of extracts from American speeches and newspapers (N. Y. _Herald_,
Feb. 5, 1848: Gen. Pierce). Whig journals assured Mexico that her cause
was just; that a majority of the Americans detested the war; that our
treasury could not bear the cost; that our government was incompetent;
that it was disloyal to our commanders; that our armies could not win
the war; that soon the administration would be rebuked and its policy
be reversed. The government "stand ready to yield anything that Mexico
may demand as the price of peace," asserted the N. Y. _Courier and
Enquirer_ (Wash. _Union_, July 10, 1847). For numerous other quotations
see _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, app., 347. April 27, 1847, _El Progreso_
of Querétaro said: The peace party in the United States "have been
encouraging us to sustain ourselves until we could obtain from them a
satisfactory arrangement of our difficulties as soon as they should
come into power" (Wash. _Union_, May 28, 1848).
34.22. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 21; Dec. 5, 12, 1846. Welles papers
(Review of Pol. Hist. of U. S.; 2d sess. of 29 Cong.). =253=Mower to
McLean, Aug. 27, 1846. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Jan. 20; Nov. 27, 1846.
=345=Gilpin to Van Buren, May 24, 1846. =345=Thompson to Van Buren,
Dec. 23, 1846. =345=M. Van B., Jr., to Van Buren [Apr. 28, 1846].
Polk, Diary, July 13; Sept. 11, 1846; Jan. 5, 1847. =108=Appleton
to Bancroft, Feb. 24, 1847. =108=Wescott to Bancroft, Mar. 1, 1848.
=253=Reed to McLean, Oct. 26, 1846. =206=J. Graham to Gov. G., Jan. 10,
1847. _Courrier des Etats Unis_, Oct. 17, 1846. =379=Ewing to ----,
Mar. 11, 1846. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 19, 1846. _Niles_, May 16, 1846, p.
175. =234=A. Johnson to ----, July 22, 1846, private. N. Y. _Journ.
of Comm._, Dec. 9, 1846. N. Y. _Herald_, Nov. 14, 1846. Bragg to Van
Buren, Mar. 10, 1847. Seward, Seward at Washington, i, 37, 68, 71. "Old
Hunkers" and "Barnburners" (the Van Buren wing) were the two N. Y.
factions.
34.23. Welles papers: note 34.22. =253=M. Brown to McLean, June 5,
1846. Bragg: note 34.22. =345=Gilpin to Van Buren, May 24, 1846; Apr.
6, 1847. Seward, Seward at Washington, i, 37, 51. _Nat. Intellig._,
Jan. 6, 1847. _Picayune_, Feb. 26, 1848. N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Jan. 7,
1847. _Public Ledger_, Feb. 12, 1847. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 12, 1847.
Polk, Diary, Nov. 7, 1845; Jan. 28; Mar. 22, 23, 1846; Jan. 14, 1847.
=345=Blair to Van Buren, Nov. 27, 1846. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 9, 1847.
=345=Welles to Van Buren, July 28, 1846. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Apr.
23, 1848. (Aspirants) =231=Jackson to Blair, Dec. 14, 1844.
34.24. The author's remarks on Benton, Calhoun and Cass are based on
sources too numerous to be specified, and will not, it is believed,
raise any question. The principal out-of-the-way sources are the
following: Welles papers: note 34.22. =137a=Calhoun to Mathews, Sept.
19, 1847. =210=Hammond-Simms corresp., Mar.-Nov., 1847. =253=M. Brown
to McLean, June 5, 1846. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Jan. 20, 1846.
=345=Poinsett to Van Buren, June 4, 1847. =345=Gilpin to Van Buren,
Nov. 23, 1845. London _Times_, Apr. 17, 1847. =206=J. Graham to
brother, Jan. 10, 1847. Polk, Diary, May 21; June 22, 29, 30, 1846;
Jan. 9, 14, 15, 22; Feb. 8, 13; Apr. 7, 16, 1847. =108=Appleton to
Bancroft, Feb. 24, 1847. Calhoun Corresp., 707 (to T. G. C). =132=King
to Buchanan, Oct. 5, 1847. Calhoun, Works, iv, 371. Boston _Atlas_,
June 1, 1846. Boston _Courier_, Feb. 23, 1847. _Penna. Mag._, xi, 462
(Dallas, Dec. 16). =168=D. H. Lewis, May 11, 1848. Wash. _Union_, Feb.
13, 18; Mar. 15, 17; Apr. 5, 1847. N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Feb. 15, 1847.
