I inquired concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report was

true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were used only in

particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself

disposed to marry, he informed the elders of his class, who consulted

the elder ladies that governed the young women. As these elders of the

different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions

of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were

suitable, and their judgments were generally acquiesced in; but if,

for example, it should happen that two or three young women were found

to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to.

I objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the

parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so they

may," answered my informer, "if you let the parties choose for

themselves;" which, indeed, I could not deny.

Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on

swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty

generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chosen

their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law.

Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to

spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those

endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my "Dialogue;"

however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him

enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such

cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment,

which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we

paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of

artillery, who had been furnished with six brass fieldpieces,[183]

which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times

in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me

to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my

door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical

apparatus. And my new honor proved not much less brittle; for all our

commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England.

During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a

journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their

heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as

far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came

to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their

uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I

should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of

state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrined at their

appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it

worse was that as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and

rode with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this

to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had

been paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors, and

he said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal; which may be

true for aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the

etiquette in such cases.

This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancor against me,

which was before not a little on account of my conduct in the Assembly

respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had

always opposed very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his

meanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused me to the

ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service,

preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills

for raising money; and he instanced this parade with my officers as a

proof of my having an intention to take the government of the province

out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener,

the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no

other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.

Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the

House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still

subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and

we never had any personal difference. I have sometimes since thought

that his little or no resentment against me for the answers it was

known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of professional

habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as

merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the

proprietaries and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes

call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and

sometimes, though not often, take my advice.

We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with provisions; and

when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in

haste for me to consult with him on measures for preventing the

desertion of the back counties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I

think it was that Dunbar should be written to, and prevailed with, if

possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their protection,

till, by reënforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed

on the expedition. And, after my return from the frontier, he would

have had me undertake the conduct of such an expedition with

provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his

men being otherwise employed; and he proposed to commission me as

general. I had not so good an opinion of my military abilities as he

professed to have, and I believe his professions must have exceeded

his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity

would facilitate the raising of the men, and my influence in Assembly,

the grant of money to pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the

proprietary estate. Finding me not so forward to engage as he

expected, the project was dropped, and he soon after left the

government, being superseded by Captain Denny.

Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under

this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give

some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.

[Footnote 158: In 1752 the French began connecting their settlements

on the Lakes and on the Mississippi by a chain of forts on the Ohio.

The English warned off the intruders upon what they deemed their

territory, and sent General Braddock to the colonists' aid. War was

declared in 1756.]

[Footnote 159: A French fort upon the west side of Lake Champlain.]

[Footnote 160: That is, he was born in Boston.]

[Footnote 161: The estate of the Penn family.]

[Footnote 162: Through which the people loaned money to the government.]

[Footnote 163: A tax or duty on certain home productions.]

[Footnote 164: Gun carriages, transport wagons, etc.]

[Footnote 165: Of the government at London, as on p. 147.]

[Footnote 166: "Per diem," i.e., a day, or per day.]

[Footnote 167: Disinterested.]

[Footnote 168: A member of the light cavalry.]

[Footnote 169: "Carrying horses," i.e., carrying packs or burdens upon

the back.]

[Footnote 170: Junior and subordinate officers.]

[Footnote 171: Muscovado sugar is brown sugar.]

[Footnote 172: Upon the site of this fort Pittsburg is built. The French

were also fortified at Niagara and at Frontenac on Lake Ontario.]

[Footnote 173: The historian and philosopher. He was born in 1711 and

died in 1776.]

[Footnote 174: "Bought servants," i.e., those whose service had been

bought for a term of years (see Note 2, p. 69).]

[Footnote 175: This dialogue and the militia act are in the

Gentleman's Magazine for February and March, 1756.]

[Footnote 176: Fifty-five miles north of Philadelphia.]

[Footnote 177: Relieved one another in military duty.]

[Footnote 178: The exact location is not known.]

[Footnote 179: The powder used to fire the charge. It was ignited by a

spark from the flintlock.]

[Footnote 180: Pole.]

