In the Course of this Tour through the Indⁿ Countrys I made it my study

to converse in private with Pondiac, & several of the Chiefs of the

different Nations, as often as oppertunity served, in order to find out

the sentiments they have of the French & English, Pondiac is a shrewd

sensible Indian of few words, & commands more respect amongst those

Nations, than any Indian I ever saw could do amongst his own Tribe.

He and all his principal men of those Nations seem at present to be

convinced that the French had a view of interest in stirring up the

late differance between his Majesties Subjects & them & call it a Bever

War, for neither Pondiac nor any of the Indians which I met with, ever

pretended to deny but the French were at the bottom of the whole, &

constantly supplyed them with every necessary they wanted, as far as in

their power, every where through that Country & notwithstanding they

are at present convinced, that it was for their own Interest, yet it

has not changed the Indians affections to them, they have been bred up

together like Children in that Country, & the French have always adopted

the Indians customs & manners, treated them civily & supplyed their

wants generously, by which means they gained the hearts of the Indians

& commanded their services, & enjoyed the benefit of a very large Furr

Trade, as they well knew if they had not taken this measure they could

not enjoy any of those Advantages. The French have in a manner taught

the Indians in that Country to hate the English, by representing them

in the worst light they could on all occasion, in particular they have

made the Indians there believe lately, that the English would take their

Country from them & bring the _Cherokees_ there to settle & to enslave

them, which report they easily gave credit to, as the Southern Indˢ had

lately commenced war against them. I had great difficulty in removeing

this suspicion and convincing them of the falsity of this report, which I

flatter myself I have done in a great measure, yet it will require some

time, a very even Conduct in those that are to reside in their Country,

before we can expect to rival the French in their affection, all Indians

are jealous & from their high notion of liberty hate power, those Nations

are jealous and prejudiced against us, so that the greatest care will

be necessary to convince them of our honest Intention by our Actions.

The French sold them goods much dearer than the English Traders do at

present, in that point we have the advantage of the French, but they

made that up in large presents to them for their services, which they

wanted to support their Interest in the Country, & tho’ we want none of

their services, yet they will expect favours, & if refused look on it

in a bad light, & very likely think it done to distress them for some

particular Advantages we want to gain over them. They are by no means so

sensible a People as the Six Nations or other Tribes this way, & the

French have learned them for their own advantage a bad custom, for by

all I could learn, they seldom made them any general presents, but as it

were fed them with Necessaries just as they wanted them Tribe by Tribe,

& never sent them away empty, which will make it difficult & troublesome

to the Gentlemen that are to command in their Country for some time, to

please them & preserve Peace, as they are a rash inconsiderate People

and don’t look on themselves under any obligations to us, but rather

think we are obliged to them for letting us reside in their Country. As

far as I can judge of their Sentiments by the several Conversations I

have had with them, they will expect some satisfaction made them by Us,

for any Posts that should be established in their Country for Trade.

But you will be informed better by themselves next Spring, as Pondiac &

some Chiefs of every Nation in that Country intend to pay you a visit.

The several Nations on the Ouiabache, & towards the _Ilinois_, _St.

Josephs_, _Chicago_, _Labaye_, _Sagina_ & other places have applyed for

Traders to be sent to their settlements, but as it is not in the power of

any Officer to permit Traders to go from Detroit or _Michillimackinac_,

either English or French, I am of opinion the Indˢ will be supplyed

this year chiefly from the _Ilinois_, which is all French property & if

Trading Posts are not established at proper Places in that Country soon

the French will carry the best part of the Trade over the _Missisipi_

which they are determined to do if they can, for I have been well

informed that the French are preparing to build a strong trading Fort

on the other side Missisipi, about 60 miles above _Fort Chartres_,[134]

and have this Summer in a private manner transported 26 pieces of small

canon up the River for that purpose.

G. CROGHAN.

November, 1765.

FOOTNOTES

[1] See Weiser’s _Journal_, _ante_; and _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_,

v, pp. 287, 295.

[2] _Ibid._, v, p. 387; _Pennsylvania Archives_, ii, p. 31.

[3] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, pp. 432-449.

[4] See _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, p. 568.

[5] _Ibid._, p. 665.

[6] _Pennsylvania Archives_, ii, pp. 114, 689.

[7] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, vii, p. 355; _New York Colonial

Documents_, vii, pp. 136, 174, 196, 211.

[8] Stone, _Life of Johnson_, ii, app., p. 457.

[9] _New York Colonial Documents_, vii, p. 624.

[10] _Ibid._, p. 603.

[11] Egle, _Notes and Queries_ (Harrisburg, 1896) 3d series, ii, p. 348.

[12] For his descendants see Egle, _Notes and Queries_, 3d series, ii, p.

349.

[13] See Craig, _The Olden Time_, and the heterogeneous mass of Croghan’s

writings therein printed.