_Public Ledger_, Feb. 12, 16, 1847. =210=Tucker to Hammond, Apr. 24,
1847.
Allen of Ohio, noted for vanity and a powerful voice, felt so disgusted
about the outcome of the Oregon business, that at the beginning of
this session he threw up the chairmanship of the committee on foreign
relations and declined to serve on any committee. Niles, an excellent
man, was a protectionist, like the Pennsylvania Senators. Hannegan was
a man of force but a rabid westerner. He, Dickinson and Breese were
distinctly Cass men. Calhoun's partisans were Butler (So. Carolina),
Lewis (Alabama) and the Florida senators, while Colquitt and Speight
were thought to be guided considerably by him; but as time went on
his influence over most of this group waned. Of the Whig Senators
Webster spent most of his time in the practice of law. Crittenden
was in general honest and sensible; but he and Clayton had induced
Jarnagin to vote for Walker's tariff, believing that it would discredit
the Democrats, and the failure of this unworthy trick damaged their
prestige considerably. Clayton had unusual ability and experience, but
was crafty and insincere. Mangum enjoyed a deserved respect, but was
not of striking ability.
Of the House Democrats, P. King stood high in the confidence of his
colleagues, and had no little skill in leading. C. J. Ingersoll was
the most important Pennsylvanian, but his attainments and eloquence
were accompanied by erratic judgment. Thurman surpassed the other Ohio
Representatives in good conduct and talents, but Brinkerhoff displayed
more activity than he. Douglas ranked first in the Illinois group, and
perhaps first among the supporters of the administration in the House.
Dromgoole (Virginia) possessed remarkable legislative abilities and
reputation; but did not care to exert himself overmuch. McKay (North
Carolina) and Haralson (Georgia) were chairmen, respectively, of the
ways and means and the military committees, but did not distinguish
themselves. Rhett, an able and acute man, was a more consistent
representative of South Carolina principles than Calhoun. Of the
Whigs Severance (Maine) possessed more than average ability. Winthrop
(Massachusetts) was a gentleman, a fine speaker and debater, honest,
scholarly and conservative--an ideal public man. Hudson (Massachusetts)
had energy and character but was too partisan. J. R. Ingersoll
(Pennsylvania) had good abilities and good sense. Giddings (Ohio)
has to be considered a calculating fanatic, not enthusiast, of the
abolition school. Vinton (Ohio) stood among the best on either side of
the House in wisdom, sincerity and good conduct.
34.25. Welles papers: note 34.22. =13=Pakenham, no. 150, 1846. Von
Holst, U. S., iii, 252-4. =139=Fulton to Campbell, Jan. --, 1847.
=198=Ingersoll to Gallatin, Dec. 25, 1847. (Embassy) Webster, Writings,
ix, 157, see vol. ii, p. 123; Wash. _Union_, June 27; Oct. 1, 1846.
_Public Ledger_, Dec. 8, 1846. (Sublimity) _No. American_, Jan. 11,
1847. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 111, 139. Charleston _Mercury_, Jan. 26, 27,
1847. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Dec. 5, 12, 1846. (The generals, etc.)
Marcy to W., Nov. 14, 1846; Greeley, Recolls., 211; Welles papers;
=345=Wright to Van Buren, Jan. 28, 1847; =169=Letcher to Crittenden,
Dec. 20, 1847; =13=Crampton, no. 9, 1848; Johnston and Browne,
Stephens, 224; Calhoun Corresp., 713, 715-6 (to Mrs. C.); =108=Buchanan
to Bancroft, June 14, 1847; =206=J. Graham to Gov. G., Jan. 10, 1847;
=181=Buchanan to Donelson, May 13, 1847; Wash. _Union_, Jan. 30. Scott
was "in" politics but inactive.
"Old Whitey," it will be recalled, was Taylor's favorite horse. When
the author refers to the course of "the Whigs" or "the Democrats" it is
to be understood, of course, that exceptions existed.
34.26. The principal speeches have been cited elsewhere. They are to
be found, of course, in the _Congressional Globe_ under the proper
headings, and less fully in Benton's Abridged Debates. _Public Ledger_,
Feb. 25, 1847. =191=Fairfield to wife, Apr. 14, 1846.
34.27. See particularly the debate on the $3,000,000 bill and the Ten
Regiment bill, and, in the House, the Loan bill. Wash. _Union_, May 18,
1846.