[Footnote 181: "Swivel gun," i.e., a gun turning upon a swivel or

pivot in any direction.]

[Footnote 182: Fund.]

[Footnote 183: Light cannon mounted on carriages.]

§ 9. THE PHILADELPHIA EXPERIMENTS.

In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately

arrived from Scotland, and showed me some electric experiments. They

were imperfectly performed, as he was not very expert; but, being on a

subject quite new to me, they equally surprised and pleased me. Soon

after my return to Philadelphia, our library company received from Mr.

Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass

tube, with some account of the use of it in making such experiments. I

eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had seen at Boston;

and, by much practice, acquired great readiness in performing those,

also, which we had an account of from England, adding a number of new

ones. I say much practice, for my house was continually full, for some

time, with people who came to see these new wonders.

To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number

of similar tubes to be blown at our glasshouse, with which they

furnished themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among

these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who,

being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments

for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments

were ranged in such order, and accompanied with such explanations in

such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending the

following. He procured an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which

all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely

formed by instrument makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave

great satisfaction; and after some time he went through the colonies,

exhibiting them in every capital town, and picked up some money. In the

West India islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could

be made, from the general moisture of the air.

Obliged as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc.,

I thought it right he should be informed of our success in using it,

and wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments.

He got them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first

thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their "Transactions."

One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of

lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of

mine, and one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word

that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The

papers, however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too

much value to be stifled, and advised the printing of them. Mr.

Collinson then gave them to Cave[184] for publication in his

"Gentleman's Magazine;" but he chose to print them separately in a

pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged

rightly for his profit, for, by the additions that arrived afterward,

they swelled to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost

him nothing for copy money.[185]

It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice

of in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the

Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in

France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M.[186]

Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed at

Paris. The publication offended the Abbé[187] Nollet, preceptor in

natural philosophy to the royal family and an able experimenter, who

had formed and published a theory of electricity which then had the

general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work came

from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies at

Paris, to decry his system. Afterward, having been assured that there

really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had

doubted, he wrote and published a volume of "Letters," chiefly

addressed to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my

experiments, and of the positions deduced from them.

I once purposed answering the abbé, and actually began the answer;

but, on consideration that my writings contained a description of

experiments which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be

verified, could not be defended; or of observations offered as

conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me

under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute

between two persons writing in different languages might be lengthened

greatly by mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another's

meaning, much of one of the abbé's letters being founded on an error

in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for themselves,

believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from public

business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those

already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave

me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend M. le Roy, of the

Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him, my book

was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin languages, and the

doctrine it contained was by degrees universally adopted by the

philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbé; so that he

lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur B----, of

Paris, his _élève_[188] and immediate disciple.

What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity was the

success of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard

and De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This

engaged the public attention everywhere. M. de Lor, who had an

apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectured in that branch of

science, undertook to repeat what he called the "Philadelphia

experiments," and, after they were performed before the king and

court, all the curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell

this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the

infinite pleasure I received in the success of a similar one I made

soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the

histories of electricity.

Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend who

was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my

experiments[n] were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder

that my writings had been so little noticed in England. The society,

on this, resumed the consideration of the letters that had been read

to them; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of

them, and of all I had afterward sent to England on the subject, which

he accompanied with some praise of the writer. This summary was then

printed in their "Transactions;" and some members of the society in

London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified

the experiment of procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed

rod,[189] and acquainting them with the success, they soon made me

more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me.

Without my having made any application for that honor, they chose me a

member, and voted that I should be excused the customary payments,

which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas, and ever since have

given me their "Transactions" gratis. They also presented me with the

gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of

which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president, Lord

Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honored.

Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the

before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to

me at an entertainment given him by the city. He accompanied it with

very polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been

long acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as

was customary at that time, were engaged in drinking, he took me aside

into another room, and acquainted me that he had been advised by his

friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was

capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most

effectually to the making his administration easy; that he therefore

desired of all things to have a good understanding with me, and he

begged me to be assured of his readiness on all occasions to render me

every service that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of

the proprietor's good disposition toward the province, and of the

advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the

opposition that had been so long continued to his measures was

dropped, and harmony restored between him and the people; in effecting

which it was thought no one could be more serviceable than myself, and

I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, etc. The

drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us

a decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in

proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises.

