THE OCCUPATION OF BOSTON
Early in May of 1774 Hutchinson, ostensibly called to England to advise
the king, gave up his offices in Massachusetts. His exile was
approaching. Never again was he to see the fair hill of Milton, nor to
look from its top upon the town and harbor that he loved. The Whigs
exulted over the fall of "the damn'd arch traitor;" yet surely, though
as an official he failed in his task, and as a patriot misread the
temper and the capacity of his countrymen, he commands our pity. Amid
the booming of the cannon which welcomed his successor he prepared for
his departure. Except for his pathetic letters and journals he made no
further mark upon his times or ours. His Milton estate remains, but his
house is gone, and the very street that he lived on bears the name of
Adams, his most persistent enemy.
Hutchinson's successor was Thomas Gage, the first governor sent to
Boston with an army at his back. He was well known in the colonies, for
he had fought well at Braddock's defeat, had married an American wife,
and was courteous and affable. It remained to be seen whether one of his
hesitating temperament could meet the situation. With four regiments he
had undertaken to pacify Massachusetts. He had his four regiments and
more, yet he must occasionally have wondered why he found no more signs
of weakness in the ranks of his opponents.
At this time there were in Boston four chief classes of Whigs. The first
were the ministers, and these for many years had been American to the
core. As the first settlers of Massachusetts, whether Puritan or
Pilgrim, had fled away from prelacy, so their spiritual descendants
still hated the name of bishop. In fact, episcopacy in New England was
still weak, and its greater part was concentrated in Boston itself.
Some few of its ministers preached submission; but they either had to
content themselves with Tory congregations, or lost their pulpits, or
had them boarded up against them. The wiser part was taken by most in
avoiding politics. The sole Congregational minister who supported the
king was Mather Byles, famed for his witticisms, and he likewise
declined to bring into the pulpit any mention of the affairs of the day.
"In the first place," he told those who demanded an expression of his
opinion, "I do not understand politics; in the second place you all do,
every man and mother's son of you; in the third place you have politics
all the week, so pray let one day in the seven be devoted to religion;
in the fourth place I am engaged in work of infinitely greater
importance. Give me any subject to preach on of more consequence than
the truth I bring to you, and I will preach on it next Sabbath."[35]
Gage's support from the pulpit was therefore weak, while at the same
time the opposition from the same source was strong. Those country
ministers who were of the political creed of Sam Adams confessed it each
Sabbath, and desisted not on week days from strengthening the wills of
their congregations. More than that, like their predecessors in older
times, many held chaplaincies in the militia, and on training days
turned out, not only to approve by their presence the object of the
drill, but also to stir the spirit of the homespun soldiery by prayers
to the God of Moses, and of Joshua, and of David. Those in Boston, under
the very nose of the general and in the presence of his soldiery, abated
nothing of their zeal, but preached resistance as before. Gage, as he
looked among them for signs of wavering, could have found very little
comfort.
The lawyers next, like the clergymen, had supplied the Whigs much of
their strength. Surely, up to the present the patriot party had been
distinguished by pliancy and persistence. These characteristics had come
from the lawyers, whose rejoinders and remonstrances, petitions,
resolves, and appeals were familiar professional devices. Yet Gage might
have found hope in these men. For the purpose of all their delays had
been compromise, and their hope was the avoidance of bloodshed. The
lawyers had showed, too, a love of fair play; for while they pressed the
Tories hard, they had also taken the lead in protesting against mob
violence. Again, leading Whig lawyers had defended--and acquitted--the
perpetrators of the Massacre. Possibly such men might be made to see
reason.
A more numerous class than the lawyers was made up of the merchants,
small and large. Some few of these men had made their own way in the
world, yet most of them may almost have been said to have held
hereditary positions in the provincial aristocracy. By far the larger
number of them were Whigs, some of considerable estate, others--like
that John Andrews from whose letters I have already quoted and shall
quote more--were men of moderate means, shrewdly working for a
"competency." Gage, looking forward to the enforcement of the Port
Bill, could see that these men would be hard hit. While they had so far
been firm in the colonial cause, the coming temptation to desert their
party would be very strong. Income, security, and the favor of the king
awaited them.
At the end of this series was the largest class of all, the mechanics.