34.28. Polk, Diary, Dec. 19, 1846. Benton, View, ii, 678. House
proceedings in _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, Dec. 8-16. Richardson, Messages,
iv, 506-7, 594-600. U. S. _vs._ Rice: 4 Wheaton, 246, 253. Story,
Commentaries on the Constitution, § 1318. Butler, Treaty-making Power,
i, 128, 168-9. (Decision, Castine, Harrison) Wash. _Union_, Dec. 11,
15, 26, 1846; Dec. 12, 1847. Kent, Commentaries, i, 282. _Cong. Globe_,
29, 2, app., 130, col. 1. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 261, note 1, 336.
(Kearny a Whig) Richmond _Whig_ in _Nat. Intellig._, Oct. 19, 1846.
(Unhappy) _Amer. Review_, Feb., 1848, p. 110. _Public Ledger_, Feb. 8,
1847.
The _National Intelligencer_ had the hardihood to state (Dec. 25,
1846): "It is the opinion of the President that the fact of conquest
annexes foreign provinces to the United States." The Texans complained
because the part of New Mexico claimed by them was occupied by Kearny;
but since the enemy had held it by military force this action was
proper, and Buchanan assured Henderson that the temporary military
occupation would not affect the rights of his state (Buchanan, Works,
vii, 215). The author did not find Harrison's proclamation in Ms.;
but Mr. D. M. Matteson discovered it in _Niles_, Nov. 27, 1813, p.
215. Copies of official documents in the Burton Historical Collection,
kindly furnished to the author, throw further light on the fact that
American sovereignty over a portion of Canada was declared in 1813. The
subject is certainly an interesting one.
34.29. The Whigs wished to repeal all of the new fiscal policy. Welles
papers: note 34.22. Wash. _Union_, Mar. 9, 1847. Lyell, Second Visit
(N. Y., 1849), 256. _Public Ledger_, Dec. 8, 1846. (_Nat. Intellig._)
Charleston _Mercury_, Jan. 12, 26, 1847. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 122.
_Niles_, Jan. 2, 1847, p. 288. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 6; Feb. 6, 1847.
(Webster) _Niles_, Jan. 9, 1847, p. 303. N. Y. _Journ. of Comm._, Jan.
4, 1847. N. Y. _Tribune_, Feb. 14, 1847. _No. American_, Dec. 24, 1846;
Jan. 4, 1847. Polk, Diary, Jan. 22, 1847. _Nat. Intellig._, Jan. 14,
1847 (if the government desires the coöperation of the Whigs, let it
repeal the tariff and sub-treasury Acts). Note also the treatment of
the important public land question (vol. ii, p. 261).
34.30. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, pp. 1211-21. Greeley, Amer. Conflict, i,
189. Smith, Annex. of Tex., 314, 351-2. Welles papers. McLaughlin,
Cass, 229. Cole, Whig Party, 119, 122-4. Polk, Diary, Dec. 19, 23,
1846; Jan. 4, 16, 22, 23, 1847. Benton, View, ii, 695. Wilson, Rise and
Fall, ii, 15, 16. =13=Pakenham, no. 5, 1847. =108=Polk to Bancroft,
Jan. 30, 1847, private. Meigs, Benton, 371. Amer. Hist. Assoc. Report,
1911, i, 187-95 (C. E. Persinger). _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, pp. 453-5,
541-55. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 301, 306-7. Calhoun, Works, iv, 323.
=137=Fisher to Calhoun, Aug. 22, 1847. Stephens, U. S., 391. Cutts,
Questions, 154. Garrison, Extension, 254-68. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 4,
1847. Blaine, Twenty Years, i, 73. _So. Qtrly. Review_, Jan., 1851,
p. 196. Wash. _Union_, July 3; Aug. 12, 1846; Jan. 16, 1847. N. Y.
_Herald_, Jan. 16; Feb. 20, 1847. Merriam, Bowles, i, 48. =139=Gentry
to Campbell, Apr. 18, 1848.
