to bring about the termination of the war in the Deccan, of which a
part in the time of my revered father had been acquired, so that it
might come into possession, and be incorporated with the Imperial
dominions. My hope is that through the favour of Allah both these
undertakings will be accomplished.
"Though a king should seize the seven climes, [62]
He still would labour to take others."
I promoted Mirza Shahrukh, [63] grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, (once)
the ruler of Badakhshan, who was nearly related to my family, and held
the rank of 5,000 in my father's service, to the rank of 7,000. The
Mirza is a true Turk in disposition and simple-minded. My father
conferred great honour on him, and whenever he bade his own sons
sit he gratified him also with this distinction. Notwithstanding the
mischievous propensities of the people of Badakhshan, the Mirza in
this familiarity never left the right road, or undertook anything
that might lead to unpleasantness. I confirmed him in the Subah of
Malwa just as my father had kindly conferred it on him.
I conferred on Khwaja `Abdu-llah, who is of the Naqshbandi family,
and in the commencement of his service was an ahadi, and who had
risen by degrees to the command of 1,000, but without reason had gone
into my father's service, the rank and jagir my father had conferred
on him. Although I considered it best for my own prosperity that my
attendants and people should go into his (Akbar's) service, yet this
had occurred without my leave, and I was rather annoyed at it. But the
fact is that he is a manly and zealous man; if he had not committed
this fault he would have been a faultless hero (jawan).
Abu-n-nabi, [64] the Uzbeg, who is one of the distinguished inhabitants
of Mawara'a-n-nahr and in the time of `Abdu-l-Mu'min Khan was governor
of Mashhad, obtained the rank of 1,500.
Shaikh Hasan is the son of Shaikh Baha. [65] From the days of
his childhood to this day he has always been in my service and in
attendance on me, and when I was prince was distinguished by the
title of Muqarrab Khan. He was very active and alert in his service,
and in hunting would often traverse long distances by my side. He
is skilful with the arrow and the gun, and in surgery is the most
skilful of his time. His ancestors also had been well practised
in this profession. After my accession, in consequence of the
perfect confidence I had in him, I sent him to Burhanpur to bring
the children and dependants of my brother Daniyal to wait on me,
and sent a message to the Khankhanan in low and high words [66]
and profitable admonitions. Muqarrab Khan performed this service
correctly and in a short time, and, clearing off the suspicions which
had entered the minds of the Khankhanan and the nobles of that place,
brought those who had been left behind by my brother in safety and
security, together with his establishment and property and effects,
to Lahore, and there presented them before me.
I promoted Naqib Khan, [67] who is one of the genuine Sayyids of
Qazwin and is called Ghiyasu-d-din `Ali, to the rank of 1,500. My
father had distinguished him with the title of Naqib Khan, and in
his service he had complete intimacy and consideration. Shortly after
his accession he (Akbar) had discussed several matters with him, and
from this familiarity he called him akhund. He has no equal or rival
in the science of history and in biographies. There is in this day
no chronologist like him in the inhabited world. From the beginning
of Creation till the present time, he has by heart the tale of the
four quarters of the world. Has Allah granted to any other person
such faculty of memory?
Shaikh Kabir, who was of the family of the venerable Shaikh Salim,
I had honoured with the title of Shaja`at Khan when I was prince,
on account of his manliness and bravery. I now selected him for the
rank of 1,000.
