_December 1st._—After hunting a great while for our horses, without

finding them, we were obliged to give an _Indian_ three hundred wampum

for looking for them. We bought corn for four hundred and fifty wampum

for our horses. The Indians met together to hear what Mr. Croghn had

to say. _Thomas King_ spoke by a belt, and invited them to come to the

general; upon which they all resolved to go.

In the evening the captains and counsellors came together, I and _Isaac

Still_ being present; they told us, that they had formerly agreed not

to give any credit to any message, sent from the English by _Indians_;

thinking, if the _English_ would have peace with them, they would come

themselves; “So soon, therefore, as you came, it was as if the weather

changed; and a great cloud passed away, and we could think again on our

ancient friendship with our brethren, the _English_. We have thought

since that time, more on the _English_ than ever before, although the

_French_ have done all, in their power, to prejudice our young men

against the _English_. Since you now come the second time, we think it is

God’s work; he pities us, that we should not all die; and if we should

not accept of the peace offered to us, we think God would forsake us.”

In discourse, they spoke about preaching, and said, “They wished many

times to hear the word of God; but they were always afraid the _English_

would take that opportunity to bring them into bondage.” They invited

me to come and live amongst them; since I had taken so much pains in

bringing a peace about between them and the _English_. I told them, “It

might be, that when the peace was firmly established, I would come to

proclaim the peace and love of God to them.”

In the evening arrived a message, with a string of wampum, to a noted

_Indian_, _Ketiuscund_, to come to _Wenango_, to meet the _Unami_

chief, _Quitahicung_ there; he said that a _French Mohock_ had killed

a _Delaware_ Indian; and when he was asked why he did it? He said the

_French_ bid him do it.

2d.—Early before we set out, I gave 300 wampums to the _Cayugas_, to

buy some corn for their horses; they agreed that I should go before to

the general, to acquaint him of their coming. The _Beaver_ creek being

very high, it was almost two o’clock in the afternoon, before we came

over the creek; this land seems to be very rich. I, with my companion,

_Kekiuscund’s_ son, came to Log’s-town, situated on a hill. On the

east end is a great piece of low land, where the old _Logs-town_ used

to stand. In the new _Logs-town_ the _French_ have built about thirty

houses for the _Indians_. They have a large corn field on the south side,

where the corn stands ungathered. Then we went further through a large

tract of fine land, along the river side. We came within eight miles of

_Pittsburg_,[107] where we lodged on a hill, in the open air. It was a

cold night; and I had forgot my blanket, being packed upon Mr. Hays’s

horse. Between _Saccung_ and _Pittsburg_, all the _Shawanos_ towns are

empty of people.

3d.—We started early, and came to the river by _Pittsburg_; we called

that they should come over and fetch us; but their boats having gone

adrift, they made a raft of black oak pallisadoes, which sunk as soon as

it came into the water. We were very hungry, and staid on that island,

where I had kept council with the _Indians_, in the month of August last;

for all I had nothing to live on, I thought myself a great deal better

off now, than at that time, having now liberty to walk upon the island

according to pleasure; and it seemed as if the dark clouds were dispersed.

While I waited here, I saw the general march off from _Pittsburg_; which

made me sorry, that I could not have the pleasure of speaking with him.

Towards evening our whole party arrived: upon which they fired from the

fort with twelve great guns; and our _Indians_ saluted again three times

round with their small arms. By accident some of the _Indians_ found a

raft hid in the bushes, and Mr. Hays, coming last, went over first with

two Indians. They sent us but a small allowance; so that it would not

serve each round. I tied my belt a little closer, being very hungry, and

nothing to eat.[108] It snowed, and we were obliged to sleep without any

shelter. In the evening they threw light balls from the fort; at which

the _Indians_ started, thinking they would fire at them; but seeing it

was not aimed at them, they rejoiced to see them fly so high.

4th.—We got up early, and cleared a place from the snow, cut some fire

wood, and hallooed till we were tired. Towards noon Mr. _Hays_ came with

a raft, and the _Indian_ chiefs went over: he informed me of Colonel

_Bouquet’s_[109] displeasure with the _Indians’_ answer to the general,

and his desire that they should alter their mind, in insisting upon the

general’s going back; but the _Indians_ had no inclination to alter

their mind. In the afternoon some provision was sent over, but a small

allowance. When I came over to the fort, the council with the _Indians_

was almost at an end. I had a discourse with Colonel _Bouquet_ about the

affairs, disposition and resolution of the _Indians_.

