CHAPTER XXV.

THE POPULIST: THE “ALLIES.”--ELECTED BY THE PEOPLE; THEREFORE, WITH THE

“COMMON PEOPLE.”

It does not seem to afford any great amount of pleasure for the

hide-bound members of the Democratic party, the thought that possibly

the Democratic party may become but a fifth wheel to the coach, and

they view with evident dislike the growing power of the Populist party.

Quoting from the New York _Sun_, of December 11th, that able

representative, in a journalistic way, of the Protection Democrats, we

print the following statements:--

WEAVER AND HIS MILLION VOTES.

“The Populists are naturally excited and encouraged by their

demonstration of numerical strength at the election of 1892. The

Populist view of the achievement, and the Populist interpretation

of its significance, are set forth in detail in the very

interesting summary of results printed in another part of this

paper. In brief, the claim is this:--

“One million votes in the South and West for the Weaver electors;

“Twenty-three electoral votes obtained by fusion or otherwise;

“Five Populist Senators and ten Populist Representatives in the

next Congress;

“Populist State Governments in Kansas, Colorado, and North Dakota,

and greatly increased Populist representation in the legislatures

of these and several other States;”

Which evidently furnishes no great amount of satisfaction to that

organ, which is essentially Democratic in a party sense.

Weaver, and his 1,000,000 votes, present the startling possibility

to the organ of the Democratic party, that perhaps the people, who

are members of that broader democracy, may be breaking away from the

traces of the party harness. It is a little harder to prognosticate

concerning future political events and manage the people, when they

escape from party traces. The million votes for Weaver represent that

part of the people who have become thoroughly exasperated by the manner

of that excrescence, “sham aristocracy,” on the Republican party, and

who, at the same time, were still unwilling to become harnessed in the

party-wagon controlled by the Democratic party. Thousands would have

been glad to vote with the Populists had that party not been filled

with all kinds of incongruities and “isms.” There was a curse on the

houses of both the Democratic and the Republican parties, and the

people, exclaiming with Mercutio, in Romeo and Juliet: “I am hurt;

a plague o’ both your houses! I am sped,” voted for Weaver and the

Populists; because the plain “Common People,” who were Republicans of

the Abraham Lincoln school, had no confidence in the Democratic party

as a party. They were plain “Common People,” who wanted a party in

which they would feel at home. They did not find it in the Democratic

party, and, being absolutely disgusted with the degeneracy and social

shams of the Republican party, they flocked to the party of the

Populists to the extent of 1,000,000 voters, as presenting a haven--no

matter how insufficient--in the storm created by the wrath of the

people, caused by the idiocy and assumption upon the part of believers

in “caste” in our country.

“The prestige of gains and achievements, indicating that the

Populist party is destined to become one of the two great

political organizations of the country.

“This last item is the deduction of optimism from the foregoing.

The heavy popular vote for the Populist electors in some of

the Southern States serves principally to show that under the

conditions existing in 1892, the solid South would have been

broken and its solid electoral vote lost to the democracy had

not the Force Bill issue been put at the front. The twenty-three

electoral votes credited to Weaver in the West and Northwest

separate themselves, on analysis, into elements in which the

Omaha platform and the specially characteristic features of the

Alliance movement sustain a subordinate part. Colorado and Nevada

went for Weaver because they were for silver, not because they

were for Weaver. Kansas, Idaho, North Dakota, and the one vote in

Oregon were gained by the acquiescence of the Democratic managers

in a scheme of fusion obviously to the advantage of the Democratic

national ticket. Weaver’s proportion of the vote, either popular

or electoral, cannot be accepted as a trustworthy measure of the

growth of public sentiment in the West in favor of the general

programme drawn up at Omaha.

“The first solid and effective achievement in the list is the

direct gain of the Populists in their representation in the

Congress of the United States. This means something. They must

have Senators and Representatives if they are ever going to shape

the legislation of the country; and until they can legislate, or

muster sufficient strength at the Capitol to force legislation

agreeable to their ideas of public policy, they have accomplished

nothing. Now they turn up with five Senators, as they believe,

and with at least ten Representatives, as they have reason to be

certain. It is a respectable showing for a new party, even if we

do not count the silver Senators as Populists out and out. But,

as an indication of the probable strength of the Populists in the

Fifty-fourth Congress, or in the Fifty-fifth, as a reasonable

assurance of future progressive development, it is worthless.

