CALHOUN, JOHN CALDWELL CALW
CALI CALYDON
CALIBRATION CALYPSO
CALICO CAM (CAO), DIOGO
CALICUT CAMACHO, JUAN FRANCISCO
CALIFORNIA CAMALDULIANS
CALIFORNIA, LOWER CAMARGO, MARIE ANNE DE CUPIS DE
CALIFORNIA, UNIVERSITY OF CAMARGUE
CALIPASH and CALIPEE CAMARINA
CALIPH CAMBACERES, JEAN JACQUES REGIS DE
CALIPHATE CAMBALUC
CALIVER CAMBAY
CALIXTUS (popes) CAMBAY, GULF OF
CALIXTUS, GEORG CAMBER
CALL CAMBERT, ROBERT
CALLANDER CAMBERWELL
CALLAO CAMBIASI, LUCA
CALLCOTT, SIR AUGUSTUS WALL CAMBODIA
CALLCOTT, JOHN WALL CAMBON, PIERRE JOSEPH
CALLIAS CAMBON, PIERRE PAUL
CALLIAS and HIPPONICUS CAMBORNE
CALLIMACHUS (Athenian sculptor) CAMBRAI
CALLIMACHUS (Greek poet) CAMBRIA
CALLINUS CAMBRIAN SYSTEM
CALLIOPE CAMBRIC
CALLIRRHOE CAMBRIDGE, EARLS AND DUKES OF
CALLISTHENES CAMBRIDGE, RICHARD OWEN
CALLISTO CAMBRIDGE (of England)
CALLISTRATUS (grammarian) CAMBRIDGE (Maryland, U.S.A.)
CALLISTRATUS (Athenian poet) CAMBRIDGE (Massachusetts, U.S.A.)
CALLISTRATUS (Greek sophist) CAMBRIDGE (Ohio, U.S.A.)
CALLISTRATUS (of Aphidnae) CAMBRIDGE PLATONISTS
CALLOT, JACQUES CAMBRIDGESHIRE
CALLOVIAN CAMBUSLANG
CALM CAMBYSES
CALMET, ANTOINE AUGUSTIN CAMDEN, CHARLES PRATT
CALNE CAMDEN, JOHN JEFFREYS PRATT
CALOMEL CAMDEN, WILLIAM
CALONNE, CHARLES ALEXANDRE DE CAMDEN (New Jersey, U.S.A.)
CALORESCENCE CAMDEN (South Carolina, U.S.A.)
CALORIMETRY CAMEL
CALOVIUS, ABRAHAM CAMELFORD, THOMAS PITT
CALPURNIUS, TITUS CAMELLIA
CALTAGIRONE CAMEO
CALTANISETTA CAMERA
CALTROP CAMERA LUCIDA
CALUIRE-ET-CUIRE CAMERA OBSCURA
CALUMET CAMERARIUS, JOACHIM (classical scholar)
CALUMPIT CAMERARIUS, JOACHIM (German botanist)
CALVADOS CAMERARIUS, RUDOLF JAKOB
CALVART, DENIS CAMERINO
CALVARY CAMERON, JOHN
CALVE EMMA CAMERON, RICHARD
CALVERLEY, CHARLES STUART CAMERON, SIMON
CALVERT (English artists) CAMERON, VERNEY LOVETT
CALVERT, FREDERICK CRACE CAMERON OF LOCHIEL, SIR EWEN
CALVERT, SIR HARRY, BART CAMERONIANS
CALVES' HEAD CLUB CAMEROON
CALVI CAMILING
CALVIN, JOHN CAMILLUS, MARCUS FURIUS
CALVINISTIC METHODISTS CAMILLUS and CAMILLA
CALVISIUS, SETHUS CAMISARDS
CALVO, CARLOS CAMOENS, LUIS VAZ DE
CALHOUN, JOHN CALDWELL (1782-1850), American statesman and
parliamentarian, was born, of Scottish-Irish descent, in Abbeville
District, South Carolina, on the 18th of March 1782. His father, Patrick
Calhoun, is said to have been born in Donegal, in North Ireland, but to
have left Ireland when a mere child. The family seems to have emigrated
first to Pennsylvania, whence they removed, after Braddock's defeat, to
Western Virginia. From Virginia they removed in 1756 to South Carolina
and settled on Long Cane Creek, in Granville (now Abbeville) county.
Patrick Calhoun attained some prominence in the colony, serving in the
colonial legislature, and afterwards in the state legislature, and
taking part in the War of Independence. In 1770 he had married Martha
Caldwell, the daughter of another Scottish-Irish settler.