My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God,

were such as to make proprietary favors unnecessary to me; and that,

being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any;

that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that,

whenever the public measures he proposed should appear to be for the

good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more

zealously than myself, my past opposition having been founded on this,

that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to

serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the

people; that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his

professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on everything in

my power to make his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the

same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate

instructions his predecessor had been hampered with.

On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterward came to

do business with the Assembly, they appeared again, the disputes were

renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the

penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the

instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in

the votes of the time, and in the "Historical Review" I afterward

published. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often

together. He was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was

very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first

information that my old friend James Ralph was still alive; that he

was esteemed one of the best political writers in England; had been

employed in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had

obtained a pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation was

indeed small as a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the

"Dunciad," but his prose was thought as good as any man's.

The Assembly, finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted in

manacling their deputies[190] with instructions inconsistent not only

with the privileges of the people but with the service of the Crown,

resolved to petition the king against them, and appointed me their

agent to go over to England to present and support the petition. The

House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of sixty

thousand pounds for the king's use, (ten thousand pounds of which was

subjected to the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun,) which the

governor absolutely refused to pass, in compliance with his

instructions.

[Footnote 184: The publisher, Edward Cave (1691-1754), was the founder

of the Gentleman's Magazine, the earliest literary journal of the kind.]

[Footnote 185: "Copy money," i.e., money paid for the copy or article.]

[Footnote 186: Monsieur.]

[Footnote 187: A title formerly assumed in France by a class of men

who had slight connections with the church, and were employed as

teachers or engaged in some literary pursuit.]

[Footnote 188: Pupil.]

[Footnote 189: The iron rod was on the kite which Franklin flew in a

thunderstorm in 1752. A hemp cord conducted the electricity to a key

near his hand, and from this he received the shock which proved the

truth of his theory that lightning and electricity are one and the

same.]

[Footnote 190: See Note 2, p. 151.]

§ 10. MISSION TO ENGLAND.

I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the packet[191] at New York, for

my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arrived

at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an

accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his Majesty's

service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he

desired the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what

was to be said on both sides. We met and discussed the business. In

behalf of the Assembly, I urged all the various arguments that may be

found in the public papers of that time, which were of my writing, and

are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded

his instructions, the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin

if he disobeyed, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord

Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not choose to do,

though I once thought I had nearly prevailed with him to do it; but

finally he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly, and he

entreated me to use my endeavors with them for that purpose, declaring

that he would spare none of the king's troops for the defense of our

frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to provide for that

defense ourselves, they must remain exposed to the enemy.

I acquainted the House with what had passed, and, presenting them with

a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we

did not relinquish our claims to those rights, but only suspended the

exercise of them on this occasion through force, against which we

protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another,

conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the

governor passed, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage.

But, in the mean time, the packet had sailed with my sea stores, which

was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lordship's thanks

for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling

to his share.

He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching

the packet boats was at his disposition, and there were two then

remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I

requested to know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any

delay of mine. His answer was: "I have given out that she is to sail

on Saturday next; but I may let you know, _entre nous_,[192] that if

you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay

longer." By some accidental hindrance at a ferry, it was Monday noon

before I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the

wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the information that she

was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day.

One would imagine that I was now on the very point of departing for

Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his

lordship's character, of which indecision was one of the strongest

features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of

April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June

before we sailed. There were then two of the packet boats, which had

been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters, which

were always to be ready to-morrow. Another packet arrived; she too was

detained; and, before we sailed, a fourth was expected. Ours was the

first to be dispatched, as having been there longest. Passengers were

engaged in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the

merchants uneasy about their letters and the orders they had given for

insurance (it being war time) for fall goods; but their anxiety

availed nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet

whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and

concluded he must needs write abundantly.

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