On Sha`ban 27th (28th December, 1605) a strange thing was done by
the sons of Akhayraj, son of Bhagwan Das, the paternal uncle [68] of
Raja Man Singh. These unlucky ones, who bore the names of Abhay Ram,
Bijay Ram, and Shyam Ram, were exceedingly immoderate. Notwithstanding
that the aforesaid Abhay Ram had done improper (disproportioned) acts,
I had winked at his faults. When at this date it was represented to me
that this wretch was desirous of despatching his wives and children
without leave to his own country and afterwards of himself running
away to the Rana, who is not loyal to this family, I referred to
Ram Das and other Rajput nobles, and said to them that if any one
of them would become security for them, I would confirm the rank
and jagir of those wretches, and passing over their offences would
forgive them. In consequence of their excessive turbulence and bad
disposition no one became security. I told the Amiru-l-umara that
as no one would be bound for them, they must be handed over to
the charge of one of the servants of the Court until security was
forthcoming. The Amiru-l-umara gave them over to Ibrahim Khan Kakar,
who was afterwards dignified with the title of Dilawar Khan, and Hatim,
[69] second son of Mangli, who held the title of Shahnawaz Khan. [70]
When these wished to disarm these foolish people, they refused,
and, not observing the dues of good manners, began, together with
their servants, to quarrel and fight. The Amiru-l-umara reported the
circumstance to me, and I ordered them to be punished according to
their deeds. He betook himself to driving them off, and I sent Shaikh
Farid also after him. One Rajput armed with a sword, and another with
a dagger stood up to the Amiru-l-umara. One of his attendants named
Qutb engaged the man with the dagger and was killed. The Rajput also
was cut to pieces. One of the Afghan attendants of the Amiru-l-umara
attacked the one who had the sword and killed him. Dilawar Khan drew
his dagger and turned towards Abhay Ram, who with two others was
holding his ground, and after wounding one of these fell down after
receiving wounds from the three. Some of the ahadis and the men of
the Amiru-l-umara opposed and slew these doomed men. A Rajput drew
his sword and turned to Shaikh Farid; he was met by a Habshi slave,
who brought him down. This disturbance took place in the courtyard
of the public palace. That punishment served as a warning to many
who had not looked to consequences. Abu-n-nabi [71] represented that
if such a deed had been done in the Uzbeg country the whole family
and connections of that band of men would have been destroyed. I
replied that as these people had been treated kindly and educated
by my revered father I carried on the same benevolence to them, and
justice demands that many shall not be chastised for the fault of one.
Shaikh Husain Jami, who now sits on the cushion of darwishi and is
one of the disciples of the dervish of Shiraz, [72] had written to
me from Lahore six months before my accession that he had seen in a
dream that saints and pious men had delivered over the affairs of
the kingdom to that chosen one of the Court of Allah (Jahangir),
and that, rejoicing in this good news, he should await the event,
and that he hoped that when it had occurred, the faults of Khwaja
Zakariyya, who was one of the Ahrariyya, [73] would be pardoned. [74]
I conferred on Tash Beg Furji, [75] who was one of the old servants of
the State, and whom my father had honoured with the title of Taj Khan,
and who had the rank of 2,000, that of 3,000, and I raised Tukhta [76]
Beg Kabuli from the rank of 2,500 to that of 3,000. He is a brave
and active man, and was greatly trusted in the service of my uncle,
Mirza Muhammad Hakim. I promoted Abu-l-Qasim Tamkin, [77] who was
one of my father's old servants, to the rank of 1,500. There are
few men such as he for abundance of children; he has thirty sons,
and if his daughters do not number so many they must be half that
number. I dignified Shaikh `Ala'u-d-din, grandson of Shaikh Salim,
who had strong connections with me, with the title of Islam Khan,
and promoted him to the rank of 2,000. He had grown up with me from
his childhood, and may be a year younger than I. He is a brave and
well-dispositioned youth, and is distinguished in every way above
his family. Till now he has never drunk intoxicating drinks, and his
sincerity towards me is such that I have honoured him with the title
of son.
I have bestowed on `Ali Asghar Barha, who has not a rival in bravery
and zeal, and is the son of Sayyid Mahmud Khan Barha, one of my
father's old nobles, the title of Saif Khan, and thus distinguished him
amongst his equals and connections. He is evidently a brave youth. He
was always one of the confidential men who went with me to hunt and to
other places. He has never in his life drunk anything intoxicating,
and as he has abstained in his youth he probably will attain high
dignities. I granted him the rank of 3,000.
I promoted Faridun, son of Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, who held the rank
of 1,000, to that of 2,000. Faridun is one of the tribe of Chaghatay,
and is not devoid of manliness and courage.
I promoted Shaikh Bayazid, grandson of Shaikh Salim, who held the
rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. The first person who gave me milk,
but for not more than a day, was the mother of Shaikh Bayazid.
