sterilitatem à strigibus et maleficis diabolicâ invidiâ
causari; tota patria in extictionem maleficarum
insurrexit” (as quoted from the autograph MS. in the Trier
Stadt-Bibliothek by G. L. Burr, The Fate of Dietrich Flade,
p. 51, Papers of the American Historical Association, V).
[125] “Incredibile vulgi apud Germanos, & maxime (quod
pudet dicere) Catholicos superstitio, invidia, calumniæ,
detractationes, susurrationes & similia, quæ nec
Magistratus punit, nee concionatores arguunt, suspicionem
magiæ primum excitant. Omnes divinaæ punitiones, quas
in sacris literis Deus minatus est, à Sagis sunt. Nihil
jam amplius Deus facit aut natura, sed Sagæ omnia. 2.
Unde impetu omnes clamant ut igitur inquirat Magistratus
in Sagas, quas non nisi ipsi suis linguis tot fecerunt”
(Cautio Criminalis, seu de Processibus contra Sagas Liber,
2d ed., 1695, pp. 387-388; cf. Dubium xv, pp. 67-68, Dubium
xxxiv, pp. 231-232). Spee’s book came out anonymously in
1631, and, unlike most works on this side of the question,
had immediate results. Spee had no doubt of the existence
of witchcraft (Dubium i, pp. 1 ff., Dubium iii, pp. 7-8);
his experience, however, had taught him that most of those
condemned were innocent.
[126] The case is reported in A True and Impartial Relation
of the Informations against Three Witches [etc.], 1682,
which is reprinted in Howell’s State Trials, VIII, 1017 ff.
[127] Autobiography, chap. x, ed. Jessopp, 1887, pp.
131-132. North gives a similar account of the same trial,
with some general observations of great interest, in his
Life of the Lord Keeper Guilford, I, 267-269 (ed. 1826). It
is not clear whether North was present at the trial or not.
It is important to notice that North wrote his biographies
late in life and that his death did not take place until
1736, the year in which the statute against witchcraft was
repealed.
[128] North remarks that Guilford (then Francis North,
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas) “had really a concern
upon him at what happened; which was, that his brother
Raymond’s passive behavior should let those poor women die”
(Life of the Lord Keeper Guilford, I, 267). Raymond was, to
be sure, the judge who presided at the trial, but Francis
North cannot be allowed to have all the credit which his
brother Roger would give him, for he refused to reprieve
the convicted witches (see his letter, quoted at p. 34,
above).
[129] The following pamphlets (all in the Harvard
College Library) appeared in London in 1712: (1) A Full
and Impartial Account of the Discovery of Sorcery and
Witchcraft, practis’d by Jane Wenham of Walkerne in
Hertfordshire; (2) The Case of the Hertfordshire Witchcraft
consider’d. Being an Examination of a Book, entitl’d, A
Full and Impartial Account [etc.]; (3) The Impossibility
of Witchcraft ... In which the Depositions against Jane
Wenham ... are Confuted and Expos’d; (4) The Belief of
Witchcraft Vindicated ... in Answer to a late Pamphlet,
Intituled, The Impossibility of Witchcraft. By G. R. A.
M.; (5) A Defense of the Proceedings against Jane Wenham.
By Francis Bragge; (6) Witchcraft Farther Display’d; (7)
A Full Confutation of Witchcraft: more particularly of
the Depositions against Jane Wenham ... In a Letter from
a Physician in Hertfordshire, to his Friend in London.
The first and fifth of these pamphlets are by Bragge, a
Cambridge graduate who gave evidence for the prosecution.
See also Memoirs of Literature, London, 1722, IV, 357;
Wright, Narratives of Sorcery and Witchcraft, II, 319 ff.
Jane Wenham lived nearly twenty years after her trial; she
died in 1730 (Clutterbuck, History and Antiquities of the
County of Hertford, II, 461; W. B. Gerish, A Hertfordshire
Witch, p. 10).