Until now these men had been eager in their demonstrations against
technical oppression--which yet was technical after all. No Boston Whig
had ever known a tithe of the wrongs of the French peasant or the
Russian serf. No laboring class on earth enjoyed or ever had enjoyed
greater freedom or less hampered prosperity. But with the enforcement of
the Port Bill all this would change. Gage hoped, and the Tories
declared, that the mechanics, so soon as pressure was applied, would
"fall away from the faction."
The first results of the new regime were not promising. To begin with,
on the news of the passage of the Port Bill the Committee of
Correspondence of Boston called a meeting of the committees of the
neighboring towns. This meeting scouted the idea of paying for the tea,
and in a circular letter to the other colonies proposed a general
cessation of trade with Great Britain. Similarly the town meeting of
Boston discussed the situation, pronounced against the Port Bill, and
appealed to all the sister colonies, entreating not to be left to suffer
alone. In more homely language the merchants appealed to their friends.
"Yes, Bill," wrote John Andrews to his brother-in-law in Philadelphia,
"nothing will save us but an entire stoppage of trade, both to England
and the West Indies.... The least hesitancy on your part _to the
Southerd_, and the matter is over."
There was little hesitancy. The suggestion made by the Boston Whigs was
taken up, and the maritime towns, which had been expected to take
advantage of Boston's predicament, began to discontinue trade, not
merely with Great Britain, but also with the West Indies. Then Salem,
which was to be the capital in place of Boston, formally repudiated the
idea of profiting by the situation. The news spread to the other
colonies, and they began to act. New York proposed, and the sister
provinces agreed in, a call for "a general Congress." In less than a
month after the coming of the news of the Port Bill, Boston was assured
that the continent would not leave her to suffer alone.
But then, on the first of June, 1774, the Port Bill went into effect. So
literally was it interpreted, that all carriage by boat in the harbor
was forbidden. No owner of a pasture on the harbor islands might bring
his hay to the town; no goods might be brought across any ferry; not
even carriage by water from wharf to wharf in the town was allowed.
Further, while food and fuel, according to the provisions of the act,
might be brought to Boston by water, all vessels carrying them were
forced to go through troublesome formalities. They must report at the
customs in Salem, unload, load again, and receive a clearance for
Boston. Returning, they might carry enough provision to last them only
to Salem. Besides all this, the Commissioners of Customs at Salem
undertook to decide when Boston had enough provisions. The blockade, as
enforced by them and the ships of war in Boston Harbor, was minutely
complete and vexatious.
Yet at their mildest its provisions were complete enough. Trade by sea
with the town was stopped. Consequently, so maritime were the town's
activities, prosperity was instantly checked. All the workers
immediately dependent on the sea for a living, sailors, wharfingers,
longshoremen, and fishermen, were at once thrown out of employment. Then
by a severe interpretation of the act all ship-building was stopped,
since the authorities declared that, on launching, any boat would be
confiscated. The shipyards shut down, the boats ready to launch were
filled with water "for their preservation,"[36] and ship-carpenters,
calkers, rope-makers, and sailmakers were thrown out of work. Much
misery to the unemployed would have been the result but for the
forethought of the patriot leaders.
These men, early realizing the threatened hardship, called for help from
the rest of the country. The response was prompt. "A special chronicle,"
says Bancroft, "could hardly enumerate all the generous deeds." While
Lord North, fresh from an interview with Hutchinson, cheered the king
with the belief that the province would soon submit, South Carolina was
sending a cargo of provisions in a vessel offered for the purpose by the
owner, and sailed without wages by the captain and her crew. Sheep were
driven into Boston from all New England; provisions of every kind were
brought in; wheat was sent by the French in Quebec; money was subscribed
and sent from the more distant points. All supplies thus received were
put in the hands of a donation committee, who distributed the gifts to
the needy.