The opportunities for obtaining a liberal education in the remote
districts of South Carolina at that time were scanty. Fortunately, young
Calhoun had the opportunity, although late, of studying under his
brother-in-law, the Rev. Moses Waddell (1770-1840), a Presbyterian
minister, who afterwards, from 1819 to 1829, was president of the
University of Georgia. In 1802 Calhoun entered the junior class in Yale
College, and graduated with distinction in 1804. He then studied first
at the famous law school in Litchfield, Conn., and afterwards in a law
office in Charleston, S.C., and in 1807 was admitted to the bar. He
began practice in his native Abbeville District, and soon took a leading
place in his profession. In 1808 and 1809 he was a member of the South
Carolina legislature, and from 1811 to 1817 was a member of the national
House of Representatives.
When he entered the latter body the strained relations between Great
Britain and the United States formed the most important question for the
deliberation of Congress. Henry Clay, the Speaker of the House, being
eager for war and knowing Calhoun's hostility to Great Britain, gave him
the second place on the committee of foreign affairs, of which he soon
became the actual head. In less than three weeks the committee reported
resolutions, evidently written by Calhoun, recommending preparations for
a struggle with Great Britain; and in the following June Calhoun
submitted a second report urging a formal declaration of war. Both sets
of resolutions the House adopted. Clay and Calhoun did more, probably,
than any other two men in Congress to force the reluctant president into
beginning hostilities.
In 1816 Calhoun delivered in favour of a protective tariff a speech that
was ever after held up by his opponents as evidence of his inconsistency
in the tariff controversy. The embargo and the war had crippled American
commerce, but had stimulated manufactures. With the end of the
Napoleonic wars in Europe the industries of the old world revived, and
Americans began to feel their competition. In the consequent distress in
the new industrial centres there arose a cry for protection. Calhoun,
believing that there was a natural tendency in the United States towards
the development of manufactures, supported the Tariff Bill of 1816,
which laid on certain foreign commodities duties higher than were
necessary for the purposes of revenue. He believed that the South would
share in the general industrial development, not having perceived as yet
that slavery was an insuperable obstacle. His opposition to protection
in later years resulted from an honest change of convictions. He always
denied that in supporting this bill he had been inconsistent, and
insisted that it was one for revenue.
From 1817 to 1825 Calhoun was secretary of war under President Monroe.
To him is due the fostering and the reformation of the National Military
Academy at West Point, which he found in disorder, but left in a most
efficient state. Calhoun was vice-president of the United States from
1825 to 1832, during the administration of John Quincy Adams, and during
most of the first administration of Andrew Jackson. This period was for
Calhoun a time of reflection. His faith in a strong nationalistic policy
was gradually undermined, and he finally became the foremost champion of
particularism and the recognized leader of what is generally known as
the "States Rights" or "Strict Construction" party.
In 1824 there was a very large increase in protective duties. In 1828 a
still higher tariff act, the so-called "Bill of Abominations," was
passed, avowedly for the purpose of protection. The passage of these
acts caused great discontent, especially among the Southern states,
which were strictly agricultural. They felt that the great burden of
this increased tariff fell on them, as they consumed, but did not
produce, manufactured articles. Under such conditions the Southern
states questioned the constitutionality of the imposition. Calhoun
himself now perceived that the North and the South represented diverse
tendencies. The North was outstripping the South in population and
wealth, and already by the tariff acts was, as he believed, selfishly
levying taxes for its sole benefit. The minority must, he insisted, be
protected from "the tyranny of the majority." In his first important
political essay, "The South Carolina Exposition," prepared by him in the
summer of 1828, he showed how this should be done. To him it was clear
that the Federal Constitution was a limited instrument, by which the
sovereign states had delegated to the Federal government certain general
powers. The states could not, without violating the constitutional
compact, interfere with the activities of the Federal government so long
as the government confined itself to its proper sphere; but the attempt
of Congress, or any other department of the Federal government, to
exercise any power which might alter the nature of the instrument would
be an act of usurpation. The right of judging such an infraction
belonged to the state, being an attribute of sovereignty of which the
state could not be deprived without being reduced to a wholly
subordinate condition. As a remedy for such a breach of compact the
state might resort to nullification (q.v.), or, as a last resort, to
secession from the Union. Such doctrines were not original with Calhoun,
but had been held in various parts of the Union from time to time. It
remained for him, however, to submit them to a rigid analysis and reduce
them to a logical form.
Meantime the friendship between Calhoun and Jackson had come to an end.