[78]One day I observed to the Pandits, that is, the wise men of
the Hindus, "If the doctrines of your religion are based on the
incarnation of the Holy Person of God Almighty in ten different forms
by the process of metempsychosis, they are virtually rejected by the
intelligent. This pernicious idea requires that the Sublime Cause,
who is void of all limitations, should be possessed of length,
breadth, and thickness. If the purpose is the manifestation of the
Light of God in these bodies, that of itself is existent equally in
all created things, and is not peculiar to these ten forms. If the
idea is to establish some one of God's attributes, even then there
is no right notion, for in every faith and code there are masters
of wonders and miracles distinguished beyond the other men of their
age for wisdom and eloquence." [79] After much argument and endless
controversy, they acknowledged a God of Gods, devoid of a body or
accidents, [80] and said, "As our imagination fails to conceive a
formless personality (zat-i-mujarrad), we do not find any way to
know Him without the aid of a form. We have therefore made these
ten forms the means of conceiving of and knowing Him." Then said I,
"How can these forms be a means of your approaching the Deity?"
My father always associated with the learned of every creed and
religion, especially with Pandits and the learned of India, and
although he was illiterate, so much became clear to him through
constant intercourse with the learned and wise, in his conversations
with them, that no one knew him to be illiterate, and he was so
acquainted with the niceties of verse and prose compositions that
his deficiency was not thought of.
In his august personal appearance he was of middle height, but
inclining to be tall; he was of the hue of wheat; his eyes and
eyebrows were black, and his complexion rather dark than fair;
he was lion-bodied, [81] with a broad chest, and his hands and
arms long. On the left side of his nose he had a fleshy mole, very
agreeable in appearance, of the size of half a pea. Those skilled
in the science of physiognomy considered this mole a sign of great
prosperity and exceeding good fortune. His august voice was very
loud, and in speaking and explaining had a peculiar richness. In
his actions and movements he was not like the people of the world,
and the glory of God manifested itself in him.
"Greatness in his manner, kingship in his lineage,
As if Solomon would have put the ring on his finger." [82]
Three months after my birth my sister, Shahzada Khanam, was born to one
of the royal concubines; they gave her over to his (Akbar's) mother,
Maryam Makani. After her a son was born to one of the concubines,
and received the name of Shah Murad. As his birth occurred in the
hill country of Fathpur, he was nicknamed Pahari. When my revered
father sent him to conquer the Deccan, he had taken to excessive
drinking through associating with unworthy persons, so that he died
in his 30th year, in the neighbourhood of Jalnapur, in the province
of Berar. His personal appearance was fresh-coloured; he was thin
in body and tall of stature. Dignity and authority were evident in
his movements, and manliness and bravery manifested themselves in
his ways. On the night of Jumada-l-awwal 10th, A.H. 979 (September,
1572), another son was born to one of the concubines. As his birth
took place at Ajmir in the house of one of the attendants of the
blessed shrine of the reverend Khwaja Mu`inu-d-din Chishti, whose
name was Shaikh Daniyal, this child was called Daniyal.
After the death of my brother Shah Murad, he (Akbar), towards the
end of his reign, sent Daniyal to conquer the Deccan and followed
him himself. When my revered father was besieging Asir (Asirgarh) he,
with a large body of nobles such as the Khankhanan and his sons and
Mirza Yusuf Khan, invested the fort of Ahmadnagar, and it came into
the possession of the victorious officers about the time that Asir
was taken. After my father `Arsh-ashyani had returned in prosperity
and victory from Burhanpur towards his capital, he gave the province
to Daniyal and left him in possession of that territory. Daniyal took
to improper ways, like his brother Shah Murad, and soon died from
excessive drinking, in the 33rd year of his age. His death occurred
in a peculiar way. He was very fond of guns and of hunting with the
gun. He named one of his guns yaka u janaza, 'the same as the bier,'
and himself composed this couplet and had it engraved on the gun:--
"From the joy of the chase with thee, life is fresh and new;
To everyone whom thy dart strikes, 'tis the same as his bier." [83]
When his drinking of wine was carried to excess, and the circumstance
was reported to my father, farmans of reproach were sent to the
Khankhanan. Of course he forbade it, and placed cautious people to look
after him properly. When the road to bring wine was completely closed,
he began to weep and to importune some of his servants, and said:
"Let them bring me wine in any possible way." He said to Murshid
Quli Khan, a musketeer who was in his immediate service: "Pour some
wine into this yaka u janaza, and bring it to me." That wretch, in
hope of favour, undertook to do this, and poured double-distilled
spirit into the gun, which had long been nourished on gunpowder and
the scent thereof, and brought it. The rust of the iron was dissolved
by the strength of the spirit and mingled with it, and the prince no
sooner drank of it than he fell down.