Yet in spite of such relief as this, and though for a short time
employment was given to workmen by permitting them to finish, launch,
rig, and send away the ships then on the stocks, the situation was hard
at best. It was felt not only by the lower classes, but by the
merchants, whose profits ceased, and by all who depended for their
income on the current trade and activity of the town. Gossipy John
Andrews gives us the situation as it affected him. "If you'll believe me
(though I have got near two thousand sterling out in debts and about as
much more in stock), I have not received above eighty or ninety pounds
Lawful money from both resources for above two months past; though
previous to the port's being shut, I thought it an ordinary day's work
if I did not carry home from twenty to forty dollars every evening." So
little ready money circulated in the town "that really, Bill, I think
myself well off to satisfy the necessary demands of my family, and you
may as well ask a man for the teeth out of his head as to request the
payment of money that he owes you (either in town or country, for we
are alike affected), for you'll be as likely to get the one as the
other."[37]
Now was, indeed, the time to discover the weak points in the cause and
organization of the Americans. Even strong Whigs were at times
discontented, and chiefly among the middle class, without whom the
leaders could have no strong support. Much of the distress of the
shopkeepers and merchants came from the "Solemn League and Covenant"
which, proposed on the first news of the Port Bill, was now in actual
operation. Andrews's case must have been typical of many. He had
countermanded all goods on the news of the Port Bill, and acquiesced in
the non-importation agreement: "but upon y^e measure not being adopted
by the Southern Colonies, I embraced the first opportunity and
re-ordered about one-fourth part of such goods as I thought would be in
most demand, and behold! in about three or four weeks after that, I
heard of y^e amazing progress the non-consumption agreement had made
through y^e country; which, in my opinion, has serv'd rather to create
dissensions among ourselves than to answer any valuable purpose."
Many of the Tories held the same opinion. Could not the waverers, they
asked Gage, be induced to change their political faith, and especially
could not the leaders be tempted?
Among these leaders the influence of Otis was waning. He had always been
eccentric and unreliable, and now his intellect was threatened. An
assault upon him had nearly ruined both his health and his reason. But
his place had been taken by others. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Joseph
Warren, and John Hancock were the men whose names were oftenest
mentioned. Sinister rumors were frequent that Gage had been directed to
seize them and deport them to England. Whether or not more evidence
against them was needed, no arrest was as yet attempted. Instead, in at
least three quarters there was some hope of corruption.
Warren the general left untempted; it is no small tribute to the
patriot's character that there could be no doubt of his integrity.
Warren was not yet thirty-five years old, was of good social position,
had an excellent practice and an assured future. His temperament was
frank and manly, and so enthusiastic as to be fiery. Once already, on
the anniversary of the Massacre in 1772, he had addressed the town
meeting in condemnation of the government measures; on many other
opportunities, before and since, he had either spoken in public or
expressed his opinions through the press. While no advocate of violence,
he was unreservedly a Whig, and nothing could be made of him. So far as
is known, no attempt was made to corrupt him.
The case of John Adams was different, at least to Tory eyes. He was
ambitious: no one who knew him could doubt that he was conscious of his
own ability. Further, he was poor, with a growing family to support; he
was known, with the troubled times which he clearly foresaw, to be
anxious for his children's future. Surely there was a possibility that
Adams might be wise, and be tempted to the safer course; and fortunately
there was at hand an instrument to induce him to become a Tory. Adams
was the close personal friend of Jonathan Sewall, the king's
attorney-general for the province, and an admirable character. The
chance of distinction, the certainty of prosperity, and the
importunities of such a friend, might in the end persuade Adams.
Of John Hancock it was often argued among the Tories that he might
almost be left to himself. If Adams was ambitious, Hancock was more so;
known to be vain, he was believed to be jealous by nature. With these
weaknesses, he was also instinctively an aristocrat. How long, asked the
Tories, would he continue to consort with men of low social position?
How soon would he rebel at being led by the nose by the wily Adams?
Position and influence were ready for him as soon as he chose to go
over to the king. The bait was always plain, and he might be counted on
eventually to take it.
Even Samuel Adams, so reasoned the advisers of Gage, might be bought.
For Adams was poor. In his devotion to public affairs he had let his
business go to ruin, had seen his money melt away, had even sold off
parts of his own house-lot. His sentiments were, no better known in
Boston than his threadbare clothes. His sole income was from his salary
as clerk of the house of representatives, only a hundred pounds a year.
To the new governor it was the most natural thing in the world to
suppose that the discontent of such a man could soon be removed. He
forgot Hutchinson's words: "Such is the obstinacy and inflexible
disposition of the man, that he never would be conciliated by any office
or gift whatever."[38]
Gage sent, therefore, Colonel Fenton to Adams with offers which would
tempt any man that had a price. No definite knowledge of the
inducements has come down to us: money, place, possibly even a patent of
nobility. We know, however, that they were coupled with a threat in the
form of advice to make his peace with the king. And we can imagine Adams
as, rising from his seat, and standing with the habitual nervous tremor
of head and hands which often led his adversaries to mistake his mettle,
he delivered his fearless reply.
