CHAPTER XVI.

THE BULLETIN

The Modern School needed and found its organ in the Press. The

political and ordinary press, which at one time favoured us and at

another time denounced us as dangerous, cannot maintain an impartial

attitude. It either gives exaggerated or unmerited praise, or

calumnious censures. The only remedy for this was the sincerity and

clearness of our own indications. To allow these libels to pass without

correction would have done us considerable harm, and the Bulletin

enabled us to meet them.

The directors published in it the programme of the school, interesting

notes about it, statistical details, original pædagogical articles by

the teachers, accounts of the progress of rational education in our own

and other countries, translations of important articles from foreign

reviews and periodicals which were in harmony with the main character

of our work, reports of the Sunday lectures, and announcements of the

public competitions for the engagement of teachers and of our library.

One of the most successful sections of the Bulletin was that devoted to

the publication of the ideas of the pupils. Besides showing their

individual ideas it revealed the spontaneous manifestation of common

sense. Girls and boys, with no appreciable difference in intellect

according to sex, in contact with the realities of life as indicated by

the teachers, expressed themselves in simple essays which, though

sometimes immature in judgment, more often showed the clear logic with

which they conceived philosophical, political, or social questions of

some importance. The journal was at first distributed without charge

among the pupils, and was exchanged with other periodicals; but there

was soon a demand for it, and a public subscription had to be opened.

When this was done, the Bulletin became a philosophical review, as well

as organ of the Modern School; and it retained this character until the

persecution began and the school was closed. An instance of the

important mission of the Bulletin will be found in the following

article, which I wrote in No. 5 of the fourth year, in order to correct

certain secular teachers who had gone astray:—

A certain Workers’ School has introduced the novelty of

establishing a savings-bank, administered by the pupils. This piece

of information, reproduced in terms of great praise by the press as

a thing to be imitated, induces us to express our opinion on the

subject. While others have their own right to decide and act, we

have the same right to criticise, and thus to create a rational

public opinion.

In the first place we would observe that the word economy is very

different from, if not the opposite of, the idea of saving. One may

teach children the knowledge and practice of economy without

necessarily teaching them to save. Economy means a prudent and

methodical use of one’s goods: saving means a restriction of one’s

use of one’s goods. By economising, we avoid waste; by saving, the

man who has nothing superfluous deprives himself of what is

necessary.

Have the children who are taught to save any superfluous property?

The very name of the society in question assures us that they have

not. The workers who send their children to this school live on

their wages, the minimum sum, determined by the laws of supply and

demand, which is paid for their work by the employers; and as this

wage gives them nothing superfluous, and the social wealth is

monopolised by the privileged classes, the workers are far from

obtaining enough to live a life in harmony with the progress of

civilisation. Hence, when these children of workers, and future

workers themselves, are taught to save—which is a voluntary

privation under the appearance of interest—they are taught to

prepare themselves to submit to privilege. While the intention is

to initiate them to the practice of economy, what is really done is

to convert them into victims and accomplices of the present unjust

order.

The working-class child is a human child, and, as such, it has a

right to the development of all its faculties, the satisfaction of

all its needs, moral and physical. For that purpose society was

instituted. It is not its function to repress or subject the

individual, as is selfishly pretended by the privileged and

reactionary class, and all who enjoy what others produce; it has to

hold the balance justly between the rights and duties of all

members of the commonwealth.

As it is, the individual is asked to sacrifice his rights, needs,

and pleasures to society; and, as this disorder demands patience,

suffering, and sophistical reasoning, let us commend economy and

blame saving. We do not think it right to teach children to look

forward to being workers in a social order in which the average

mortality of the poor, who live without freedom, instruction, or

joy, reaches an appalling figure in comparison with that of the

class which lives in triumph on their labour. Those who, from

sociolatry, would derogate in the least from the rights of man,

should read the fine and vigorous words of Pi y Margall: “Who art

thou to prevent my use of my human rights? Perfidious and

tyrannical society, thou wert created to defend, not to coerce us.

Go back to the abyss whence thou came.”

Starting from these principles, and applying them to pædagogy, we

think it necessary to teach children that to waste any class of

objects is contrary to the general welfare; that if a child spoils

paper, loses pens, or destroys books, it does an injustice to its

parents and the school. Assuredly one may impress on the child the

need of prudence in order to avoid getting imperfect things, and

remind it of lack of employment, illness, or age; but it is not

right to insist that a provision be made out of a salary which does

not suffice to meet the needs of life. That is bad arithmetic.

The workers have no university training; they do not go to the

theatre or to concerts; they never go into ecstasies before the

marvels of art, industry, or nature; they have no holiday in which

to fill their lungs with life-giving oxygen; they are never

uplifted by reading books or reviews. On the contrary, they suffer

all kinds of privations, and may have to endure crises due to

excessive production. It is not the place of teachers to hide these

sad truths from the children, and to tell them that a smaller

quantity is equal to, if not better than, a larger. In order that

the power of science and industry be shared by all, and all be

invited to partake of the banquet of life, we must not teach in the

school, in the interest of privilege, that the poor should organise

the advantages of crumbs and leavings. We must not prostitute

education.

On another occasion I had to censure a different departure from our

principles:—

We were distressed and indignant on reading the list of

contributions voted by the Council of Barcelona for certain popular

societies which are interested in education. We read of sums

offered to Republican Fraternities and similar societies; and we

find that, instead of rejecting them, they forwarded votes of

thanks to the Council.

The meaning of these things in a Catholic and ultra-conservative

nation is clear. The Church and the capitalist system only maintain

their ascendency by a judicious system of charity and protection.

With this they gratify the disinherited class, and continue to

enjoy its respect. But we cannot see republicans acting as if they

were humble Christians without raising a cry of alarm.

Beware, we repeat, beware! You are educating your children badly,

and taking the wrong path towards reform, in accepting alms. You

will neither emancipate yourselves nor your children if you trust

in the strength of others, and rely on official or private support.

Let the Catholics, ignorant of the realities of life, expect

everything of God, or St. Joseph, or some similar being, and, as

they have no security that their prayers will be heard in this

life, trust to receive a reward after death. Let gamblers in the

lottery fail to see that they are morally and materially victimised

by their rulers, and trust to receive by chance what they do not

earn by energy. But it is sad to see men hold out the hand of a

beggar who are united in a revolutionary protest against the

present system; to see them admitting and giving thanks for

humiliating gifts, instead of trusting their own energy, intellect,

and ability.

Beware, then, all men of good faith! That is not the way to set up

a true education of children, but the way to enslave them.

The Origin and Ideals of the Modern School · 第 16 / 17 章