The Proviso, offered as an amendment to the $2,000,000 and $3,000,000
bills, was objected to because: 1, J. Q. Adams, Benton and others
argued that any territory acquired from Mexico would come to us "free"
by law, and slavery would not exist there unless subsequent legislation
and also the natural conditions should be favorable to it; 2, the
question would necessarily be settled when Congress should have to
decide regarding the government of such territory, and present action
would not bind a future Congress; 3, it did not relate to American
territory, property or citizens--in short it related to nothing that
existed; 4, the only way to reach the end aimed at by the Proviso
would be through a treaty, and, should the treaty be violated, Mexico
would have a right to interfere with our domestic affairs; 5, the
President would have no right to sign such a treaty, for the subject
belonged to Congress; 6, the American Senate would not ratify such
a treaty, and hence the adoption of the Proviso would prevent peace
and the acquisition of territory; 7, it was insulting to Mexico to
legislate about territory belonging to her, would scandalize the world,
and might prolong the war; 8, the Proviso stood in the way of needed
war legislation, tended to alarm the South and lessen its interest
in the war, incited to discord at a time when harmony was peculiarly
desirable, promoted sectionalism, and, if adopted, might render the
administration powerless to wage the war successfully. As is well
known, Brinkerhoff of Ohio was the father of the Proviso, but for
strategical reasons Wilmot was asked to introduce it. Wilmot himself
did not insist upon the Proviso, when Polk explained to him some of
the difficulties. For a convenient review of the later history of the
Proviso principle see Lalor, Cyclopædia, iii, 1115-7. The Proviso
threatened Whig unity and success, of course, because the northern wing
and the southern wing of the party could not agree regarding slavery.
34.31. =137=Fisher to Calhoun, Aug. 22, 1847. (Committed) Richardson,
Messages, iv, 536-41. =169=Rives to Crittenden, Feb. 5, 8, 1847.
=330=J. P. to Z. Taylor, Sept. 8, 1847. Merriam, Bowles, i, 48.
Curtis, Webster, i, 303-7, 324 5[missing hyphen of 324-5?F1]. Webster,
Writings, ix, 257-9; xiii, 328. =13=Pakenham, no. 18, 1847. Lalor,
Cyclopædia, iii, 1105. _Amer. Review_, Oct., 1847, 345-6. Louisville
_Journal_, Sept. 17, 1847. Cincinn. _Enquirer_, Nov. 15, 1847.
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, pp. 555-6 (Webster); app., 296-302 (Berrien).
=132=Donelson to Buchanan, Jan. 8, 1847. =132=Bancroft to _Id._, Oct.
18, 1847. Boston _Courier_, Feb. 14, 1848. Corwin to F., Feb. 4, 1847:
Ohio Phil. and Hist. Soc. Pubs., July-Sept., 1914. Benton, Abr. Debs.,
xvi, 42 (Berrien). Wash. _Union_, Feb. 8, 25; Sept. 8, 13, 16; Oct.
5, 1847. _Public Ledger_, Feb. 8, 17, 1847. Cole, Whig Party, 119-22.
Pierce, Sumner, iii, 159. _Nat. Intellig._, Sept. 7, 1847.
Berrien's words (Benton, Abr. Debates, xvi, 42): The war "ought not to
be prosecuted ... with any view to the dismemberment of that republic,
or to the acquisition by conquest of any part of her territory"; this
government "will always be ready to enter into negotiations, with a
view to terminate the present unhappy conflict on terms which shall
... preserve inviolate the national honor ... of Mexico"; "it is
especially desirable ... that the boundary of the State of Texas should
be definitely settled, and that provision be made by the republic of
Mexico for the prompt and equitable settlement of the just claims of
our citizens." Naturally the Whigs endeavored to recommend the "No
territory" idea by dwelling on other points (_e.g._ the country was
already large enough; this plan would prevent a struggle between North
and South over slavery; without it no treaty with Mexico could be
ratified). How much merit these arguments possessed, it is unnecessary
to point out; but no doubt there was more or less honest belief in
them, especially among the rank and file. The people in general,
however, were against giving up all the fruits of our victories, and
even Calhoun admitted that we could not get out of the war with credit
unless we made a large gain in territory.
34.32. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Dec. 5, 12, 1846. =108=Appleton to
Bancroft, Feb. 24, 1847. =108=Polk to Bancroft, Jan. 30, 1847, private.
Welles papers. _Public Ledger_, Mar. 2, 1847. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 18,
21; Feb. 8; Mar. 3, 1847. Polk, Diary, Jan. 19, 1847. _Nat. Intellig._,
Aug. 11, 1846; July 22, 1847. N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Jan. 7, 1847. N. Y.
_Express_, Sept. 4, 1847. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 8, 1847; Jan. 27, 1848.
Balt. _American_ in Wash. _Union_, Sept. 8, 1847. _No. American_, Dec.
30, 1846; Oct. 6, 1847. Slidell to Buchanan, Nov. 5, 1846: "The fate
of the administration depends on the successful conduct of the war"
(Curtis, Buchanan, i, 601).