"No one should draw a bad omen: [84]
If he does, he draws it for himself."
Daniyal was of pleasing figure, of exceedingly agreeable manners and
appearance; he was very fond of elephants and horses. It was impossible
for him to hear of anyone as having a good horse or elephant and not
take it from him. He was fond of Hindi songs, and would occasionally
compose verses with correct idiom in the language of the people of
India, which were not bad.
After the birth of Daniyal a daughter was born to Bibi Daulat-Shad
whom they named Shakaru-n-nisa Begam. [85] As she was brought
up in the skirt of my revered father's care, she turned out very
well. She is of good disposition and naturally compassionate towards
all people. From infancy and childhood she has been extremely fond
of me, and there can be few such relationships between brother and
sister. The first time when, according to the custom of pressing the
breast of a child and a drop of milk is perceptible, they pressed
my sister's breast and milk appeared, my revered father said to me:
"Baba! drink this milk, that in truth this sister may be to thee as a
mother." God, the knower of secrets, knows that from that day forward,
after I drank that drop of milk, I have felt love for my sister such
as children have for their mothers.
After some time another girl was born to this same Bibi Daulat-Shad,
and he (Akbar) called her Aram Banu Begam. [86] Her disposition was on
the whole inclined to excitement and heat. My father was very fond of
her, so much so that he described her impolitenesses as politenesses,
and in his august sight they, from his great love, did not appear
bad. Repeatedly he honoured me by addressing me, and said: "Baba! for
my sake be as kind as I am, after me, to this sister, who in Hindi
phrase is my darling (that is, dearly cherished). Be affectionate to
her and pass over her little impolitenesses and impudences."
The good qualities of my revered father are beyond the limit of
approval and the bounds of praise. If books were composed with regard
to his commendable dispositions, without suspicion of extravagance,
and he be not looked at as a father would be by his son, even then
but a little out of much could be said.
Notwithstanding his kingship and his treasures and his buried
wealth, which were beyond the scope of counting and imagination,
his fighting elephants and Arab horses, he never by a hair's breadth
placed his foot beyond the base of humility before the throne of God,
but considered himself the lowest of created beings, and never for
one moment forgot God.
"Always, everywhere, with everyone, and in every circumstance,
Keep the eye of thy heart secretly fixed on the Beloved."
The professors of various faiths had room in the broad expanse of
his incomparable sway. This was different from the practice in other
realms, for in Persia [87] there is room for Shias only, and in Turkey,
India, and Turan there is room for Sunnis only.
As in the wide expanse of the Divine compassion there is room for
all classes and the followers of all creeds, so, on the principle
that the Shadow [88] must have the same properties as the Light,
in his dominions, which on all sides were limited only by the salt
sea, there was room for the professors of opposite religions, and for
beliefs good and bad, and the road to altercation was closed. Sunnis
and Shias met in one mosque, and Franks and Jews in one church,
and observed their own forms of worship.
He associated with the good of every race and creed and persuasion,
and was gracious to all in accordance with their condition and
understanding. He passed his nights in wakefulness, and slept little
in the day; the length of his sleep during a whole night and day
(nycthemeron) was not more than a watch and a half. He counted his
wakefulness at night as so much added to his life. His courage and
boldness were such that he could mount raging, rutting elephants, and
subdue to obedience murderous elephants which would not allow their own
females near them--although even when an elephant is bad-tempered he
does no harm to the female or his driver--and which were in a state
in which they might have killed their drivers or the females, or not
have allowed their approach. He would place himself on a wall or tree
near which an elephant was passing that had killed its mahout and
broken loose from restraint, and, putting his trust in God's favour,
would throw himself on its back and thus by merely mounting, would
bring it under control and tame it. This was repeatedly seen.