[130] I refer to such remarks as the following:--“As
the devil lost his empire among us in the last age, he
exercised it with greater violence among the Indian
Pawwaws, and our New England colonists” (Richard Gough,
British Topography, 1780, II, 254, note ᵖ); “The colonists
of [Massachusetts] appear to have carried with them, in an
exaggerated form, the superstitious feelings with regard
to witchcraft which then [at the time of the settlement]
prevailed in the mother country” (Introduction to the
reprint of Cotton Mather’s Wonders of the Invisible World,
in the Library of Old Authors, 1862); “In the dark and
dangerous forests of America the animistic instinct, the
original source of the superstition, operated so powerfully
in Puritan minds that Cotton Mather’s _Wonders of the
Invisible World_ and the Salem persecution surpassed
in credulity and malignity anything the mother country
could show” (Ferris Greenslet, Joseph Glanvill, New York,
1900, pp. 150-151); “The new world, from the time of its
settlement, has been a kind of health resort for the
worn-out delusions of the old.... For years prior to the
Salem excitement, European witchcraft had been prostrate on
its dying bed, under the watchful and apprehensive eyes of
religion and of law; carried over the ocean it arose to its
feet, and threatened to depopulate New England” (George M.
Beard, The Psychology of the Salem Witchcraft Excitement,
New York, 1882, p. 1).
[131] Narratives of Sorcery and Magic, II, 284.
[132] Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, New Series,
V, 267.
[133] F. Legge, Witchcraft in Scotland, in The Scottish
Review, October, 1891, XVIII, 263.
[134] On modern savages as devil worshippers, see, for
example, Henry More, Divine Dialogues, 1668, I, 404 ff.
(Dialogue iii, sections 15-16).
[135] Magnalia, book i, chap. i, §2, ed. 1853, I. 42; book
vi, chap. vi, §3, III, 436; Jesuit Relations, ed. Thwaites,
I, 286; II, 76; VIII, 124, 126. See also Thomas Morton,
New English Canaan, 1637, chap. ix, ed. Adams, (Prince
Society), p. 150, with the references in Mr. Adams’s note.
Cf. Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, chap. vi, ed.
1795, I, 419 ff.; Diary of Ezra Stiles, June 13, 1773, ed.
Dexter, I, 385-386.
[136] Mayhew’s letter of Oct. 22, 1652, in Eliot and
Mayhew’s Tears of Repentance, 1653 (Mass. Hist. Soc.
Collections, 3d Series, IV, 203-206); Gookin, Historical
Collections of the Indians in New England (Mass. Hist.
Soc. Collections, I, 154). See the references in Mr.
Adams’s note to Morton’s New English Canaan, Prince
Society edition, p. 152, and compare the following places
in the Eliot Tracts (as reprinted in the Mass. Hist. Soc.
Collections, 3d Series, IV),--pp. 17, 19-20, 39, 50-51,
55-57, 77, 82, 113-116, 133-134, 156, 186-187. See, for
the impression that Indian ceremonies made on a devout man
in 1745, David Brainerd’s Journal, Mirabilia Dei inter
Indicos, Philadelphia, [1746,] pp. 49-57:--“I sat,” writes
Brainerd, “at a small Distance, not more than Thirty Feet
from them, (tho’ undiscover’d) with my Bible in my Hand,
resolving if possible to spoil their Sport, and prevent
their receiving any Answers from the _infernal_ world” (p.
50).
[137] Gookin, Historical Collections (Mass. Hist. Soc.
Collections, I, 154); Mass. Records, ed. Shurtleff, II,
177; III, 98.
[138] The Most Strange and Admirable Discoverie of the
Three Witches of Warboys, 1593, sig. B2 rᵒ. P vᵒ.
[139] Thomas Potts, The Wonderfull Discoverie of Witches,
1613 (Chetham Society reprint, sig. S); The Arraignment and
Triall of Iennet Preston, of Gisborne in Craven, in the
Countie of York, London, 1612 (in same reprint, sig. Y 2).
[140] Mary Smith’s case, Alexander Roberts, A Treatise of
Witchcraft, 1616, pp. 52, 56, 57; the Husband’s Bosworth
case, Letter of Alderman Robert Heyrick, of Leicester, July
18, 1616, printed in Nichols, History and Antiquities of
the County of Leicester, II, 471*.
[141] Edward Fairfax, Dæmonologia, 1621 (first edited by W.
Grainge, Harrogate, 1882).
[142] Chetham Society Publications, V, lxiv.
[143] A True and Exact Relation of the Severall
Informations, [etc.] of the late Witches, London, 1645, p.
20; T. B. Howell. State Trials, IV. 846.
[144] Depositions from the Castle of York, [edited by James
Raine,] Surtees Society, 1861 (Publications, XL), pp. 28-30.
[145] The same, p. 58.
[146] The same, pp. 64-65, 67.