While a member of President Monroe's cabinet, Calhoun had favoured the
reprimanding of General Jackson (q.v.) for his high-handed course in
Florida in 1818, during the first Seminole War. In 1831 W.H. Crawford,
who had been a member of this cabinet, desiring to ruin Calhoun
politically by turning Jackson's hostility against him, revealed to
Jackson what had taken place thirteen years before. Jackson could brook
no criticism from one whom he had considered a friend; Calhoun,
moreover, angered the president still further by his evident sanction of
the social proscription of Mrs Eaton (q.v.); the political views of the
two men, furthermore, were becoming more and more divergent, and the
rupture between the two became complete.
The failure of the Jackson administration to reduce the Tariff of 1828
drew from Calhoun his "Address to the People of South Carolina" in 1831,
in which he elaborated his views of the nature of the Union as given in
the "Exposition." In 1832 a new tariff act was passed, which removed the
"abominations" of 1828 but left the principle of protection intact. The
people of South Carolina were not satisfied, and Calhoun in a third
political tract, in the form of a letter to Governor James Hamilton
(1786-1857) of South Carolina, gave his doctrines their final form, but
without altering the fundamental principles that have already been
stated.
In 1832 South Carolina, acting in substantial accordance with Calhoun's
theories, "nullified" the tariff acts passed by Congress in 1828 and
1832 (see NULLIFICATION; SOUTH CAROLINA; and UNITED STATES). On the 28th
of December 1832 Calhoun resigned as vice-president, and on the 4th of
January 1833 took his seat in the Senate. President Jackson had, in a
special message, taken strong ground against the action of South
Carolina, and a bill was introduced to extend the jurisdiction of the
courts of the United States and clothe the president with additional
powers, with the avowed object of meeting the situation in South
Carolina. Calhoun, in turn, introduced resolutions upholding the
doctrine held by South Carolina, and it was in the debate on the
first-named measure, termed the "Force Bill," and on these resolutions,
that the first intellectual duel took place between Daniel Webster and
Calhoun. Webster declared that the Federal government through the
Supreme Court was the ultimate expounder and interpreter of its own
powers, while Calhoun championed the rights of the individual state
under a written contract which reserved to each state its sovereignty.
The practical result of the conflict over the tariff was a compromise.
Congress passed an act gradually reducing the duties to a revenue basis,
and South Carolina repealed her nullification measures. As the result of
the conflict, Calhoun was greatly strengthened in his position as the
leader of his party in the South. Southern leaders generally were now
beginning to perceive, as Calhoun had already seen, that there was a
permanent conflict between the North and the South, not only a
divergence of interests between manufacturing and agricultural sections,
but an inevitable struggle between free and slave labour. Should enough
free states be admitted into the Union to destroy the balance of power,
the North would naturally gain a preponderance in the Senate, as it had
in the House, and might, within constitutional limits, legislate as it
pleased. The Southern minority recognized, therefore, that they must
henceforth direct the policy of the government in all questions
affecting their peculiar interests, or their section would undergo a
social and economic revolution. The Constitution, if strictly
interpreted according to Calhoun's views, would secure this control to
the minority, and prevent an industrial upheaval.
An element of bitterness was now injected into the struggle. The
Northern Abolitionists, to whom no contract or agreement was sacred that
involved the continuance of slavery, regarded the clauses in the Federal
Constitution which maintained the property rights of the slave-owners as
treaties with evil, binding on no one, and bitterly attacked the
slave-holders and the South generally. Their attacks may be said to have
destroyed the moderate party in that section. Any criticism of their
peculiar institution now came to be highly offensive to Southern
leaders, and Calhoun, who always took the most advanced stand in behalf
of Southern rights, urged (but in vain) that the Senate refuse to
receive abolitionist petitions. He also advocated the exclusion of
abolitionist literature from the mails.
Indeed from 1832 until his death Calhoun may be said to have devoted his
life to the protection of Southern interests. He became the exponent,
the very embodiment, of an idea. It is a mistake, however, to
characterize him as an enemy to the Union. His contention was that its
preservation depended on the recognition of the rights guaranteed to the
states by the Constitution, and that aggression by one section could
only end in disruption. Secession, he contended, was the only final
remedy left to the weaker. Calhoun was re-elected to the Senate in 1834
and in 1840, serving until 1843. From 1832 to 1837 he was a man without
a party. He attacked the "spoils system" inaugurated by President
Jackson, opposed the removal of the government deposits from the Bank of
the United States, and in general was a severe critic of Jackson's
administration. In this period he usually voted with the Whigs, but in
1837 he went over to the Democrats and supported the "independent
treasury" scheme of President Van Buren. He was spoken of for the
presidency in 1844, but declined to become a candidate, and was
appointed as secretary of state in the cabinet of President Tyler,
serving from the 1st of April 1844, throughout the remainder of the
term, until the 10th of March 1845. While holding this office he devoted
his energies chiefly to the acquisition of Texas, in order to preserve
the equilibrium between the South and the constantly growing North. One
of his last acts as secretary of state was to send a despatch, on the
3rd of March 1845, inviting Texas to accept the terms proposed by
Congress. Calhoun was once more elected to the Senate in 1845. The
period of his subsequent service covered the settlement of the Oregon
dispute with Great Britain and the Mexican War. On the 19th of February
1847 he introduced in the Senate a series of resolutions concerning the
territory about to be acquired from Mexico, which marked the most
advanced stand as yet taken by the pro-slavery party. The purport of
these resolutions was to deny to Congress the power to prohibit slavery
in the territories and to declare all previous enactments to this effect
unconstitutional.