34.33. (Elected) Smith, Annex. of Texas, 307-9. =169=Burnley to
Crittenden, Dec. 12, 1847. =132=R. Taylor to Buchanan, Nov. 18, 1847,
private. Seward, Seward at Washington, i, 57-8. Schurz, Clay, ii,
290-2. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 16-18, 24 (Clay's speech in full, which
Colton does not give complete), 27, 29; Dec. 1, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_,
Nov. 16, 1847. N. Y. _Herald_, Nov. 17, 1847. Cincinn. _Enquirer_,
Nov. 15, 1847. (Abhorrent) _Amer. Review_, Feb., 1848, 110. Lexington
_Observer_, Nov. 17, 1847. Clay, Works (Colton, ed.), iii, 60-7. _No.
American_, Dec. 4, 1847. Cole, Whig Party, 120. Shackford, Citizen's
Appeal, 18. Hill, Lawrence, 76. (In Mexico) =256=J. Parrott to Marcy,
Dec. 27, 1847, private. Webster, Writings, xiii, 328.
34.34. =169=Rives to Crittenden, Feb. 8, 1847. =13=Pakenham, no. 132,
1846. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, app., 211-8 (Corwin), 282-9 (Severance).
Corwin to Follett, Feb. 4, 1847: Ohio Phil. and Hist. Soc. Pubs.,
July-Sept., 1914. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 25, 1847. _No. American_, May
27, 1847. Sumner, Orations, ii, 143, 187. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 138,
140. =253=Dowling to McLean, Dec. 7, 1847.
34.35. Semmes, Service, 69. =253=Mower to McLean, Nov. 22; Dec. 13,
1847. =345=Niles to Van Buren, Jan. 20, 1848. =137=Rhett to Calhoun,
May 20, 1847. =169=Prunt to Crittenden, Dec. 5, 1847. London _Times_,
Feb. 15, 1848. =13=Crampton, no. 42, 1847. Calhoun Corresp., 727-8
(to D. G.), 737-9 (to W. T.). Sherman Letters, 38. Welles papers.
=108=Polk to Bancroft, Jan. 30, 1847, private. _Nat. Intellig._, Aug.
17; Dec. 27, 1847; Jan. 10, 1848. _Public Ledger_, Dec. 25, 1847; Jan.
31; Feb. 11, 1848. Bourne, Essays, 227. _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, pp. 93
(withdrawal), 94 (vote), 95 (unconstitutional), 391-2 (Schenck), 396
(Henley), 495, 530 (Webster), 566 (Hilliard). _Amer. Review_, vi, 331,
342. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 289, 337. Amer. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1911,
ii, 83 (Lamar). N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Jan. 27, 1848. Cincinn. _Atlas_
in Wash. _Union_, Aug. 25, 1847. Ohio _State Journal_: _ibid._, Aug.
30. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 4; Dec. 16, 1847. =335=Dimond to Trist, Oct.
27, 1847. =335=Buchanan to Trist, Oct. 7, 24, 1847, private. N. Y.
_Tribune_, Nov. 5, 1847. N. Y. _Herald_, Dec. 4, 1847. =198=G. Davis to
Gallatin, Mar. 6, 1848. =345=Law to Van Buren, Aug. 2, 1847.
Public sentiment was well voiced by the governor of Virginia in a
=42=Message to the Assembly, Dec. 6, 1847 (exec. letter book, no. 73,
p. 325): "Shall the insolent Mexican go unpunished? Shall the glories
of Palo Alto, Resaca de La Palma, Monterey, etc., pass away in a dream,
leaving no solid memorials behind them of a skill, a gallantry, and a
self-sacrificing devotion unsurpassed in the history of man? I regard
this war as a practical question, and to be disposed of accordingly.
That morbid sympathy that lives only for Mexico--that Mexico which
murders the drunken soldier, and lances the wounded on the field of
battle--I cannot approve, nor can I respect that closet philosophy that
calls on us to surrender everything because we are victorious. No, my
sympathies are for my country, for the gallant dead, for those whose
mighty deeds have given a bolder and a broader light to our glorious
constellation, for the widows and for their orphans.... I would be just
to Mexico, but just also to my own country."
