I clearly perceived then that the government of Alexander II introduced
reforms only on paper, only seeking to create the impression that it
desired to better the life of the population. Actually, however, the
government wickedly persecuted every attempt to help the laboring
people to emerge from the darkness into light, to approach knowledge,
to proclaim its own rights.
It was clearly evident, not only in our locality but throughout the
whole of Russia, that the government feared knowledge in the people and
endeavored to keep it in a state of rightless slavery. This compelled
me to seek another path, another way of working in the interest of
my beloved people, and toward the end of the '60s I decided to go to
Russia in search of men with whom to start an illegal struggle, i.e.,
a movement forbidden under the Czar's laws.
For more than two years I wandered about Russia, ever looking for
some revolutionary centre, which could exist only as an underground
organization. Gradually, by changing one kind of work for another,
I penetrated into a rather large organization, which had decided to
get personally in contact with the people, not through books and
proclamations.
At that time the difference between the sea of peasants and the little
lake of intellectuals was so great that they were, entirely ignorant of
one another. Besides, the moujik's suspicion of any person bearing the
appearance of a "gentleman" was so deeply rooted that it was impossible
to carry to the peasant and labor midst any message and retain the
dress of the gentry. It was necessary to change the appearance from
foot to head, to look a perfect plebeian.
I put on a peasant dress, threw a bag across my shoulder, obtained a
stick and set out to tramp. Although I did not tramp the country long,
only one summer, yet I succeeded in visiting many villages, and nowhere
did I meet with distrust. The peasants eagerly listened to my talks and
those of my comrades. We told them that the land ought not belong to
the few; that it should be placed in possession of all the people, of
all those who wish to toil on it; that there ought not be such a system
which permits the selling, mortgaging, buying and renting of thousands
of acres by a few hands, while people were starving nearby because they
lacked the land from which to obtain bread. The peasants would agree
with us and also say that the land ought to belong to those who labor
on it, who till it.
We would also tell them that the landlords were oppressing the people;
that they had seized all the government in their hands; that the
bureaucracy was fraternizing with the landlords, hindering the people
from living a free life. In this the peasants would also agree with us.
We had difficulty only talking about one subject, the Czar. We tried to
explain to the peasants that the Czar was acting concertedly with the
nobility and bureaucracy, that he it was who was the chief oppressor of
the people. But the peasants would not want to believe it. They were so
distant in those days from understanding state affairs, being unable to
read, because of general illiteracy, and lacking fundamental knowledge,
that they had no idea how much evil the Czarist form of government had
done to the nation.
The peasants trusted the Czar; they were convinced that the Czar was
a kind master of Russia who had to maintain an army to defend her
from enemies, and that the peasants had to till the land, pay taxes,
for the maintenance of the army. They thought that the Czar loved his
people and took care of them, and, if officials did oppress the people
sometimes, it was due to the fact that they deceived the Czar. And if
the Czar were only to learn the whole truth he would drive out the
officials and again become a loving father to his people.