CHAPTER VIII.

SURRENDER AT HOMESTEAD.--ORGANIZED LABOR DEFEATED.

It is fitting to follow the chapter composed so largely of what Mr.

Walker has written concerning the condition of affairs at Homestead,

with an account of the surrender. Carnegie, the owner of castles

and coaches in Scotland, the many times millionaire, and Frick, his

representative, living in luxury and attempted social superiority, have

vanquished the forces of organized labor. They have won the battle.

Some victories are more disastrous than defeats, and this victory, at

Homestead, of capital, wealth, sham aristocracy, against the people,

will teach the people to seek other methods by which their wrongs

may be righted. It will show them, coming as it does just after the

exhibition of the great power of the people, November 8, 1892, that

their plan of action must be changed; that the effective missile to

be used against the autocratic aristocrat is not the bullet, but the

missive called the “ballot.”

The plan of campaign of the poor “Common People” must be changed.

Their defeat at Homestead will be the precursor of a long line of

victories yet to be recorded. Organizations of _voters_ will spring

into existence, instead of Knights of Labor. The nation will give birth

(as it ever has, when necessity has demanded) to men of organizing

abilities. The Carnegies and Fricks will find the ballot of organized

voters more effective in preventing encroachment on the rights of the

people than the bullets of the strikers at Homestead hurled at the

hirelings of Pinkerton. As Mr. Walker so ably says, in a conflict of

physical force, the people--that is, the poor--are superior; when,

according to law, they deposit their ballots, they will enforce the

election of the chosen of the majority in spite of all the private

armies of the Carnegies and Fricks. And, should that occasion arise,

the militia and General Snowden will be found acting _with_ the people

in defending the rights of the people. There will be no insolence

and arrogance then upon the part of the commander of the militia;

for, after an election wherein the people have legally chosen their

representatives and legislators, not one militiaman would obey the

orders of the “well-bred” gentleman of Philadelphia, if such orders

were contrary to the will of the majority as expressed at a legal

election.

The representatives of the first grade of “caste” have won at

Homestead! In their “well-bred” bosoms, exultation may be the feeling

of the hour. Enjoy the brief respite in the fullness of selfishness;

but the hour is at hand when, according to the laws as enacted by

legally-elected representatives, the people of the Union shall fill

your “well-bred” bosoms with a sorrow and disappointment occasioned

by your arrogance, selfishness, and disregard of their claim for

respectful treatment upon your part of their representatives of

organized labor. When their representatives, as _organized voters_,

issue their mandates, no supercilious commander of militia, blessed

with a little brief authority, will dare resist them.

Organized labor is defeated at Homestead. Organized labor, organized

in heart and spirit, if not by an expressed Association, won a great

battle November last. The victory of the sham aristocracy at Homestead

was but a skirmish. The victory at the polls in November was a

Waterloo and Gettysburg rolled into one. The commander-in-chief of the

victorious army is Grover Cleveland. In his hands the people place the

power of their support--the great majority. He represents the choice

of the “Common People”--not because he’s a Democrat--not because the

people have become Democratic, in the narrow sense of the word, but

because Cleveland represents to their minds the opposition to sham

aristocracy, “caste.”

Grover Cleveland is an exponent of that sentiment that made Abraham

Lincoln President in ’61; Jackson, President in ’28; Jefferson,

President in 1800. Call the party by whom he was nominated any name

that best suits the fancy of the speaker. It’s the same grand old,

broad party of the people; triumphant now as it ever will be, God

grant, in this Republic! We want no Republic in America like that of

Venice. The people have entrusted Grover Cleveland with the executive

power of the nation. At his hands they will expect the righting of

those wrongs which these petty tyrants, sham aristocrats, believers in

social distinction and “caste,” have inflicted upon the people. They

have chosen representatives in Congress who control both branches of

the legislature, through whom the people shall express their will and

pleasure; and the people will expect of Grover Cleveland, as they did

of Abraham Lincoln, Jackson, and Jefferson, the execution of their

wishes. The people have never been disappointed by the actions of their

former chieftains in this matter. When made chief magistrate of the

nation, every former leader of the people has executed the will of the

masses, according to the laws as enacted. No former chief magistrate

has ever presumed to use his power of veto contrary to the will of the

people as expressed by a majority of their representatives.