"Sir, I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of kings. No
personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of
my country. Tell Governor Gage that it is the advice of Samuel Adams to
him no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated people!"[39]
And this was in the face of a situation the like of which had never been
known in America. "Notwithstanding which," wrote John Andrews, "there
seems to be ease, contentment, and perfect composure in the countenance
of almost every person you meet in the streets, which conduct very much
perplexes the Governor and others, our lords and masters, that they are
greatly puzzled, and know not what to do or how to act, as they expected
very different behaviour from us."
There is but one explanation of such a state of mind in the Whigs, in
the face of the evidently approaching trial. Their consciences were
clear. This revolution, when finally it came about, was quite within the
spirit of the British Constitution. The Whigs believed they were right,
and had no fear of the consequences. No testimony to their virtues, as
the backbone of a new nation, will speak louder than their present
attitude. External testimony is not hard to quote. "The people of Boston
and Massachusetts Bay," wrote Thomas Hollis but a few weeks before this
time, "are, I suppose, take them as a body, the soberest, most knowing,
virtuous people at this time upon earth." Other English opinion to the
same effect, and French admiration by the chapter, might be quoted. Yet
a truer proof of the quality of the people is to be found in the calm
self-confidence which "very much perplexed" the governor.
One more comment may safely be ventured here. Before two years were over
it was known that Gage, and perhaps even Hutchinson during his
administration, had had the most complete information of the secret
doings of the Whig leaders. In fact, even the deliberations of the
workmen's caucuses must have been known to Gage. That no arrests were
made can mean but one thing: that the Whigs were honest in their
endeavor to work their ends by legal means. Samuel Adams may have
foreseen the eventual outcome, and knowing it to be inevitable may have
striven to make it speedy and complete. But there was no general scheme
for independence, no plot for a revolt. "The Father of the Revolution"
laid his plans in silence, and waited for the ripening of the times.
Gage and his advisers, "greatly puzzled," also watched the crystallizing
of opinion. Of the temper of the Bostonians, although oppressed by the
Port Bill, there could presently be no doubt. Emboldened by the presence
of troops in the town, the Tories called town meetings, first to resolve
to pay for the tea, and then to dismiss the Committee of Correspondence.
These two actions, if taken, would have totally changed the situation.
The meetings were crowded, every courtesy was shown the Tories, and in
the second meeting, since Adams was absent, the Whigs had to be content
with the leadership of Warren. But there was no hesitation in either
case. The first meeting rejected the proposal to pay for the tea. In the
second the discretion of Warren proved equal to his zeal, his management
of the meeting was perfect, and the vote upheld the Committee of
Correspondence by a large majority.
The next action explains the absence of Adams from Boston at such an
important time. According to the new laws, the Assembly met at Salem,
under the eye of the governor and in the presence of his troops. Gage
knew very well that a call had been sent throughout the colonies for an
election of delegates to a general Congress which should deliberate on
the present situation. He had no intention that delegates should be
elected from Massachusetts. He had partisans in the Assembly, and an
informant on the committee to introduce legislation. Every move was
reported to him. Never did Sam Adams dissemble more cleverly. So dull
and spiritless did public matters seem, that Gage's informant thought it
safe to go home on private business. Then Adams acted. Quietly laying
his plans, on the morning of the seventeenth of June, 1774, he locked
the door of the chamber and proposed that the Assembly elect delegates
to the Continental Congress. A Tory pleaded sickness and hurried to Gage
with the news; but the door was again locked, and the business
proceeded. Though the governor sent his secretary with a message
dissolving the Assembly, the secretary knocked in vain. The doors were
not opened until delegates had been elected to the Congress, a tax laid
to pay their expenses, and resolutions passed exhorting the province to
stand firm.
One of the delegates-elect was John Adams. For years he had declined to
hold public office, and had even avoided town meetings. There was now a
natural Tory hope that he might refuse this office; there was even a
last chance to wean him from the Whig cause, for he was presently to
ride on circuit, and there would meet his friend Sewall. When the two
met, the Tory reasoned earnestly, pointing out the irresistible power of
Great Britain. But Adams was ready with his answer. "Sink or swim, live
or die, survive or perish with my country is my unalterable
determination."[40] And so went another hope of the Tories.