I drew provision for our journey to fort _Ligonier_, and baked bread

for our whole company: towards noon the _Indians_ met together in a

conference. First king _Beaver_ addressed himself to the _Mohocks_,

desiring them to give their brethren an answer about settling at

_Pittsburg_. The _Mohocks_ said, “They lived at such a distance, that

they could not defend the _English_ there, if any accident should befal

them; but you, cousins, who live close here, must think what to do.” Then

_Beaver_ said by a string:

“What this messenger has brought is very agreeable to us; and as our

uncles have made peace with you, the _English_, and many other nations,

so we likewise join, and accept of the peace offered to us; and we have

already answered by your messenger, what we have to say to the general,

that he should go back over the mountains; we have nothing to say to the

contrary.”

Neither Mr. _Croghn_ nor _Andrew Montour_ would tell Colonel _Bouquet_

the _Indians’_ answer. Then Mr. _Croghn_, Colonel _Armstrong_ and

Colonel _Bouquet_ went into the tent by themselves, and I went upon my

business. What they have further agreed I do not know; but when they had

done, I called king _Beaver_, _Shingas_, and _Kekeuscund_, and said,

“Brethren, if you have any alteration to make, in the answer to the

general, concerning leaving this place, you will be pleased to let me

know.” They said, they would alter nothing, “We have told them three

times to leave the place and go back; but they insist upon staying here;

if, therefore, they will be destroyed by the _French_ and the _Indians_,

we cannot help them.”

Colonel _Bouquet_ set out for _Loyalhannon_: The _Indians_ got some

liquor between ten and eleven o’clock. One _Mohock_ died; the others

fired guns three times over him; at the last firing one had accidentally

loaded his gun with a double charge: this gun burst to pieces, and broke

his hand clean off; he also got a hard knock on his breast; and in the

morning at nine o’clock he died, and they buried them in that place, both

in one hole.

6th.—It was a cold morning; we swam our horses over the river, the ice

running violently. Mr. _Croghn_ told me that the _Indians_ had spoke,

upon the same string that I had, to Colonel _Bouquet_, and altered their

mind; and had agreed and desired that 200 men should stay at the fort.

I refused to make any alteration in the answer to the general, till I

myself did hear it of the _Indians_; at which Mr. _Croghn_ grew very

angry. I told him I had already spoke with the _Indians_; he said, it was

a d—d lie; and desired Mr. _Hays_ to enquire of the _Indians_, and take

down in writing what they said. Accordingly he called them, and asked

them, if they had altered their speech, or spoke to Colonel _Bouquet_

on that string they gave me. _Shingas_ and the other counsellor said,

they had spoken nothing to Colonel _Bouquet_ on the string they gave me,

but what was agreed between the Indians at _Kushkushking_. They said,

Mr. _Croghn_ and _Henry Montour_ had not spoke and acted honestly and

uprightly; they bid us not alter the least, and said, “We have told them

three times to go back; but they will not go, insisting upon staying

here. Now you will let the governor, general, and all people know, that

our desire is, that they should go back, till the other nations have

joined in the peace, and then they may come and build a trading house.”

They then repeated what they had said the 5th instant. Then we took leave

of them, and promised to inform the general, governor, and all other

gentle people of their disposition; and so we set out from _Pittsburg_,

and came within fifteen miles of the breast-work; where we encamped. It

snowed, and we made a little cabbin of hides.

7th.—Our horses were fainting, having little or no food. We came that

day about twenty miles, to another breast-work; where the whole army had

encamped on a hill; the water being far to fetch.

8th.—Between _Pittsburg_ and fort _Ligonier_ the country is hilly, with

rich bottoms, well timbered, but scantily watered. We arrived at fort

_Ligonier_ in the afternoon, about four o’clock; where we found the

general very sick; and therefore could have no opportunity to speak with

him.

9th.—We waited to see the general; they told us he would march the next

day, and we should go with him. Captain _Sinclair_ wrote us a return for

provisions for four days.

10th.—The general was still sick; so that he could not go on the journey.

11th.—We longed very much to go farther; and therefore spoke to Major

_Halket_,[110] and desired him to enquire of the general, if he intended

to speak with us, or, if we might go; as we were in a poor condition,

for want of linen, and other necessaries. He desired us to bring the

_Indians’_ answer, and our journal to the general. Mr. _Hays_ read

his journal to Major _Halket_ and Governor _Glen_.[111] They took

memorandums, and went to the general.

