CHAPTER XX.

GREECE--VENICE--THE RULE OF “CASTE.”

Although ancient Greece was divided into many small countries, yet they

were united by bonds of union, of community, of blood and language, of

religious rites and festivals, manners and character. In these respects

they were distinguished from all other people, whom they called

barbarians.

A thousand years before the Christian era the Greeks were divided into

the nobles, who were powerful and wealthy; the freemen, some of whom

owned estates; and the slaves.

But the manners of the highest class were simple. The nobles were proud

of their skill in the manual arts, and their wives and daughters ably

discharged their household duties.

Two hundred years later (B.C. 800) most of the states and cities of

Greece became democratic. One uniform method characterized the change

from monarchy to democracy. An oligarchy of nobles would overthrow the

monarchy, and then some one noble would overthrow the oligarchy and

establish the cause of the people.

Sparta was the highest type of oligarchy; Athens of democracy.

Ever since Aristotle distinguished them, there have been three

recognized types of government--monarchy, oligarchy, and democracy--the

rule of one man, the rule of a few men, and the rule of the people.

That the last is the just and the true form of polity, the enlightened

opinion of the world has long ago irrevocably decided. Of the other

two, experience shows that monarchy is more tolerable. A Nero may

have stained the pages of history by the diabolic cruelty to which

autocratic power gave free scope; a Napoleon may have poured out half

the life-blood of his country to further his selfish personal ambition;

yet, on the whole, the evils of one man’s rule have been more endurable

than those of the domination of a class or “caste.” In latter days

the sovereign has come to be looked upon less as a personal ruler

than as an abstraction--an embodiment of theory expressed in the old

maxim that “the king can do no wrong”--a conception far less offensive

to the innate democracy of all manly peoples; or, he is regarded as

a mere figure-head, as may be said to be the case is England, whose

nominal monarch has far less practical influence upon the executive and

legislative departments than has the President of the United States.

An oligarchy is the worst of all governmental systems. It has never

made a people truly great. Wherever such a government has existed its

record has almost always been dark and its end bloody.

Look, for example, at two of the most successful oligarchies of

history--ancient Sparta and mediæval Venice. Sparta was, as Bulwer

justly observes in his “Rise and Fall of Athens,” a “machine wound

up by the tyranny of a fixed principle, which did not permit it even

to dine as it pleased; its children were not its own--itself had no

property in self. So it flourished and decayed, bequeathing to fame

men only noted for hardy valor, fanatical patriotism, and profound but

dishonorable craft--attracting, indeed, the wonder of the world, but

advancing no claim to its gratitude and contributing no single addition

to its intellectual stores.”

Such was the state that was ruled by the privileged “caste” of the

Spartans and its administrative committee, the Ephoræ--a state

remembered only for its brief military supremacy over her Grecian

neighbors. Contrast her with one of those neighbors--Athens, the most

typical and the most democratic of ancient democracies.[4] “The people

of Athens,” says Bulwer, “were not, as in Sparta, the tools of the

state--they were the state! In Athens the true blessing of freedom

was rightly placed in the opinions and the soul. This unshackled

liberty had its convulsions and its excesses, but it produced masterly

philosophy, sublime poetry, and accomplished art with the energy and

splendor of unexampled intelligence. Looking round us, more than four

and twenty centuries after, in the establishment of the American

Constitution, we yet behold the imperishable blessings which we derive

from the liberties of Athens. Her life became extinct, but her soul

transfused itself, immortal and immortalizing, throughout the world.”

Venice was another such oligarchy as Sparta--ruled by a small patrician

“caste,” who chose an all-powerful Senate from their own number; and

from the Senate was selected an Executive Council of Three--a name that

has become proverbial for a body of secret and irresponsible tyrants.

Venice’s strength was in commerce, in finance, as Sparta’s was in war.

Her rich trade with the East and West made her seem

The pleasant place of all festivity,

The revel of the earth, the masque of Italy.[5]

But her internal government was one long reign of terror. The Council

of Three met at night, masked and robed in scarlet cloaks, to judge

those against whom accusations had been thrust into the yawning “Lions’

Mouths”--two slots in the wall into which any might thrust an anonymous

denunciation of his enemy. And from the Council’s sentence there was no

hope of appeal; its victims were hurried across the Bridge of Sighs to

vanish forever from human sight in the awful torture chambers to which

that melancholy passage led.

The ending of most oligarchies has been a violent one, as was that of

the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, or that of the Decemviri at Rome. At

Venice the sway of a “caste” lasted for centuries, and was ended only

by a foreign conqueror--so complete an ascendency had the privileged

patricians gained over the fettered populace. The wonderful mercantile

prosperity of the community stifled the sentiment of popular

liberty--a notable warning to mercantile and materialistic America!

No oligarchy, and nothing of oligarchic tendencies can be endured in

this country. We must not and will not have a dominant “caste.”

FOOTNOTES:

[4] In the best age of Athens, life was marked by a dignified and

elegant simplicity. Every free citizen was one of the rulers of the

state, through his vote in the assembly and the law courts; and,

consequently, there was little exclusiveness in social life. An

Athenian might be poor, but if he had general ability, wit, or artistic

skill, he was welcome in the best houses of Athens.--_Sanderson’s

Epitome of History_, p. 169.

[5] Childe Harold, Canto IV.

The Crime of Caste in Our Country · 第 20 / 27 章