He ascended the throne in his 14th year. Hemu, the infidel whom the
Afghan ruler had raised to high station, collected a wonderful force
after King Humayun's death with a stud of elephants such as no ruler
of Hindustan had at that time, and he went towards Delhi. Humayun had
appointed Akbar to drive off some of the Afghans from the foot-hills
of the Panjab, but just then he exemplified the hemistich which is
a description of the accident and the chronogram of his death--
"The august monarch (Humayun) fell from the roof. The news (of
the death) was conveyed to my father by Nazar-jivi." [89]
Bairam Khan, who was then his tutor, having collected the nobles who
were in the province, chose an auspicious hour and seated him on the
throne of rule in pargana Kalanur, near Lahore.
When Hemu reached the neighbourhood of Delhi, Tardi Beg Khan and
a large force that was in the city drew up to oppose him. When the
preparations for the combat had been made the armies attacked one
another, and, after considerable endeavours and strife, defeat fell
on Tardi Beg Khan and the Moguls, and the army of darkness overcame
the army of light.
"All things and battles and fights are of God,
He knows whose will be the victory.
From the blood of the brave and the dust of the troops,
The earth grew red and the heavens black."
Tardi Beg Khan and the other defeated ones took the road to my revered
father's camp. As Bairam Khan disliked Tardi Beg, he made this defeat
an excuse to put him to death.
A second time, through the pride engendered in the mind of this
accursed infidel by his victory, he came out of Delhi with his force
and elephants and advanced, while the glorious standards of His
Majesty (Akbar) proceeded from Kalanur for the purpose of driving
him away. The armies of darkness and light met in the neighbourhood
of Panipat, and on Thursday, Muharram 2nd, A.H. 964 (November 5th,
1556), a fight took place. In the army of Hemu were 30,000 brave
fighting horsemen, while the ghazis of the victorious army were not
more than 4,000 or 5,000. On that day Hemu was riding an elephant
named Hawa'i. Suddenly an arrow struck the eye of that infidel and
came out at the back of his head. His army, on seeing this, took to
flight. By chance Shah Quli Khan Mahram with a few brave men came up
to the elephant on which was the wounded Hemu, and would have shot an
arrow at the driver, but he cried "Do not kill me; Hemu is on this
elephant." A number of men immediately conveyed Hemu as he was to
the king (Akbar). Bairam Khan represented that it would be proper if
the king with his own hand should strike the infidel with a sword,
so that obtaining the reward of a ghazi (warrior of the Faith) he
might use this title on the imperial farmans. The king answered,
"I have cut him in pieces before this," and explained: "One day,
in Kabul, I was copying a picture in presence of Khwaja`Abdu-s-Samad
Shirin Qalam, when a form appeared from my brush, the parts of which
were separate and divided from each other. One of those near asked,
'Whose picture is this?' It came to my tongue to say that it was the
likeness of Hemu." Not defiling his hand with his (Hemu's) blood,
he told one of his servants to cut off his head. Those killed in the
defeated army numbered 5,000 in addition to those who fell in various
places round about.
Another of the well-known deeds of Akbar was the victorious expedition
against Gujarat, and his rapid march there, at the time when Mirza
Ibrahim Husain, Muhammad Husain Mirza, and Shah Mirza revolted from
this State and went towards Gujarat, and all the nobles of that
province, combining with the turbulent of those parts, besieged
the fort of Ahmadabad in which was Mirza `Aziz Koka with the royal
army. His Majesty, in consequence of the distracted state of Jiji Anga,
the mother of the last-named Mirza, started for Gujarat with a body
of royal troops without delay from the capital of Fathpur. Having
covered in the space of nine days the long road which it should take
two months to accomplish, sometimes on horseback, sometimes on a
camel or in a bullock-cart, he arrived at Sarnal.