The difficulty of reaching an agreement in Congress about the
relation of slavery interests to the war was thought by the British
representative to stand in the way of compelling the administration to
stop hostilities (=13=Crampton, no. 71, Dec. 30, 1847), and no doubt
had considerable effect. In the speakership contest 220 Representatives
voted (_Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, p. 2). To hold that Congress had power to
prescribe the objects of the war was virtually to declare Congress the
supreme commander and treaty-making power. It was also to declare the
nation impotent to wage the war, for, as the parties stood, it could
not pass a bill over the President's veto.
34.36. =345=Poinsett to Van Buren, June 4, 1847. =345=Blair to _Id._,
Dec. 9, 1847. Webster, Writings, x, 262 (_re_ Ten Regiment bill: the
war unnecessary and unconstitutional). =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 28,
1848. _Public Ledger_, Dec. 15, 1847; Jan. 31; Feb. 2, 1848. Wash.
_Union_, Mar. 24, 1848. _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, pp. 57-8 (Goggin), 154-6
(Lincoln), 267-9 (resolutions), 415-7 (Smith), 495-6, 530-5 (Webster),
etc. (Direct taxes) N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Dec. 25, 1847. (Chairman) N.
Y. _Herald_, Feb. 13, 1848 (financial article). _Nat. Intellig._, Jan.
17, 1848.
The British chargé at Washington, though that legation was strongly in
sympathy with the Whigs, reported that the Whigs lost no opportunity
to embarrass and discredit the administration (=13=Crampton, no. 19,
Feb. 9, 1848). Slidell's instructions never having been acted upon,
were practically a dead letter, and it was important not to make them
public, lest the Mexicans, knowing on what terms the United States
had been willing to restore friendly intercourse, should use the
information to embarrass future negotiations; but the House, admitting
this point by promising to keep them secret--which everybody knew
could not be done--demanded them, and resented Polk's wise refusal to
transmit them. The _National Intelligencer_ (Dec. 18, 1847) asserted
that Slidell had been "ordered not to negotiate a settlement of the
Boundary of Texas ... unless in complication with the cession to the U.
S. of California," which was positively false. Polk, Diary, Jan. 5, 6,
8, 10, 13, 17, 23; July 6, 1848. After peace was declared he sent them
(Richardson, Messages, iv, 594-600).
The Mexican tariff gave rise to some of the best declamation of the
war period. The _National Intelligencer_ accused Polk of exercising
"absolute monarchical power" in that matter (Apr. 3, 1847). The Albany
_Statesman_ (Apr. 9) said, "This is surely the most flagrant usurpation
and the most matchless piece of impudence with which any ruler in
modern times has ever ventured to insult an intelligent people." In
March, 1848, the subject came up in Congress, and Webster (Writings,
x, 262) declared the President had no right to lay the duties, and
that the duties were paid by Americans and neutrals; whereas in
fact his military powers gave the President ample authority, and of
course the duties were added to the prices of the goods. The _National
Intelligencer_ went so far as to deny that the President had any
military initiative whatever, and to assert that as commander-in-chief
he was merely "a subordinate" of Congress (see Wash. _Union_, Aug. 21,
1847).
34.37. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Dec. 5, 1846. _Spirit of the Age_, Feb.
3, 1848.
34.38. Wash. _Union_, June 9, 1848. =157=Barclay to Cobb, Dec. 24,
1847. _Nat. Intellig._, June 10, 1848. (Illegal) Delano's words,
p. 277. (Advised) =370=To Davis, Apr. 18, 1848. (Mil. spirit)
Wash. _Union_, May 22, 1847. Norfolk _Herald_, Apr. 12, 1847.
Every Representative who had voted or said that Polk began the war
unconstitutionally was bound to move for his impeachment.
34.39. By "Hosea Biglow" the author means, of course, the ideas
expressed by Lowell in his _Biglow Papers_.
34.40. As early as Jan. 2, 1847, the N. Y. _Herald_, a non-partisan
journal, said the course of the Whigs with reference to the war had
almost ruined them in public estimation. Indeed that fact has been
in a general way recognized (Pierce, Sumner, iii, 111; Schurz, Clay,
ii, 289; Von Holst, U. S., iii, 252). Probably the reasons why the
Democrats behaved better than the Whigs were that (1) circumstances
did not involve them in such dilemmas, and (2) they had the
responsibilities of conducting affairs.
XXXV. THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE WAR
35.1. It should be remembered that American newspapers and public
men were saying unpleasant things about England at this period. The
dislike was mutual as well as natural. She still entertained, no doubt,
a smouldering resentment against this country for having dared to
become independent, and she noted with a jealousy that is quite easily
understood the rapid growth of her sometime colony in population,
wealth and commercial importance.