12th.—They told us we should stay till the general went.

14th.—The general intended to go; but his horses could not be found.

They thought the _Indians_ had carried them off. They hunted all day for

the horses, but could not find them. I spoke to Colonel _Bouquet_ about

our allowance being so small, that we could hardly subsist; and that we

were without money; and desired him to let us have some money, that we

might buy necessaries. Provisions, and every thing is exceeding dear.

One pound of bread cost a shilling; one pound of sugar four shillings, a

quart of rum seven shillings and six pence, and so in proportion. Colonel

Bouquet laid our matters before the general; who let me call, and excused

himself, that his distemper had hindered him from speaking with me; and

promised to help me in every thing I should want, and ordered him to give

me some money. He said farther, that I often should call; and when he

was alone he would speak with me.

16th.—Mr. _Hays_, being a hunting, was so lucky as to find the general’s

horses, and brought them home; for which the general was very thankful to

him.

17th.—Mr. _Hays_, being desired by Major _Halket_ to go and look for the

other horses, went, but found none.

18th.—The general told me to hold myself ready, to go with him down the

country.

20th.—After we had been out two days, to hunt for our horses, in the

rain, we went again to day, and were informed, they had been seen in a

lost condition; one laying on the hill, and the other standing; they had

been hoppled together; but a person told us, he had cut the hopples. When

we came home we found the horses; they having made home to the fort.

22d.—It was cold and stormy weather.

23d.—I hunted for our horses, and having found them, we gave them both to

the king’s commissary; they not being able to carry us farther.

The sergeant _Henry Osten_, being one of the company that guided us, as

above mentioned, and was that same prisoner, whom the _Shawanos_ intended

to burn alive, came to day to the fort. He was much rejoiced to see us,

and said, “I thank you a thousand times for my deliverance from the fire;

and think it not too much to be at your service my whole life time.” He

gave us intelligence that the _Indians_ were, as yet, mightily for the

_English_. His master had offered to set him at liberty, and bring him to

_Pittsburg_ if he would promise him ten gallons of rum; which he did; and

he was brought safe to _Pittsburg_. _Delaware George_ is still faithful

to the _English_; and was very helpful to procure his liberty. _Isaac

Still_, _Shingas_ and _Beaver_ are gone with the message to the nations

living further off. When the _French_ had heard that the garrison, at

_Pittsburg_, consisted only of 200 men, they resolved to go down from

_Venango_, and destroy the _English_ fort. So soon as the _Indians_ at

_Kushkushking_, heard of their intention, they sent a message to the

_French_, desiring them to draw back; for they would have no war in

their country. The friendly _Indians_ have sent out parties with that

intention, that if the _French_ went on, in their march towards the fort,

they would catch them, and bring them to the _English_. They shewed to

_Osten_ the place, where eight _French Indian_ spies had lain near the

fort. By their marks upon the place they learned that these eight were

gone back, and five more were to come to the same place again. He told

us further, that the _Indians_ had spoke among themselves, that if the

_English_ would join them, they would go to _Venango_, and destroy the

_French_ there. We hear that the friendly _Indians_ intend to hunt round

the fort, at _Pittsburg_, and bring the garrison fresh meat. And upon

this intelligence the general sent Captain _Wedderholz_[112] with fifty

men, to reinforce the garrison at _Pittsburg_.

25th.—The people in the camp prepared for a _Christmas_ frolick; but I

kept _Christmas_ in the woods by myself.

26th.—To day an express came from _Pittsburg_ to inform the general, that

the French had called all the _Indians_ in their interest together, and

intended to come and destroy them there.

27th.—Towards noon the general set out; which caused a great joy among

the garrison, which had hitherto lain in tents, but now being a smaller

company, could be more comfortably lodged. It snowed the whole day. We

encamped by a _beaver dam_, under _Laurel Hill_.

28th.—We came to _Stony Creek_, where Mr. _Quickfell_ is stationed. The

general sent Mr. _Hays_, express, to fort _Bedford_ (_Rays Town_) and

commanded him to see, if the place for encampment, under the _Allegheny_

mountain, was prepared; as also to take care that refreshments should be

at hand, at his coming. It was stormy and snowed all the day.