[147] Glanvill, Saducismus Triumphatus, ed. 1682,
Relations, pp. 96, 98, 100 (ed. 1726, pp. 286, 288, 289).
[148] York Depositions, p. 82.
[149] The same, pp. 88-89. 92.
[150] The same, pp. 112-114; Glanvill, ed. 1682, pp.
160-161 (ed. 1726, pp. 328-329).
[151] A Tryal of Witches ... at Bury St. Edmonds ... 1664,
London, 1682, pp. 18, 20, 23, 26, 29, 34, 38 (Sir Matthew
Hale’s case); York Depositions, pp. 124-125.
[152] Glanvill, ed. 1682, pp. 103-104, 109 (ed. 1726, p.
291).
[153] Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1667-1668,
p. 4; York Depositions, p. 154.
[154] York Depositions, p. 176.
[155] Ann Tilling’s case, Gentleman’s Magazine for 1832,
Part I, CII, 489 ff.; Inderwick, Side-Lights on the
Stuarts, 2d ed., 1891, pp. 171-172, 191.
[156] York Depositions, pp. 192, 202-203.
[157] The same, p. 247.
[158] Margaret Stothard’s case, The Monthly Chronicle of
North-Country Lore and Legend, [II] 1888, p. 395.
[159] See page 54.
[160] F. Hutchinson, Historical Essay, 1718, pp. 44-45 (ed.
1720, pp. 61-62). There is a very interesting account of
the second of these trials (that of Elizabeth Horner or
Turner) in a letter to the Bishop of Exeter from Archdeacon
(?) Blackburne, who attended at the bishop’s request.
This letter, dated Sept. 14, 1696, has been printed by
Mr. T. Quiller-Couch in Notes and Queries, 1st Series,
XI, 498-499, and again in Brand’s Popular Antiquities,
ed. Hazlitt, III, 103-104. The spectral evidence comes
out clearly. Of Holt, Blackburne remarks: “My Lord Chief
Justice by his questions and manner of summing up the
Evidence seem’d to me to believe nothing of witchery at
all.”
[161] Chap. 160, sec. 5, p. 384. “The court justified
themselves from books of law, and the authorities of Keble,
Dalton and other lawyers, then of the first character,
who lay down rules of conviction as absurd and dangerous,
as any which were practiced in New England.” Hutchinson,
History of Massachusetts, ed. 1795, II, 27.
[162] James Burvile testified “That hearing the Scratchings
and Noises of Cats, he went out, and saw several of them;
that one of them had a Face like _Jane Wenham_; that he
was present several Times when _Anne Thorn_ said she saw
Cats about her Bed; and more he would have attested, but
this was thought sufficient by the Court” ([F. Bragge,]
A Full and Impartial Account of the Discovery of Sorcery
and Witchcraft, practis’d by Jane Wenham, London, 1712,
p. 29). After the conviction of the witch, Ann was still
afflicted: “_Ann Thorn_ continues to be frequently troubl’d
with the Apparition either of _Jane Wenham_ in her own
Shape, or that of a Cat, which speaks to her, and tempts
her to destroy her self with a Knife that it brings along
with it” ([Bragge,] Witchcraft Farther Display’d, 1712,
Introduction). In 1711 spectral evidence was admitted at
the trial of eight witches at Carrickfergus, in Ireland (A
Narrative of some Strange Events that took place in Island
Magee, and Neighbourhood, in 1711, by an Eye Witness,
Belfast, 1822, Appendix, pp. 49-50).
[163] A Tryal of Witches, as above, p. 40.
[164] “The Judge and all the Court were fully satisfied
with the Verdict” (A Tryal, etc., p. 58).
[165] For a learned discussion of spectral evidence see J.
B. Thayer, Atlantic Monthly, April, 1890, LXV, 471 ff.
[166] Dr. Hutchinson, who acknowledges his indebtedness to
Holt, mentions six witches as tried by the Chief Justice
from 1691 to 1696, and adds, “Several others in other
Places, about Eleven in all, have been tried for Witches
before my Lord Chief Justice _Holt_, and have all been
acquitted. The last of them was _Sarah Morduck_, accused
by _Richard Hathaway_, and tried at _Guilford_ Assize,
_Anno_ 1701” (Historical Essay, 2d ed., pp. 58-63). It is
not clear whether the “eleven in all” includes the seven
previously mentioned. On the Morduck-Hathaway case, cf.
Howell, State Trials, XIV, 639 ff.