When, on 5th Jumada-l-awwal, 980 (September 15th, 1572), he reached
the neighbourhood of the enemy's camp, he consulted with those who
were loyal to him. Some said he should make a night attack on the
camp. His Majesty, however, said that a night attack was the resort
of the faint-hearted and the way of the deceitful, and immediately
gave orders to beat the drums and set the horsemen at them. When
the river Sabar Mahi (Sabarmati) was reached, he ordered his men to
cross it in order. Muhammad Husain Mirza was agitated by the noise of
the army of victory, and himself came forward to reconnoitre. Subhan
Quli Turk, also with a troop of brave men, went to the river's bank
to enquire into the enemy's position. The Mirza asked what troops
these were. Subhan Quli replied that they were of the army of King
Jalalu-d-din Akbar. That ill-fated one would not believe this, and said
his spies had seen the king fourteen days before in Fathpur, and that
it was clear Subhan Quli was lying. To this Subhan Quli rejoined, "Nine
days ago the king with this expedition started from Fathpur." "How
could elephants have come?" [90] asked the Mirza. "What need was there
of elephants?" answered Subhan Quli. "Young men and heroes who cleave
rocks, and are better than famous and raging elephants, have come;
the difference between loyalty and sedition will now become known." The
Mirza, after this conversation, turned aside and began to marshal his
troops. The king waited until his advanced guard sent word that the
enemy had put on their armour. He then moved forward, and although
he sent several times to order the Khan A`zam to advance, the latter
stood still. It was said to Akbar that, as the enemy was in force,
it would be well to remain on his side of the river until the army of
Gujarat arrived from within the fort. His Majesty answered: "Always,
and especially in this affair, I have put my trust in God. If I had
considered routine, I should not have come in this rapid manner. Now
that our foe is ready for the fight, we ought not to delay." With
these words, and with his innate reliance on God as his shield,
he put his horse into the river with a few chosen men whom he had
appointed to ride with him. Though it was not supposed that there was
a ford, he crossed in safety. He had called for his helmet, but in
the agitation of bringing it his armour-bearer dropped the face-guard
(buffe). His comrades did not regard this as a good omen, but he said
at once, "It is an excellent omen, for it has revealed my face." [91]
Meantime the wretched Mirza arrayed his ranks to fight his benefactor.
"If thou come out (to fight) with thy benefactor,
If thou wert the sphere, thou wouldest be reversed."
The Khan A`zam had had no idea that the king would cast the shadow
of his compassion on these regions with such speed and eagerness,
and he believed no one who gave him news of that arrival, until
convinced by visible proof. Then, arraying the army of Gujarat, he
prepared to march. Meanwhile Asaf Khan also sent news to him. Before
his army issued from the fort the enemy had appeared from amongst the
trees. The king, taking the Divine aid as the security of his courage,
started off. Muhammad Quli Khan Turk and Tardi Khan Diwana came
forward with a band of brave followers, and after a little fighting
turned rein. On this His Majesty said to Bhagwan Das, "The enemy are
unnumbered and we are few; we must attack with one face and one heart;
for a clenched fist is more useful than an open hand." With these
words he drew his sword, and with shout of Allahu-akbar and Ya Mu`in
[92] charged with those devoted to him.
"The sense of the age evaporated with the clamour,
The ear of the heavens was split with the shouts."
The royal right and left wings and a band of brave men in the centre
fought with valour. Stars (kaukaba'i), which are a kind of firework,
were lighted by the enemy; they twisted about among the thorn-bushes,
and created such confusion that a noted elephant of the enemy began
to move and threw their troops into disarray. With this the royal
centre came up and dispersed Muhammad Husain and his force. Man
Singh Darbari overcame his foe under the king's eyes, and Ragho
Das Kachhwaha sacrificed his life. Muhammad Wafa, who was of the
house-born of the State, behaving very bravely, fell wounded from
his horse. By the favour of the Creator who cherishes His servants,
and simply through the courage and good fortune of the exalted king,
the enemy were scattered and defeated. In gratitude for this great
victory the king turned his face in supplication to the throne of
his merciful Maker, and poured forth his thanks.