In 1850 the Union seemed in imminent danger of dissolution. California
was applying for admission to the Union as a state under a constitution
which did not permit slavery. Her admission with two Senators would have
placed the slave-holding states in the minority. In the midst of the
debate on this application Calhoun died, on the 31st of March 1850, in
Washington.
Calhoun is most often compared with Webster and Clay. The three
constitute the trio upon whom the attention of students at this period
naturally rests. Calhoun possessed neither Webster's brilliant rhetoric
nor his easy versatility, but he surpassed him in the ordered method and
logical sequence of his mind. He never equalled Clay in the latter's
magnetism of impulse and inspiration of affection, but he far surpassed
him in clearness and directness and in tenacity of will. He surpassed
them both in the distinctness with which he saw results, and in the
boldness with which he formulated and followed his conclusions.
Calhoun in person was tall and slender, and in his later years was
emaciated. His features were angular and somewhat harsh, but with a
striking face and very fine eyes of a brilliant dark blue. To his slaves
he was just and kind. He lived the modest, unassuming life of a country
planter when at his home, and at Washington lived as unostentatiously as
possible, consistent with his public duties and position. His character
in other respects was always of stainless integrity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.--A collected edition of Calhoun's _Works_ (6 vols., New
York, 1853-1855) has been edited by Richard K. Cralle. The most
important speeches and papers are:--_The South Carolina Exposition_
(1828); _Speech on the Force Bill_ (1833); _Reply to Webster_ (1833);
_Speech on the Reception of Abolitionist Petitions_ (1836), _and on
the Veto Power_ (1842); a _Disquisition on Government_, and a
_Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States_
(1849-1850)--the last two, written a short time before his death,
defend with great ability the rights of a minority under a government
such as that of the United States. Calhoun's _Correspondence_, edited
by J. Franklin Jameson, has been published by the American Historical
Association (see _Report_ for 1899, vol. ii.). The biography of
Calhoun by Dr Hermann von Holst in the "American Statesmen Series"
(Boston, 1882) is a condensed study of the political questions of
Calhoun's time. Gustavus M. Pinckney's _Life of John C. Calhoun_
(Charleston, 1903) gives a sympathetic Southern view. Gaillard Hunt's
_John C. Calhoun_ (Philadelphia, 1908) is a valuable work.
(H. A. M. S.)
CALI, an inland town of the department of Cauca, Colombia, South
America, about 180 m. S.W. of Bogota and 50 m. S.E. of the port of
Buenaventura, on the Rio Cali, a small branch of the Cauca. Pop. (1906
estimate) 16,000. Cali stands 3327 ft. above sea-level on the western
side of the Cauca valley, one of the healthiest regions of Colombia. The
land-locked character of this region greatly restricts the city's trade
and development; but it is considered the most important town in the
department. It has a bridge across the Cali, and a number of religious
and public edifices. A railway from Buenaventura will give Cali and the
valley behind it, with which it is connected by over 200 m. of river
navigation, a good outlet on the Pacific coast. Coal deposits exist in
the immediate vicinity of the town.
CALIBRATION, a term primarily signifying the determination of the
"calibre" or bore of a gun. The word _calibre_ was introduced through
the French from the Italian _calibro_, together with other terms of
gunnery and warfare, about the 16th century. The origin of the Italian
equivalent appears to be uncertain. It will readily be understood that
the calibre of a gun requires accurate adjustment to the standard size,
and further, that the bore must be straight and of uniform diameter
throughout. The term was subsequently applied to the accurate
measurement and testing of the bore of any kind of tube, especially
those of thermometers.