[167] Drake, Annals of Witchcraft in New England, pp. 136,
138.
[168] Compare Mr. Goodell’s remarks on the reversal of
attainder, in his Reasons for Concluding that the Act of
1711 became a Law, 1884. I have not considered here the
bearing of this reversal, or of the attempt to pay damages
to the survivors or their heirs, because these things
came somewhat later. It must be noted, however, that all
such measures of reparation, whatever may be thought of
their sufficiency, were unexampled in the history of witch
trials the world over, and that they came before the last
condemnation for witchcraft in England (1712). See the
references appended by Mr. Goodell to the Act of 1703 in
The Acts and Resolves of the Province of the Massachusetts
Bay, VI, 49-50.
[169] See p. 17, above.
[170] Legge, as above, p. 264.
[171] 2d ed., 1720.
[172] P. 83; 2d ed., p. 108.
[173] See W. F. Poole, in Winsor’s Memorial History of
Boston, II, 133. Dr. Poole finds twelve executions in New
England before 1692. This makes the total for all New
England, from 1620 to the present day, 34 (including two
who died in jail). Cf. C. W. Upham, Salem Witchcraft,
Boston, 1867, II, 351; S. G. Drake, Annals of Witchcraft,
pp. 191 ff. In this part of my paper I have made a few
quotations from a book of my own, The Old Farmer and his
Almanack (Boston, 1904).
[174] “They were the first of all people,” writes Mr.
Goodell, “to escape the thraldom” (Reasons for Concluding
that the Act of 1711 became a Law, 1884, p. 21).
[175] See Francis Hutchinson, Historical Essay, 2d edition,
1720, pp. 45 ff.
[176] John Stearne, Hopkins’s associate, speaks of what
he has himself “learned and observed since the 25. of
March 1645 as being in part an agent in finding out or
discovering some of those since that time, being about two
hundred in number, in Essex, Suffolke, Northamptonshire,
Huntingtonshire, Bedfordshire, Norfolke, Cambridgeshire,
and the Isle of Ely in the County of Cambridge, besides
other places, justly and deservedly executed upon
their legall tryalls” (A Confirmation and Discovery of
Witch-craft, London, 1648, To the Reader). Stearne wrote
his book after the death of Hopkins, which took place
in 1647. In the life of Hopkins in the Dictionary of
National Biography, the Witch-Finder is said to have
begun operations in 1644. This is a manifest error.
Hopkins himself (Discovery of Witches, 1647, p. 2, see
below) says that his experiences began at Manningtree “in
_March_ 1644,” but Stearne’s statement makes it clear
that this is Old Style, for Stearne was also concerned
in the Manningtree business, and the year is completely
established by the report of the proceedings,--A True
and Exact Relation of the several Informations [etc.] of
the late Witches, London, 1645 (cf. T. B. Howell’s State
Trials, IV, 817 ff.). The traditional statement that
Hopkins was hanged as a wizard (cf. Hudibras, Part ii,
canto 3, 11. 139 ff.) is disproved by the following passage
in Stearne: “I am certain (not-withstanding whatsoever hath
been said of him) he died peaceably at Manningtree, after a
long sicknesse of a Consumption, as many of his generation
had done before him, without any trouble of conscience for
what he had done, as was falsly reported of him” (p. 61).
For the record of his burial, Aug. 12, 1647, see Notes and
Queries, 1st Series, X, 285. The notion that Hopkins was
“swum” and, since he floated, was subsequently hanged,
most likely originated in a document criticising his
performances which was brought before the Norfolk judges in
1646 or (more probably) in 1647. Hopkins printed a reply to
this document shortly before his death,--The Discovery of
Witches: in Answer to severall Queries, lately delivered
to the Judges of Assize for the County of Norfolk. And now
published by Matthew Hopkins, Witch-finder (London, 1647).
The first “query,” as printed by Hopkins, was this:--“That
he must needs be the greatest Witch, Sorcerer, and
Wizzard himselfe, else hee could not doe it.” Cf. Wright,
Narratives of Sorcery and Magic, II, 145 ff.; Lives of
Twelve Bad Men, edited by Thomas Seccombe, London, 1894,
p. 64; Ady, A Candle in the Dark, 1656, pp. 101-102; James
Howell, as above (p. 8, note 7); Gough, British Topography,
1780, II, 254.