29th.—On the road I came up with some waggons; and found my horses with

the company; who had taken my horse up, and intended to carry the same

away. We encamped on this side, under the _Allegheny_ hill.

30th.—Very early I hunted for my horses, but in vain, and therefore was

obliged to carry my saddle bags, and other baggage on my back. The burden

was heavy, the roads bad; which made me very tired, and came late to

_Bedford_; where I took my old lodging with Mr. _Frazier_. They received

me kindly, and refreshed me according to their ability.

31st.—This day we rested, and, contrary to expectation, preparation was

made for moving further to-morrow. Mr. _Hays_, who has his lodging with

the commander of that place, visited me.

January 1st. 1759.—We set out early. I got my saddle bags upon a waggon;

but my bed and covering I carried upon my back; and came that day to the

crossing of _Juniata_: where I had poor lodgings, being obliged to sleep

in the open air, the night being very cold.

2d.—We set out early. I wondered very much that the horses, in these

slippery roads, came so well with the waggons over these steep hills. We

came to fort _Littleton_; where I drew provisions; but could not find any

who had bread, to exchange for flour. I took lodging in a common house.

Mr. _Hays_ arrived late.

3d.—We rose early. I thought to travel the nearest road to _Shippen’s

Town_, and therefore desired leave of the general to prosecute my journey

to _Lancaster_, and wait for his excellency there; but he desired me to

follow in his company. It snowed, freezed, rained, and was stormy the

whole day. All were exceeding glad that the general arrived safe at fort

_Loudon_. There was no room in the fort for such a great company; I,

therefore, and some others went two miles further, and got lodgings at a

plantation.

4th.—I and my company took the upper road; which is three miles nearer to

_Shippen’s town_, where we arrived this evening. The slippery roads made

me, as a traveller, very tired.

5th.—To day I staid here for the general. Mr. _Hays_ went ten miles

further, to see some of his relations. In the afternoon _Israel

Pemberton_ came from _Philadelphia_ to wait upon the general.[113]

6th.—I came to-day ten miles to Mr. _Miller’s_, where I lodged, having

no comfortable place in _Shippen’s town_; all the houses being crowded

with people.

7th.—They made preparation, at Mr. _Millers_, for the reception of

the general; but he, being so well to-day, resolved to go as far as

_Carlisle_. I could scarce find any lodging there. _Henry Montour_ was so

kind as to take me in his room.

8th.—I begged the general for leave to go to _Lancaster_, having some

business, which he at last granted. I went to captain Sinclair for a

horse, who ordered me to go to the chief justice of the town; who ought

to procure one for me, in the province service. According to this order I

went; but the justice told me, that he did not know how to get any horse;

if I would go and look for one, he should be glad if I found any. But

having no mind to run from one to another, I resolved to walk, as I had

done before: and so travelled along, and came about ten miles that day to

a tavern keeper’s, named _Chesnut_.

9th.—To-day I crossed the _Susquahanna_ over the ice, and came within

thirteen miles of _Lancaster_. It was slippery and heavy travelling.

10th.—It rained all the day. I arrived at three o’clock in the afternoon,

in _Lancaster_; and was quite refreshed, to have the favour to see my

brethren.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, p. 132; _Pennsylvania

Archives_, iii, pp. 412-422.

[2] Journal of this journey in _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, pp.

142-145.

[3] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, p. 147.

[4] _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 556, 557.

[5] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, pp. 341, 419, 463, 466, 469,

491; _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 581, 582, 689, 702, 703.

[6] All Indians are excessive fond of rum, and will be drunk whenever

they can get it.—[CHARLES THOMSON?]

[7] Willamegicken (Wellemeghikink), known to the whites as James, was a

prominent brave of the Allegheny Delawares, who had been employed as a

messenger between them and the Susquehanna tribes of the same race. He

had agreed to accompany Post on this journey, for which the Pennsylvania

Council had voted to supply him with a horse. _Pennsylvania Archives_,

iii, p. 415; _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, p. 148.—ED.

[8] Bethlehem is a Moravian town built in 1741-42, after the retreat of

these people from Georgia. Count Zinzendorf organized the congregation at

this place, and named the settlement (1742). For the first twenty years a

community system prevailed among the inhabitants, called the “Economy.”

Portions of the buildings erected under that régime are still standing.