The eyes of the nation are upon Grover Cleveland. In return for the

defeat in their skirmish at Homestead, the people will expect to

reap the fruits of their victory in the great battle of ballots last

November. Long have they suffered, and now that the golden opportunity

has arrived, the people are not to be thwarted. With kindly but

scrutinizing gaze, the people regard their new leader, Grover Cleveland.

The New York _Sun_, of November 20th, in an account of the defeat of

the Amalgamated Association, prints the following:--

“A prominent member of the Association was seen at his house

this afternoon. His grate was piled high with burning pamphlets.

Pointing to them, he said:

“‘I have no more use for them. They contain the laws and rules of

the Amalgamated Association, and I have taken this means to be rid

of them. I hardly think the Amalgamated lodges will be continued

here, as nothing can be derived from membership in it. A potent

fact in losing the strike was that too many of our men returned to

work, and this helped the company to get its mills into working

order. It was not the company, but our own men, that lost the

strike.’”

This prominent member of the Association, who was engaged in burning

the laws and rules of the Amalgamated Association, was inadvertently

acting in accordance with the unexpressed thought that the people had

found a surer means of righting their wrongs than that furnished by

associated labor. They had learned that their power, when opposed to

the rich and aristocratic, was better utilized in the exercise of the

ballot than when expressed through associated labor and associations

of crafts and certain kinds of labor. If the Carnegies and Fricks were

wise, they would view with fear and trembling the disruption of this

thing called organized labor, which has been a toy by which the people

have been amused and entertained and diverted from the use of their

most effective weapon, the ballot.

Organized labor and association have proved a pretty tin toy sword,

which was attractive to gaze at upon a holiday parade, but utterly

valueless in actual warfare. Its absolute inefficiency was never more

clearly demonstrated, because it had never been so thoroughly tested in

any previous contest of labor, as at Homestead.

Here is given concisely--as that most excellent journal, the New York

_Sun_, always presents all matters of public interest--an account

of the cost of the strike to the laborers, to the capitalist, and

to the State of Pennsylvania. Even the most careless reader and the

most superficial inquirer after truth will read in this statement the

evidence of the brave and valiant battle made by labor, which was

defeated because the very sword it fought with was not of the kind of

metal for actual warfare. The Ballot! the Ballot! the Ballot! is the

weapon of the future:--

“It is almost impossible to give figures at this time on the

cost of the strike, but conservative estimates place it at about

$10,000,000. Of this, about $2,500,000 were in wages to the men.

The firm’s loss is thought to be two or three times that. The

direct cost of the troops was nearly half a million. The indirect

loss has been very large indeed.

“This contest was brought on by a demand for a reduction of wages

of about 33-1/3 per cent. on certain classes of work in the open

hearth departments, Nos. 1 and 2 mills, and in the 119-inch and

32-inch plate mills. This reduction directly affected only about

325 out of the 3,800 men in the works, but the others took up the

matter as a common cause through sympathy, and agreed to stand by

the men interested in case of a strike.

“The scale expired under which they were working on June 30th.

The company wanted the Amalgamated Association, which controlled

the workmen in the mills, to sign the scale at the reduction. The

scale was to be renewed on January 1st, instead of July 1st. The

Association refused, and the men threatened to strike should the

request for the existing scale not be granted before July.

“On June 30th, the company locked out all men before they had the

opportunity to strike. The wages question was soon lost sight of,

and the contest for the recognition of organized labor followed.

On the dawn of July 6th, the famous battle took place between the

workmen on the mill property and the Pinkerton force attempting to

land and take possession of the mill.

“Then followed the trying times at Homestead, the reign of the

Advisory Board, the scenes of lawlessness, the calling out of

the troops, their long and trying stay, the shooting of Mr.