[177] Legge, Scottish Review, XVIII, 273-274. Ady (A
Candle in the Dark, 1656, p. 105) says: “A little before
the Conquest of _Scotland_ (as is reported upon good
intelligence) the Presbytery of _Scotland_ did, by their
own pretended authority, take upon them to Summon, Convent,
Censure, and Condemn people to cruel death for Witches and
(as is credibly reported) they caused four thousand to be
executed by Fire and Halter, and had as many in prison
to be tried by them, when God sent his conquering Sword
to suppress them.” The “conquest” to which Ady refers
is Cromwell’s in 1650. It is well known that from 1640
to Cromwell’s invasion, witch prosecution ran riot in
Scotland, but that during his supremacy there were very few
executions in that country (see Legge, pp. 266-267). Cf. p.
8, note 6, above.
[178] Die praktischen Folgen des Aberglaubens, p. 34.
[179] Soldan, Geschichte der Hexenprozesse, ed. Heppe, I,
492.
[180] Dæmonolatreia, Lugduni, 1595.
[181] See p. 42, above.
[182] Soldan, Geschichte der Hexenprozesse, ed. Heppe, II,
38 ff.
[183] See the extraordinary enumeration in Roskoff,
Geschichte des Teufels, Leipzig, 1869, II, 293 ff.; cf. S.
Riezler, Geschichte der Hexenprozesse in Bayern, pp. 141
ff., 283 ff.
[184] Potts, The Wonderfull Discoverie of Witches, 1613
(Chetham Society reprint).
[185] Matthew Hopkins, Discovery of Witches, 1647, p. 3.
[186] John Stearne, A Confirmation and Discovery of
Witchcraft, 1648, p. 14.
[187] Wright, Narratives of Sorcery and Magic, Chap. xxv.
[188] Memorials, 1732, p. 163.
[189] Page 450.
[190] A Relation of the Diabolical Practices of above
Twenty Wizards and Witches, 1697; Sadducismus Debellatus,
1698; A History of the Witches of Renfrewshire, 1877. A
seventh committed suicide in prison.
[191] An Account of the Tryals, Examination and
Condemnation, of Elinor Shaw, and Mary Phillips [etc.],
London [1705]; The Northamptonshire Witches. Being a true
and faithful Account of the Births [etc.] of Elinor Shaw,
and Mary Phillips, (The two notorious Witches) That were
executed at Northampton on Saturday, March the 17th,
1705.... Communicated in a Letter last Post, from Mr. Ralph
Davis, of Northampton ... London, 1705. The first tract is
dated March 8, 1705; the second, March 18th, 1705. Both are
signed “Ralph Davis.” I have used the reprints by Taylor &
Son, Northampton, 1866. On this case, see [F. Marshall,]
A Brief History of Witchcraft, with Especial Reference
to Northamptonshire, Northampton, 1866, pp. 13-15, 16;
Notes and Queries, 7th Series, IX, 117; Northamptonshire
Notes and Queries II, 19; Eugene Teesdale, in Bygone
Northamptonshire, edited by William Andrews, 1891, pp.
114-115; Gough, British Topography, 1780, II, 46.
[192] See p. 48, above. This was the last conviction for
witchcraft, and probably the last trial, in England. Mrs.
Mary Hickes and her daughter are said by Gough (British
Topography, 1780, I, 439, II, 254, note) to have been
executed for witchcraft on July 28, 1716, at Huntingdon.
Gough cites a contemporary pamphlet as authority. The
genuineness of this case is doubted (see Notes and Queries,
1st Series, V, 514; 2d Series, V, 503-504), but Mr. F. A.
Inderwick argues for its acceptance (Side-Lights on the
Stuarts, 2d ed., 1891, pp. 177-180), and it has certainly
never been disproved. The alleged executions at Northampton
in 1712 are certainly based on a slip of the pen in Gough,
British Topography, 1780, II, 52; the cases actually
occurred in 1612, and an account of them may be found in a
tract (The Witches of Northamptonshire) published in that
year, and reprinted by Taylor & Son, Northampton, 1867.
See also Thomas Sternberg, The Dialect and Folk-Lore of
Northamptonshire, London, 1851, p. 152; F. Marshall, A
Brief History of Witchcraft, Northampton, 1866, p. 16.
[193] That is, Francis Bragge, who was also a clergyman,
being Curate of Biggleswade according to Mr. W. B. Gerish
(A Hertfordshire Witch, p. 8).