The summer of 1774 wore along, with no improvement in the situation.
Rather it became worse. So much time had elapsed without definite news
of the passing of the Regulating Act, that there was hope that the
measure had failed. But early in August came news of its passage, and
with it a list of appointments for the new Council. The appointees were
all chosen from among the Tories, or from those inclined to the king's
side. "It is apprehended," wrote Andrews, "that most of 'em will
accept."
Now at last it was natural to suppose that the Whigs had come to the end
of their resources. Their Assembly was dissolved, a Tory held each
appointive position, Boston was filled with soldiers, and the harbor was
guarded by ships of war. Active opposition to the troops would have been
madness, and it seemed impossible to conduct even the ordinary business
of the town, for now town meetings might legally be called only for the
purpose of electing officers. Yet when Gage called the selectmen before
him, and graciously indicated his willingness to allow meetings for
certain harmless purposes, the reply surprised him. There was no need,
said the selectmen, to ask his permission for a meeting: they had one
in existence already. In fact they had two, the May meeting and the June
meeting, each legally called before the enforcement of the Regulating
Act, and each legally "adjourned" until such time as it was needed. The
technical subterfuge was too much for Gage, and the adjournments
continued in spite of the law.
As the Massachusetts delegates prepared for their journey to
Philadelphia, where the Congress was to be held, there occurred, if we
can believe the story told by John Andrews--it was certainly believed in
Boston at the time--a demonstration of affection for Samuel Adams. "For
not long since some persons (their names unknown) sent and ask'd his
permission to build him a new barn, the old one being decay'd, which was
executed in a few days. A second sent to ask leave to repair his house,
which was thoroughly effected soon. A third sent to beg the favor of him
to call at a taylor's shop and be measur'd for a suit of cloaths and
chuse his cloth, which were finish'd and sent home for his acceptance.
A fourth presented him with a new whig,[41] a fifth with a new Hatt, a
sixth with a pair of the best silk hose, a seventh with six pair of fine
thread ditto, a eighth with six pair shoes, and a ninth modestly
inquired of him whether his finances want rather low than otherways. He
reply'd it was true that was the case, but he was very indifferent about
these matters, so that his _poor_ abilities was of any service to the
Publick; upon which the Gentleman obliged him to accept of a purse
containing about 15 or 20 Johannes." It is possible that these
attentions to Adams grew out of the desire that he, so well known in
Boston that his shabbiness meant nothing, should appear well at the
Congress, where his dress might prejudice others against him. True or
not, this little story has its significance, for, says Andrews to his
correspondent, "I mention this to show you how much he is esteem'd here.
They value him for his _good_ sense, _great_ abilities, _amazing_
fortitude, _noble_ resolution, and _undaunted_ courage: being firm and
unmov'd at all the various reports that were propagated in regard to his
being taken up and sent home,[42] notwithstanding he had repeated
letters from his _friends_, both in England as well as here, to keep out
of the way."
If the governor desired to arrest Adams, he had plenty of opportunity.
There was even a public occasion to take all the delegates together,
when they left the town on their way to Philadelphia. "A very
respectable parade," wrote Andrews, "in sight of five of the Regiments
encamp'd on the Common, being in a coach and four, preceded by two white
servants well mounted and arm'd, with four blacks behind in livery, two
on horseback and two footmen." Perhaps Gage breathed a sigh of relief
with the "brace of Adamses" away, but his real troubles were only
beginning.
Massachusetts would have nothing to do with the newly appointed
officers. The thirty-six councillors, appointed under writ of mandamus,
excited the most indignation. Of the Boston nominees thirteen accepted,
two declined, and four took time to consider; throughout the province
the proportion was about the same. But those who wavered and those who
accepted presently heard from their neighbors. Leonard of Taunton,
hearing of a surprise party mustering from the neighboring towns,
departed hastily for Boston. His father, by promises that he would urge
his son to resign, with difficulty prevailed on the disgusted neighbors
to leave the councillor's property unharmed. In Worcester, Timothy Paine
was taken to the common, and, in the presence of two thousand standing
in military order, he read his declination of his appointment. Ruggles
of Hardwick was warned not to return home; his neighbors swore that he
should never pass the great bridge of the town alive. Murray of Rutland,
like Leonard of Taunton, escaped the attentions of his townspeople, who
scorned the threat of confiscation and death, and demanded his
resignation. "This," wrote his brother to him, "is not the language of
the common people only: those that have heretofore sustained the fairest
character are the warmest in this matter; and, among the many friends
you have heretofore had, I can scarcely mention any to you now."