See “Moravians and their Festival,” in _Outlook_, August 1, 1903. In

1752, the brethren built a large stone house for the accommodation

of Indian visitors, and those who escaped the massacre of 1755 were

domiciled there when Post passed through.—ED.

[9] These two treaties were made with Teedyuscung: the first at Easton in

July and August, 1757, whereby the neutrality of the Susquehanna Indians

and the Six Nations was secured (_Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, vii,

pp. 649-714); the second at Philadelphia in April, 1758 (see _Id._, viii,

pp. 29-56, 87-97).—ED.

[10] After Braddock’s defeat, the ravaging of the frontiers both west

and north of the settled portions of Pennsylvania became so serious that

the colonial government appointed a commission, headed by Franklin,

to take means to protect the settlers, and defend the territory.

Franklin proceeded into Northumberland County, and made arrangements

to fortify the point on the Lehigh where Weisport, Carbon County, now

stands. But before the stockade was completed a body of Indians fell

upon and seriously defeated a party of militia from the neighboring

Irish settlements, led by Captain Hayes (January, 1756). The works were

pushed rapidly after this setback, and the fort was named in honor of

William Allen, chief-justice of the province. This post was garrisoned

until after Pontiac’s War, and probably throughout the Revolution. See

Franklin’s _Writings_ (New York, 1887), ii, pp. 449-454.—ED.

[11] Teedyuscung, one of the most famous of Delaware chiefs, was born in

Trenton about 1705. When nearly fifty years old, he was chosen chief of

the Susquehanna Delawares, and being shrewd and cunning played a game of

diplomacy between the Iroquois, the Ohio Indians, and the authorities of

Pennsylvania, by which he managed largely to enhance his own importance,

and to free the Delawares from their submission to the Six Nations. His

headquarters were in the Wyoming Valley, whence he descended to the

Moravian settlements, and even to Easton and Philadelphia, to secure

supplies from the Pennsylvania authorities. In 1756 a truce was patched

up with this chief at Easton, after he had bitterly complained of the

“Walking Purchase” of 1737, and the white settlements on the Juniata.

His loyalty to the English was doubtful and wavering, and his opposition

to Post’s journey was probably due to fears that his own importance as

a medium between the Ohio Indians and the English would be diminished

by the former’s success. His cabin at Wyoming having treacherously been

set on fire, during one of his drunken sleeps, Teedyuscung was burned to

death in 1763. The Iroquois, who were the guilty party, threw the obloquy

upon the Connecticut settlement, whereupon Teedyuscung’s followers

murdered all the band.—ED.

[12] Wyoming Valley was the bone of contention between the Connecticut

and Pennsylvania colonies, each claiming that it was within their charter

limits. The Connecticut agents succeeded in securing an Indian title at

the Albany conference (1754); but their first settlement being effaced by

an Indian massacre (see preceding note), their next body of emigrants did

not proceed thither until 1769. Meanwhile, on the strength of the Indian

purchase at Fort Stanwix (1768) the Pennsylvanians had occupied the

valley; and a border warfare began, which lasted until the Revolution.

The massacre of 1778, by the Tories and British Indians, is a matter of

general history.

The Indians of the valley were of many tribes—Oneidas, Delawares,

Shawnees, Munseys, Nanticokes, etc. The Moravian Christian Indians

settled at Wyoming in 1752. After the murder of Teedyuscung they fled,

but returned to found the town of Wyalusing (1765), where the missionary

Zeisberger lived with them until their removal, three years later to the

Ohio.—ED.

[13] An _Indian_ expression meaning free admission.—[C. T.?]

[14] Post, after leaving Fort Allen, passed through the present Carbon

County, crossed the headwaters of the Schuylkill, and traversed

Northumberland County to Fort Augusta. On the massacres in that region

see Rupp, _History of Northumberland_, etc., (Lancaster, 1847), pp.

100-116. Fort Augusta, at the forks of the Susquehanna, was built in

1756, at the request of the Indians settled there under the chieftainship

of Shickalamy. It was not a mere stockade and blockhouse, but a regular

fortification, provided with cannon, and was commanded at first by

Colonel Clapham, succeeded by Colonel James Burd. This stronghold was

garrisoned until after the Revolutionary War; but before that time

settlement had begun to spring up about the fort, and the town of Sunbury

was laid out in 1772.—ED.

Journals of Conrad Weiser (1748), George Croghan (1750-1765), Christian Frederick Post (1758), and Thomas Morris (1764) · 第 19 / 23 段