[194] Commentaries, book iv, chap. 4, sec. 6 (4th ed.,
1770, IV, 60-61); cf. Dr. Samuel A. Green, Groton in the
Witchcraft Times, 1883, p. 29. In 1715 and 1716 there
appeared, in London, A Compleat History of Magick, Sorcery,
and Witchcraft, in two volumes, which asserted the truth,
and gave the particulars, of a long line of such phenomena,
from the case of the Witches of Warboys (in 1592) to the
Salem Witchcraft itself. The book was the occasion of Dr.
Francis Hutchinson’s Historical Essay, published in 1718,
and in a second edition in 1720. Richard Boulton, the
author of the Compleat History, returned to the charge in
1722, in The Possibility and Reality of Magick, Sorcery,
and Witchcraft, Demonstrated. Or, a Vindication of a
Compleat History of Magick, etc. The Compleat History came
out anonymously, but Boulton, who describes himself as
“sometime of Brazen-Nose College in Oxford,” acknowledges
the authorship in his reply to Hutchinson.
[195] The Case of Witchcraft at Coggeshall, Essex, in
the year, 1699, being the Narrative of the Rev. J. Boys,
Minister of that Parish. Printed from his Manuscript in the
possession of the Publisher. London, A. Russell Smith, 1901
(50 copies only).
[196] In Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World, 1700,
pp. 3 ff.
[197] An Answer of a Letter from a Gentleman in Fife,
1705; cf. also A Collection of Rare and Curious Tracts on
Witchcraft and the Second Sight, Edinburgh, 1820, pp. 79 ff.
[198] Daily Journal, Jan. 15, 1731, as quoted in the
Gentleman’s Magazine for 1731, I, 29.
[199] Daines Barrington points with pride to this early
abolition of penalties:--“It is greatly to the honour of
this country, to have repealed all the statutes against
this supposed crime so long ago as the year 1736, when
laws of the same sort continue in full force against these
miserable and aged objects of compassion, in every other
part of Europe” (Observations on the More Ancient Statutes,
3d ed., 1769, p. 367. on 20 Henr. VI.).
[200] Gough, British Topography, 1780, I, 517.
[201] Gentleman’s Magazine for 1751, XXI, 186, 198; Wright,
Narratives of Sorcery and Magic, II, 326 ff.; Gough, as
above, I, 431.
[202] Soldan, ed. Heppe, II, 314, 322, 327.
[203] See, for example, A. Löwenstimm, Aberglaube und
Strafrecht, Berlin. 1897; W. Mannhardt, Die praktischen
Folgen des Aberglaubens, 1878 (Deutsche Zeit- und
Streit-Fragen, ed. by F. von Holstendorff, VII, nos. 97,
98); Wuttke, Der Deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart,
2d ed., 1869; the chapter on Hexerei und Hexenverfolgung
im neunzehnten Jahrhundert, in Soldan, Geschichte der
Hexenprozesse, ed. by Heppe, II, 330 ff; cf. The Monthly
Chronicle of North-Country Lore and Legend, [II,] 1888, p.
394; North Riding Record Society, Publications, IV, 20,
note; History of Witchcraft, sketched from the Popular
Tales of the Peasantry of Nithsdale and Galloway (R. H.
Cromek, Remains of Nithsdale and Galloway Song, 1810, pp.
272 ff.); H. M. Doughty, Blackwood’s Magazine, March,
1898, CLXIII, 394-395; Brand’s Popular Antiquities, ed.
Hazlitt, III, 71, 95, 96,100 ff.; The Antiquary, XLI, 363;
W. G. Black, Folk-Medicine, 1883; Miss Burne, Shropshire
Folk-Lore, Chap. xiii; W. Henderson, Notes on the Folk-Lore
of the Northern Counties, 1879, Chap. vi; J. G. Campbell,
Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands
of Scotland, 1902; Notes and Queries, 1st Series, VII,
613, XI, 497-498; 3rd Series, II, 325; 4th Series, III,
238, VII, 53, VIII, 44; 5th Series, V, 126, 223, IX, 433,
X, 205, XI, 66; 6th Series, I, 19, II, 145, IV, 510; 7th
Series, IX, 425, XI, 43; 8th Series, IV, 186, 192, V,
226, VI, 6, VII, 246; 9th Series, II, 466, XII, 187; the
journal, Folk-Lore, _passim_.
[204] Cf. Allen Putnam, Witchcraft of New England explained
by Modern Spiritualism, Boston, 1880.