The people did not always act with violence, but the compulsion which
they put upon their fellow-townsmen was strong. Watson of Plymouth, long
respected in the town, had been appointed by the king to the Council,
and had intended to accept. But when he appeared in church on the
following Sunday, his friends rose and left the meeting-house. In the
face of their scorn he bowed his head over his cane, and resolved to
resign.[43]
More than twenty of the thirty-six councillors either declined their
appointment, or resigned. The rest could find no safety except in
Boston, under the protection of the troops. Even the courts were
prevented from sitting, in one case by the ingenious method of packing
the court-room so solidly with spectators that judge and sheriff could
not enter. Only among the garrison at Boston was there comfort for the
Tory officials.
Boston itself was troublesome enough. When Gage, regarding himself as
"personally affronted" by John Hancock,[44] removed him from command of
the Cadets, the company sent a deputation to Salem and returned him
their standard, declining longer to keep up their customary service as
the governor's body-guard. The governor, vexed, replied that had he
previously known of their intentions, he would have dismissed them
himself.
The town meetings troubled him also. Salem held one under his nose, in
spite of a feint to interrupt them by the soldiers. When he summoned the
committee of correspondence of the town to answer for the meeting, they
were stubborn and defiant, refused to give bail when arrested, and were
consequently--released! Other towns held meetings to elect delegates to
a county convention, and the governor was powerless to stop them.
Although he had many more troops than the four regiments with which he
first declared that he could do so much, he felt his helplessness, and,
cursing the town meetings, waited for more soldiers. He summoned the
remnant of his council to meet in Salem; but the members were afraid to
come, and, departing from his orders, he allowed them to sit in Boston.
And now, as the weeks passed on, even Boston was rumbling with the
thunder of the coming storm. Israel Putnam, having driven to Boston a
flock of sheep, the gift to the poor of Boston from his Connecticut
town, became the lion of the day. Meeting on the Common some of his old
friends in the regular army, they chaffed him on the military situation.
Twenty ships and twenty regiments, they told him, were to be expected if
the country did not submit. "If they come," returned the stanch old
Indian fighter, "I am ready to treat them as enemies."
At length the forms of law failed even in Boston. When the judges
summoned a jury, it not only refused to take oath, but presented a
written protest against the authority on which the court acted. The
judges gave up the attempt in despair, and the governor and his advisers
thought that matters were come to a pretty pass when a mere petit juror
could declare "that his conscience would not let him take oath whiles
Peter Oliver set upon the bench."[45] There was apparently no punishment
to meet such obduracy.
But at last news came to Gage on which he felt compelled to act. Much
powder had been stored in the magazine at Quarry Hill in Charlestown. He
was informed that during August the towns had removed their stock, until
there remained only that which belonged to the province. This stock Gage
determined to secure against possible illegal seizure, by seizing it
himself. On the morning of the first of September, by early daylight,
detachments of troops in boats took the powder to the Castle, and also
secured two cannon from Cambridge. Rumors of violence and bloodshed
spread rapidly, and by nightfall half of New England was in motion,
marching toward Boston.
FOOTNOTES:
[35] Sabine's "Loyalists," 190.
[36] Andrews Letters.
[37] The Andrews Letters, as already noted, are in the Massachusetts
Historical Society's Proceedings for the volume of 1864-1865. I shall
refer to them frequently without quoting pages.
[38] Wells, "Life of Adams," ii, 193.
[39] Wells, "Adams," ii, 193.
[40] Bancroft, edition of 1876, iv, 344. Subsequent references to
Bancroft will be to this edition.
[41] Sic!
[42] Note the use of the word, as meaning England.
[43] I take these facts from Bancroft and the Andrews Letters.
[44] Hancock seems to have practised upon Gage the subterfuge which he
afterwards used with Washington, pretending to be too ill to wait upon
him.
[45] Andrews Letters.