One of the kalawants (musicians) represented to His Majesty that Saif
Khan Kokaltash had offered the coin of his life in loyalty to the
State, and on enquiry it appeared that when Muhammad Husain Mirza with
some of his riffraff was attacking the centre Saif Khan met him and
fighting valiantly became a martyr. The Mirza himself was wounded by
the hands of the brave men of the main body. The Kokaltash mentioned
is the elder brother of Zain Khan Koka.
A strange circumstance was this: on the day before the battle,
when the king was eating, he asked Hazara, who was learned in the
science of looking at the shoulder-blades (a kind of divination),
to see on whose side the victory would be. Hazara said: "The victory
will be on your side, but one of the chiefs of your army will become
a martyr." Whereupon Saif Khan Koka said "Would that this blessing
might fall to my lot!"
"Many an omen that we have treated as jest [93]
Became true when the star passed by."
In short, Mirza Muhammad Husain turned his reins, but his horse's feet
became entangled in the thorn-brake and he fell. An ahadi of the king,
Gada `Ali by name, found him, and having mounted him before him on
his horse took him to the king. As two or three claimed a share in
his capture, His Majesty asked who had made him prisoner. "The king's
salt," he answered. The king ordered his hands, that had been fastened
behind him, to be tied in front. Meanwhile he asked for water. Farhat
Khan, who was one of the confidential slaves, struck him on the head,
but the king, disapproving of this, sent for his private drinking
water and satisfied his thirst. Up to this time Mirza `Aziz Koka
and the garrison of the fort had not come out. After the capture of
the Mirza, His Majesty was proceeding slowly towards Ahmadabad. He
had delivered the Mirza to Ray Ray Singh Rathor, one of the Rajput
chiefs, to be put on an elephant and brought with him. Meanwhile
Ikhtiyaru-l-mulk, who was one of the influential Gujarati leaders,
made his appearance with an army of nearly 5,000 men. Complete
confusion fell upon the royal troops. The king, as his natural valour
and lofty disposition required, ordered the drums to be beaten, and
Shaja'at Khan, Raja Bhagwan Das, and some others charged on in front
to fight this force. Fearing that the enemy might get possession of
Mirza Muhammad Husain, Ray Ray Singh's men, by the advice and plan of
the aforesaid Raja (Bhagwan Das), cut off his head. My father did not
want to kill him. The forces of Ikhtiyaru-l-mulk also were dispersed,
and he was thrown from his horse into the thorn thicket. Suhrab Beg
Turkman cut off his head and brought it in. It was only by the grace
and power of God that such a victory was won by a small number of men.
In the same way are beyond all reckoning the conquest of the province
of Bengal, the capture of well-known and celebrated forts in Hindustan
such as Chitor and Rantambhor, the subjection of the province of
Khandesh, and the taking of the fort of Asir and of other provinces
which by the exertions of the royal armies came into the possession
of the servants of the State. If these were related in detail it
would be a long story.
In the fight at Chitor, the king with his own hand killed Jitmal,
the leader of the men in the fort. He had no rival in shooting with
a gun, and with the one with which he killed Jitmal, and which was
called Sangram, he killed some 3,000 or 4,000 birds and beasts. [94]
I may be reckoned a true pupil of his. Of all sports I am most disposed
to that with the gun, and in one day have shot eighteen deer.
Of the austerities practised by my revered father, one was the not
eating the flesh of animals. During three months of the year he ate
meat, and for the remaining nine contented himself with Sufi food,
and was no way pleased with the slaughter of animals. On many days
and in many months this was forbidden to the people. The days and
months on which he did not eat flesh are detailed in the Akbarnama.