Frick by Berkman, the departure of the troops, the arrest of the

Homesteaders, the beginning of their trials, and now the ending of

the strike.

“According to Superintendent Wood, of the Homestead works, not

more than 800 or 900 of the total number of old employés will be

able to secure employment. Before the break of last Thursday,

there were left in Homestead about 2,800 of the original 3,800 men

who were locked out. Of these 2,800 men, 2,200 were mechanics and

laborers and 600 Amalgamated Association men.”

If Carnegie, Frick, son-in-law W. Seward Webb, of the New York Central

Road, and men of that class can find any comfort in this evidence that

the “Common People” have at last realized the utter lack of merit

in their weapons, called “Organizations and Associations of Labor,”

then most heartily are they to be congratulated. Let them enjoy for a

brief period their dreams of autocratic power; for there will be a sad

awakening as the result of the realization upon the part of the people

that the ballot-box is the place for effective battle, and not the

lodge rooms of Associations and Organizations.

Grover Cleveland is the Grand Master of the great Organization of the

Associated People, who legally will now enforce the demands of the

“Common People.”

The defeated laborer, mechanic, and workman of Homestead has a prospect

before him, so full of hope and promise, presenting a picture so

pleasing to his oppressed soul, that the scene of his disastrous defeat

becomes obliterated. Let him turn from those days of suffering, so

vividly portrayed by the _Herald_ of November 25th:--

“There were dozens of tables in Homestead to-day where the

Thanksgiving Day bird was absent, and on many of these tables

hunger was the only sauce in sight.

“To-day while plenty ruled in American homes, starvation and cold

were closing their grip on the families of the Homestead strikers.

While the horn of plenty unrolled its golden store into the hands

of the nation, there were children in Homestead crying for bread,

with weeping mothers and despairing fathers.

“While well-clothed citizens were going to highly respectable

churches to return thanks, there were people in Homestead

shivering over scant fires, wondering where the next meal would

come from. There were men with shoes so full of holes and clothes

so ragged as to barely cover them.

“The present sufferings of these men, women, and children were

made all the keener by their forebodings of the future; of a

winter without work, to be passed at the gates of starvation; with

no work to be had at the Carnegie mills or any other mills on

account of the terrible blacklist.”

The question will arise in the mind of the poor man, when recalling

HIS Thanksgiving dinner, With what did Andrew Carnegie and H. C. Frick

feed their families that day? With what kind of conscience did they bow

the knee and raise their voices in their costly churches and address

the throne of the lowly Jesus, who left in the records of His life,

utterances like these:--

“If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the

poor.” “Sell that ye have, and give alms.”

The answer which will force itself upon the minds of the “Common

People” will not be such as to lessen or moderate the demands which

they will make for the fruits of their victory in November.

They have endured much; they have starved at Homestead; they have been

cold and hungry; they have been led astray by false gods; but the Land

of Canaan is now spread before them. The ballot-box has become their

guiding star and hope. The bitter experience endured that Thanksgiving

Day will prove a benefit to them in removing from them the danger of

relying upon the tin sword in future. Every line of this article in the

_Herald_ is full of danger to the insolent power of the rich, arrogant,

sham aristocrats. It is brimming over with a lesson that the blindest

is bound to read by the light of the recently-achieved victory of the

people:--

CANNOT LEAVE HOMESTEAD.

“Dozens there are who cannot leave Homestead or its vicinity. They

are under heavy bonds to appear in the Allegheny County courts on

charges of murder, treason, and riot. To stay means starvation,

because here they will find little or no work. To go means to be

sent to jail, because bondsmen are fearful and do not relish the

idea of forfeiting thousands of dollars.

“Most of the storekeepers in Homestead have ceased to give the

locked-out men credit. If they did, it would mean bankruptcy.

All of them are already creditors for hundreds and in some cases

thousands of dollars, with poor prospects of getting any of it

back for months, possibly years.

“The last strike benefits that will be paid by the Amalgamated

Association have been received by the idle men. Right here be it

said that these benefits were by no means as reported during the

strike. Not one-half of the men got $4 a week, and the majority

received about $2 a week.