We need only remind the Populists that their predecessor, the

so-called National party, representing the greenback craze, and,

in a measure, the dissatisfaction with political conditions that

marked the period after the counting in of Hayes, went into the

Forty-sixth House with fourteen Congressmen. The Greenbackers

and Readjusters went into the Forty-seventh House with eleven

Congressmen. In the Forty-eighth, their strength dropped to two.

The Greenback wave had swept off and away; the two old parties

confronted each other as before, and the phenomenon of a third

party in Congress, mustering more than a dozen lawgivers, had

disappeared as utterly as if it had never been.

“The same thing is true respecting the capture, with the aid of

fusion, of some of the Western States. Nobody has forgotten the

astonishingly sudden appearance and subsidence of the Greenback

wave in the old and conservative New England State of Maine. In

1878, the Greenbackers cast about fifty per cent. more votes than

the Democrats. In 1879, the Greenback vote was more than double

the Democratic, and the election was thrown into the Legislature,

which chose a Democratic Governor. In 1880, the Greenbackers

fused with the remaining fragments of the Democracy, and carried

the State and controlled its government. Where are the Maine

Greenbackers to-day?

“The two great political organizations in this country have always

been and must always be the party of centralization, paternalism,

and meddlesome interference with affairs not belonging to the

Federal Government, and the party resisting those destructive

tendencies on the lines of Jeffersonian Democracy and home rule.

The issue is permanent and the same, no matter what the parties

may call themselves. There is no chance for the Populists on the

ground now occupied by the victorious Democracy. If they can crowd

the Republican organization out of the special function which it

has filled with distinguished ability for a quarter of a century,

that is their business, not ours. The achievement would be much

like Jonah swallowing the whale.”

The Abolition party, which absorbed the old Whig party and made the

present Republican party, had not nearly so respectable a beginning as

the Populist party. With all the predictions of failure recited above,

the Populist party has a name--and there is much in a name--which has

already endeared it to the hearts of the masses to the extent of a

million votes.

It was the suffering masses, the plain “Common People,” who, under the

name of Populist, voted for Weaver. There can be no doubt about the

affiliation between the Democratic party and the Populist party in the

next Congress of the United States. Every Representative elected by the

Populist, every Senator selected as the result of their votes cast for

the State legislators, will recognize that the Populist party contains

the same elements, to the plain “Common People,” as the Democratic

party, and, therefore, faith will best be kept with the constituents

by whom the Populist Representatives and Senators were elected, by

acting with the Democratic party, so long as it continues to wage war

upon “caste” and class distinctions and the accumulation of wealth in a

dangerous degree in our country.

The Populists have a mission in furnishing to the weary wayfarer

a resting place. Many political wayfarers who formerly journeyed

under the guidance of the Republican party, hesitate before seeking

the protection of the Democratic party. To such the Populist party

furnishes a haven of rest.

Should the Democratic party and Grover Cleveland, as representative

of the party by whom he was nominated, fail to secure to the “Common

People” those rights of which they deem themselves deprived by the

Republican party; and should there be a hesitancy or neglect in

righting those wrongs of which the “Common People” complain, then the

Populists, if some of the “isms” be weeded out of its fair garden,

would furnish the Eden for the “Common People.” Should Grover Cleveland

and the Democratic party neglect quickly and unhesitatingly to pass

such laws, and execute the same, as will relieve the “Common People”

of the burden that is cast upon them by ungraded taxation, then the

“Common People,” by the might that abides with them, may select the

Populist party, freed from some of its idiosyncrasies, as the party of

the people.

It is merely a question of whether the Democratic party and Grover

Cleveland will perform the will of the people. If not, the people, by

a reorganization of this, the Populist party, will secure a political

organization which will perform the mandates of the “Common People.”

The “Common People” will thrust aside both the old parties and utilize

that party which by the magic of simply a popular name was enabled to

gain a million votes taken from both of the old parties.

The Crime of Caste in Our Country · 第 25 / 27 章