On the day I made I`timadu-l-mulk diwan, I put Mu`izzu-l-mulk in
charge of the diwani-i-buyutat (care of buildings). The latter is a
Sayyid of Bakharz, [95] and under my revered father was accountant
of the kurkaraq department. [96]
On one of my accession days, a hundred of the Akbari and Jahangiri
servants were promoted to higher rank and jagirs. At the commencement
of the Ramazan `Id, as it was the first after my accession, I came
down to the `Idgah from my auspicious throne. There was a great crowd,
and having performed the dues of thanksgiving and praise I returned
to the palace, where according to the verse "From the table of kings
favours come to beggars," I commanded a sum of money to be spent
in alms and charity. Some lakhs of dams of this were entrusted to
Dust Muhammad (afterwards Khwaja Jahan), who divided them amongst
faqirs and those who were in want, and a lakh of dams each was given
to Jamalu-d-din Husain Anju (the lexicographer), Mirza Sadr Jahan,
and Mir Muhammad Riza Sabzawari to dispose of in charity in different
quarters of the city. I sent 5,000 rupees to the dervishes of Shaikh
Muhammad Husain Jami, and gave directions that each day one of the
officers of the watch [97] should give 50,000 dams to faqirs. I sent a
jewelled sword to the Khankhanan, and promoted Jamalu-d-din Anju to the
rank of 3,000. The office of Sadr was entrusted to Miran Sadr Jahan,
and I ordered Haji Koka, who was one of my father's foster-sisters,
[98] to bring before me in the palace such women as were worthy to be
presented with land and money. I promoted Zahid Khan, son of Muhammad
Sadiq Khan, from the rank of 1,500 to that of 2,000.
It had been the custom [99] that when the gift of an elephant or
horse was made to anyone, the naqibs and the Masters of the Horse (Mir
Akhuran) took from him a sum of money as jilawana (bridle-money). I
gave orders that this money should be paid by the government, so that
people might be freed from the importunities and demands of that set
of men.
At this time Salbahan arrived from Burhanpur and produced before me the
horses and elephants of my deceased brother Daniyal. Of the elephants,
one male named Mast Alast appeared to me the best, and I gave him the
name of Nur Gaj. A wonderful thing showed itself in this elephant; on
the sides of his ears small lumps had grown about the size of melons,
and from them came fluid such as drops from an elephant in the rutting
season; moreover, the top of his forehead was more prominent than in
other elephants. It was a splendid and imposing animal. [100]
I gave to my son Khurram (Shah-Jahan) a rosary of jewels, with the
hope that he might obtain fulfilment of all his desires, both in
visible and in spiritual things.
As I had remitted in my dominions customs duties amounting to krors,
I abolished also all the transit dues (sa'ir-jihat) in Kabul, which is
one of the noted towns on the road to Hindustan. These brought in 1
kror and 23 lakhs of dams. From the provinces of Kabul and Qandahar
large sums used to be derived every year from customs (zaka't),
which were in fact the chief revenue of those places. I remitted
these ancient dues, a proceeding that greatly benefited the people
of Iran and Turan.
Asaf Khan's jagir in the subah of Bihar had been given to Baz Bahadur;
I therefore ordered that a jagir in the Panjab should be given to
him. As it was represented to me that a large sum was in arrears
in his jagir, and now that the order for exchange had been given
its collection would be difficult, I directed that a lakh of rupees
should be given to him from the Treasury and the arrears recovered
from Baz Bahadur for the royal revenues.
I promoted Sharif Amuli to the rank of 2,500, original and increase. He
is a pure-hearted, lively-spirited man. Though he has no tincture of
current sciences, lofty words and exalted knowledge often manifest
themselves in him. In the dress of a faqir he made many journeys, and
he has friendship with many saints and recites the maxims of those
who profess mysticism. This is his conversation, not his practice
(qali-u ast na hali). In the time of my revered father he relinquished
the garments of poverty and asceticism, and attained to amirship and
chiefship. His utterance is exceedingly powerful, and his conversation
is remarkably eloquent and pure, although he is without Arabic. His
compositions also are not devoid of verve. [101]
A garden in Agra had been left by Shah Quli Khan Mahram, and as he
had no heirs I handed it over to Ruqayya Sultan Begam, the daughter
of Hindal Mirza, who had been the honoured wife of my father. [102]
My father had given my son Khurram into her charge, and she loved
him a thousand times more than if he had been her own.