“The Homestead steel-workers and their families are in need of

almost everything that goes to make life comfortable. All need

clothing more or less. One man I met to-day was trying to prevent

the biting wind from sweeping a well-ventilated straw hat from his

head.

“Then there is fuel. There is hardly a street or roadway in

Homestead on which there did not stand a house or several of

them in which the cold stoves made the temperature more frigid

by contrast. Those families that did burn coal or wood did so

through the kindness of the neighbors or the good-will of the fuel

merchant.

PLAYING THANKSGIVING.

“In walking through Homestead to-day I passed a vacant lot on

Fourth avenue, in which a fire was burning. The fuel consisted of

logs dragged from the river. Surrounding the fire were ill-clad

boys and girls. They were keeping warm and roasting potatoes. One

of the boys told me that ‘Maw hadn’t much for dinner at home, and

we are playing Thanksgiving.’

“This was their feast; they were children of the strikers, who

lived in a clump of shanties near by.”

Playing Thanksgiving! God of justice! look down upon such a picture.

Playing at praying! Absolutely making a game and jest of thanking Thee!

So cynical has become the hearts of even these children, caused by the

oppression and injustice of the oppressor, that they would make a game,

a jest, of giving thanks to the Giver of all good things! because the

good things were on the tables of Carnegie, Frick, Webb, and others,

while they, somebody’s children--poor, “Common People’s” children,

perhaps--were cold, ragged, and hungry; making a feast of half-burned

potatoes, veritably, in a spirit of irony. So hard and desolate has

become the destiny of the poor of our land that the children cease to

be natural, loving, gentle, and sincere, and have become ironical,

sarcastic, holding so lightly the respect due to the God of all men,

that they make a jest of the day consecrated to rendering thanks to the

Giver of all good things of life!

A picture like this, for which the sham aristocrats are absolutely

responsible, does more to arouse a feelings of socialism and anarchism

in the breasts of even the best citizens, than all the ravings of

crazed nihilistic leaders. Stop such scenes now! Socialism and

anarchism have no foothold in America. Don’t allow these dangerous

“isms” to form an entering wedge. Such scenes as those poor children,

playing Thanksgiving, are the greatest allies of the socialists and

anarchists.

The gentleman (?) known as Ollie Teall should receive, at the hands

of the disciples of anarchy and socialism, a medal for his valuable

services in attempting to present a picture to the delectation of the

assembled “Four Hundred,” of the children of the poor feeding (as

animals, poor creatures!) in Madison Square Garden, last Christmas.

This man, Teall, may have no qualities to recommend him other than

this, that he is a superlative example of those who would create a

state of anarchy in this country.

It was his proposition, so it appears from the newspapers, to make

a kind of horse-show at Madison Square Garden, wherein the children

of the poor should perform the part of the horses, the animals. It

was proposed to sell boxes to the rich, that they might sit around

and behold the exhibition of the animals! To the originators of this

novel exhibition is due the thanks and praises of the anarchists, who

have sought a haven here, for they played into the hands held by the

anarchists with wonderful precision.

We must all respect the courage and manliness of one man who, justly

conceiving his duty as a teacher of the doctrine of his Master, arose

and protested. Yes, and he was worth more than a brigade of soldiers in

quieting the wrath of the people, the Rev. Dr. Rainsford, of St. George

Episcopal church, in Brooklyn, and let his name be remembered for his

courage in denouncing the most damnable exhibition of the tendency of

the “Four Hundred” of New York. The name of the Rev. Dr. Rainsford, of

the St. George Episcopal Church, will ever be remembered by the poor as

that of a man, a Christian, an American, and a gentleman. Vigorous was

his denunciation of the spectacular exhibition of the feeding of the

poor like so many cattle.

Yes, fair “Four Hundred,” as the nobles of France told the peasants to

“eat grass” and were amused at their attempts of the performance, so

you would feed a lot of poor children in Madison Square Garden, and

take stalls and boxes to look on at the peculiar performances of the

hungry eating! You know that each child is but the coming American man

or woman. You would make a Roman holiday to exhibit the necessities

of the People, who are your rulers. Delightful entertainment for the

exclusive “Four Hundred,”--to sit around with their many millions and

gaze at the ravenous appetites exhibited by the children of the poor.