In modern scientific language, by a natural process of transition, the
term "calibration" has come to denote the accurate comparison of any
measuring instrument with a standard, and more particularly the
determination of the errors of its scale. It is seldom possible in the
process of manufacture to make an instrument so perfect that no error
can be discovered by the most delicate tests, and it would rarely be
worth while to attempt to do so even if it were possible. The cost of
manufacture would in many cases be greatly increased without adding
materially to the utility of the apparatus. The scientific method, in
all cases which admit of the subsequent determination and correction of
errors, is to economize time and labour in production by taking pains in
the subsequent verification or calibration. This process of calibration
is particularly important in laboratory research, where the observer has
frequently to make his own apparatus, and cannot afford the time or
outlay required to make special tools for fine work, but is already
provided with apparatus and methods of accurate testing. For
non-scientific purposes it is generally possible to construct
instruments to measure with sufficient precision without further
correction. The present article will therefore be restricted to the
scientific use and application of methods of accurate testing.
_General Methods and Principles._--The process of calibration of any
measuring instrument is frequently divisible into two parts, which
differ greatly in importance in different cases, and of which one or the
other may often be omitted. (1) The determination of the value of the
unit to which the measurements are referred by comparison with a
standard unit of the same kind. This is often described as the
_Standardization_ of the instrument, or the determination of the
_Reduction factor_. (2) The verification of the accuracy of the
subdivision of the scale of the instrument. This may be termed
calibration of the scale, and does not necessarily involve the
comparison of the instrument with any independent standard, but merely
the verification of the accuracy of the relative values of its
indications. In many cases the process of calibration adopted consists
in the comparison of the instrument to be tested with a standard over
the whole range of its indications, the relative values of the
subdivisions of the standard itself having been previously tested. In
this case the distinction of two parts in the process is unnecessary,
and the term calibration is for this reason frequently employed to
include both. In some cases it is employed to denote the first part
only, but for greater clearness and convenience of description we shall
restrict the term as far as possible to the second meaning.
The methods of standardization or calibration employed have much in
common even in the cases that appear most diverse. They are all
founded on the axiom that "things which are equal to the same thing
are equal to one another." Whether it is a question of comparing a
scale with a standard, or of testing the equality of two parts of the
same scale, the process is essentially one of interchanging or
substituting one for the other, the two things to be compared. In
addition to the things to be tested there is usually required some
form of balance, or comparator, or gauge, by which the equality may be
tested. The simplest of such comparators is the instrument known as
the _callipers_, from the same root as calibre, which is in constant
use in the workshop for testing equality of linear dimensions, or
uniformity of diameter of tubes or rods. The more complicated forms of
optical comparators or measuring machines with scales and screw
adjustments are essentially similar in principle, being finely
adjustable gauges to which the things to be compared can be
successively fitted. A still simpler and more accurate comparison is
that of volume or capacity, using a given mass of liquid as the gauge
or test of equality, which is the basis of many of the most accurate
and most important methods of calibration. The common balance for
testing equality of mass or weight is so delicate and so easily tested
that the process of calibration may frequently with advantage be
reduced to a series of weighings, as for instance in the calibration
of a burette or measure-glass by weighing the quantities of mercury
required to fill it to different marks. The balance may, however, be
regarded more broadly as the type of a general method capable of the
widest application in accurate testing. It is possible, for instance,
to balance two electromotive forces or two electrical resistances
against each other, or to measure the refractivity of a gas by
balancing it against a column of air adjusted to produce the same
retardation in a beam of light. These "equilibrium," or "null," or
"balance" methods of comparison afford the most accurate measurements,
and are generally selected if possible as the basis of any process of
calibration. In spite of the great diversity in the nature of things
to be compared, the fundamental principles of the methods employed are
so essentially similar that it is possible, for instance, to describe
the testing of a set of weights, or the calibration of an electrical
resistance-box, in almost the same terms, and to represent the
calibration correction of a mercury thermometer or of an ammeter by
precisely similar curves.
_Method of Substitution._--In comparing two units of the same kind and
of nearly equal magnitude, some variety of the general method of
substitution is invariably adopted. The same method in a more
elaborate form is employed in the calibration of a series of multiples
or submultiples of any unit. The details of the method depend on the
system of subdivision adopted, which is to some extent a matter of
taste. The simplest method of subdivision is that on the binary scale,
proceeding by multiples of 2. With a pair of submultiples of the
smallest denomination and one of each of the rest, thus 1, 1, 2, 4, 8,
16, &c., each weight or multiple is equal to the sum of all the
smaller weights, which may be substituted for it, and the small
difference, if any, observed. If we call the weights A, B, C, &c.,
where each is approximately double the following weight, and if we
write a for observed excess of A over the rest of the weights, b for
that of B over C + D + &c., and so on, the observations by the method
of substitution give the series of equations,