It was a holiday like the holidays in Rome, when the nobles assembled

to see the persecuted Christians torn and mangled by every form of

beast that, by research, could be brought to the Roman arena. Dr.

Rainsford, thou art “a man for a’ that.”

Do you wonder, millionaires, why the people whose children you would

exhibit to create a carnival for you, did not vote with you November

8, 1892? Of the purchasers of the boxes at Madison Square Garden for

this unique performance, ninety per cent. were Republicans. Shades

of Abraham Lincoln, look down and see the strong oak of thy creation

benumbed by this parasite entwined around it! Imagine the creator, the

originator, the father of the Republican party, this high priest in

the hearts of the “Common People,” Abraham Lincoln, at such a scene.

He would have been down with the children. In his loving arms he would

have held the children of the poor. And these “Four Hundred,” a little

better than the “Common People,” would look on at the feeding of the

“common folks,” and, from their assumed exalted position, view the

performance gotten up by their money, and would have had a sensation

of almost hunger aroused where abundance had produced satiety. The

proposition to hold such an exhibition as the feeding of the poor

children in Madison Square Garden was in itself an insult to every

American citizen. Imagine, fair lady, as you loll in your carriage

drawn by your high-priced bays on Fifth avenue, how pleasant it would

be to have your little curled and perfumed darling, left at home under

the watchful eye of some imported French _bonne_, exhibited as a freak

in a dime museum. Think of the tears that should be shed on a mother’s

bosom, being paraded before the public as an object of amusement. A

child’s sorrows and its joys are as sacred as the law of God delivered

to Moses on Sinai, for a child has more of God in it; and you would

make of the children of the poor, and their wants, and needs, and

appetites, a spectacle that you may pay so much money and see?

The lisped prayer of the child of the poor ascends to the throne of God

as surely, though it proceed from a hovel or the gutter, as that from

the downy couch of the ease of luxury in the palace on Fifth avenue. Do

not the poor love their children with the same earnestness and fervor

as the rich? Have you to learn this lesson anew? Need you wonder, you

people who seem astonished at the result of election, why the mighty

voice of the people should be raised against you? You who wonder why

the party of you, “the respectable,” should have been so overwhelmingly

defeated, recall to mind the contemplated carnival you would have

held in Madison Square Garden, feeding like pigs, the children of the

poor, and thank God that the volcano upon which in seeming security

you rested found a vent without tossing you heavenward. There would

have been rivers of blood instead of lava; the ballot of 1892 was your

salvation.

Slumbering wrath was in the breasts of the people. One Robespierre or

Danton would have set aflame this feeling, and the “Common People”

only need a leader, an organizer who will teach them under form of law

that their mighty voice is paramount, and the sham aristocracy will be

crushed and annihilated, as was a better aristocracy in France in the

latter part of the eighteenth century. Don’t let history repeat itself.

Can such pictures as depicted in these few lines of the _Herald_ about

those poor children’s Thanksgiving dinner, the feast proposed by the

“Four Hundred” at Madison Square Garden, be accurate and represent

scenes in free America, the richest, freest, best country on earth?

or are these some occurrences seen in poor, starving, Czar-ridden

Russia? A bow of promise was in the sky that Thanksgiving Day,

however. The people had spoken a few days before. They had selected

their representatives to make laws relieving them of the presence of

such scenes as above described. They had selected an Executive of

unquestioned honesty, who will execute such laws as will emanate from

the representatives of the people.

The people had given no sign, but in silence had been thinking of

scenes like that proposed at Madison Square Garden. They had voted

November the 8th in silence.

Silence is often more dangerous than utterance. The deadly cobra gives

no signal before he strikes. “General apathy” and the silence of the

people was deadly earnest, and you know whether it was forceful or not.

And if the party that the people have put in power will not do the will

of the people, then the people will put some other party in power which

_will_ execute the desire of the masses. It is a quicksand that the

rich tread upon. So accustomed have the rich become to the patience,

long-enduring suffering of the poor, that they deem it impossible that

any condition could exist other than the present. Only remember that

Charles Stuart, Louis XVI., Tarquin, all thought it was impossible

that aught could interfere with the set order of things; but righteous

indignation, the wrath of the people, like a whirlwind may obliterate

the little edifices of dust built upon the past.

The rest of the story, so vividly portrayed by the _Herald_, is worthy

of consideration and attention:--

“I visited the house of J. W. Grimes, a striker, on the hillside,

above the mill. He had a pair of rubbers on his feet. The rubbers

were worn away and had been sewed together with twine. ‘You see,

my shoes are so bad,’ said the mill-man, apologetically, ‘that I

have to wear these rubbers. Jim Sweeney threw them away, but I

found them and sewed them up,’ and he exhibited a shoe that would

almost have fallen from his foot, but for the rubber which held it.

“Grimes was doing the family washing when I met him. His arms were

covered with soapsuds. He told me his wife was very sick. He had

been injured in the mill before the strike and had been able to

save but little. Since the strike he has been able to get only a

few days’ work, and his wife took in washing and did scrubbing to

keep the family in bread. Now she is near death’s door, a mere

apparition, while her husband has no work and there is little in

the house.

“I went to the house of Bridget Coyle, who, during her testimony

in the Critchlow case the other day, said she would not tell a lie

for all the money Carnegie is worth. Two of her boys worked in the

mill; one has secured work in another city, but is making barely

enough to keep himself. Another son is at Homestead, and idle.

‘We have enough in the house to keep us another week,’ said Mrs.

Coyle, ‘but after that the Lord knows what we’ll do. I just got a

little coal on trust, and do wish I had a pair of shoes.

“‘We own this little house; my son paid the last on it just before

the strike.’ She had rented, out a couple of rooms to Joshua

Bradshaw, a mill-man, with his wife and four children. ‘They owe

me six months’ rent, but Lord, I know they can’t pay it, so I

don’t ask them. They are poor people, and the missus is badly

sick.’

“Patrick Sweeney, another ex-striker, who can’t get work in the

mill, and who lives on Sixteenth street, has been hunting for a

pair of shoes for several days. Those he has were shoes once, now

they are tatters. Sweeney, like dozens of the other men, has paid

no rent for several months, and lives in daily dread that his

family will be evicted. Being blacklisted, he cannot find work in

Homestead or elsewhere.

“William Davis, of Fourteenth street, told me there wasn’t a

pound of coal in his house, and a little less in the house of his

mother, who lives alongside of him.”

AN APPEAL FOR AID.

“The instances mentioned are only an index to the suffering.

Through personal pride most of the misery in Homestead is hidden

as yet. When winter sets in, dozens of cases will come to light.

“On Saturday a meeting will be held to issue a call for aid. It

has been called by Elmer Bales and John Wilson.

“Mr. Bales said to-day: ‘There is positive suffering in Homestead

from lack of food, fuel, and clothing. The sufferers will not

speak of their distress to you or any other outsider, but we who

live here know of it only too well. In a week or two it will be

much worse.’

“Hugh O’Donnell did not eat any turkey in the Allegheny county

jail. There was no observance of Thanksgiving in his case. He was

compelled to put up with the regular prison fare, which is not

fattening to those who have tried it.”

Capital has vanquished labor at Homestead; but the skirmish left

scars which will long remain unforgotten. Labor suffered, and learned

that the power of the people resided in their presence at the polls

on election day, when Carnegie, Frick, Webb, and others of the sham

aristocrats and believers in “caste,” became of no more importance than

each poor laborer, workman, mechanic, clerk, shopkeeper, or farmer, to

whom on other days they assumed an air of superiority. The learning

of the lesson was worth all the suffering that it cost the “Common

People,” as represented by the workmen and strikers at Homestead, Pa.

The Crime of Caste in Our Country · 第 8 / 27 章