[14] The following is reprinted from _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v,

pp. 496-498; also printed in _Early History of Western Pennsylvania_,

app., pp. 21-29. The circumstances under which it was written are as

follows: In the autumn of 1750, Conrad Weiser reported to the governor

of Pennsylvania that the French agent Joncaire was on his way to the

Ohio with a present of goods, and orders from the governor of Canada

to drive out all the English traders. Accordingly, Governor Hamilton

detailed Croghan and Montour to hasten thither, and by the use of a small

present, and the promise of more, to try and counteract the intrigues

of the French, and maintain the Indians in the English interest. Upon

Croghan’s arrival at Logstown, he sent back this reassuring letter.

Proceeding westward to the Muskingum, where he had a trading house at

a Wyandot village, Croghan met Christopher Gist, agent for the Ohio

Company, and with him continued to the Scioto, thence to the Twigtwee

town of Pickawillany (near the present Piqua, Ohio). All the way, Croghan

held conferences with the Delawares, Shawnees, Wyandots, and Twigtwees,

strengthening the English alliance, and promising a large present

of goods to be furnished next spring at Logstown. At Pickawillany,

he made an unauthorized treaty with two new tribes who sought the

English alliance—the Piankeshaws and Weas (Waughwaoughtanneys, French

Ouiatonons). Unfortunately no extant document by Croghan adequately

chronicles this journey. Our knowledge of it is derived from the journal

of Gist (_q. v._); from incidental notices in the _Pennsylvania Colonial

Records_, v, pp. 476, 485-488, 522-525; and from Croghan’s brief account,

see _post_.—ED.

[15] In the original publication the month was misprinted December for

November. See _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, p. 498, where the

governor in a message to the Assembly speaks of Croghan’s letter from the

Ohio of the sixteenth of November. Cf. also, Gist’s _Journal_, November

25, 1750, where he says that Croghan had passed through Logstown about a

week before.—ED.

[16] Philippe Thomas Joncaire (John Cœur), Sieur de Chabert, was a

French officer resident among the Seneca Indians, to whose tribe his

mother was said to belong. Born in 1707, on the death of his father

(1740) he succeeded to the latter’s influence and authority among the

Iroquois, and made constant efforts to neutralize the influence of Sir

William Johnson, the English agent. Joncaire had a trading house at

Niagara, and his profits from the portage of goods at that place were

great. He accompanied Céloron’s expedition in 1749; and in 1753 met

Washington at Venango. It was chiefly due to his influence that the Ohio

Indians deserted the English at the outbreak of the French and Indian

war. Joncaire led the Iroquois contingent in all the campaigns on the

Allegheny and in Western New York; and when Prideaux and Johnson advanced

against Niagara, he commanded an outpost at the upper end of the portage.

He signed the capitulation of Fort Niagara (1759), but after that nothing

further is known of him.—ED.

[17] The town mentioned here was at the mouth of the Scioto River, and

was known as “the lower Shawnee town.”—ED.

[18] Detroit was considered an important station by La Salle; but no

permanent post was established there until 1701, when De la Mothe

Cadillac built a fort named Pontchartrain, and established the nucleus of

a French colony. Bands of Indians were induced to settle at the strait;

and here (1712) took place the battle of the Foxes with the Hurons

and Ottawas. Detroit continued to be one of the most important French

posts in the West until in 1760, when it was transferred to an English

detachment under command of Major Rogers. See Croghan’s _Journal_, _post_.

The siege of Detroit during Pontiac’s War is one of the best known

incidents in its history. During the Revolution, the British officials

here were accused of sending scalping parties against the frontier

settlements; and in 1779 George Rogers Clark captured at Vincennes its

“hair-buying” commandant, General Henry Hamilton. In 1780, an expedition

against Detroit was projected by Clark, but failed of organization.

Throughout the Indian wars of the Northwest, Detroit was regarded with

suspicion by the Americans, and its surrender in 1796 secured a respite

for the frontier. Its capitulation to the British by Hull (1812) was a

blow to the American cause, which was not repaired until after Perry’s

victory on Lake Erie, when Proctor evacuated Detroit, which was regained

by an American force (September 29, 1813). Cass was then made governor.

As American settlement came in, the importance of Detroit as a centre

for the fur-trade declined, and its career as a Western commercial city

began.—ED.

[19] Captain William Trent was a noted Indian trader, brother-in-law and

at this time partner of Croghan. Although born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania

(1715), he served the colony of Virginia as Indian agent; and in 1752

its governor dispatched him to the Miamis with a present. See _Journal

of Captain Trent_ (Cincinnati, 1871). The following year he was sent

out by the Ohio Company to begin a fortification at the Forks of the

Ohio, from which in Trent’s absence (April, 1754), the garrison was

expelled by a French force under Contrecœur. Trent was with Forbes in

1758, and the following year was made deputy Indian agent, assistant to

Croghan, and aided at the conferences at Fort Pitt in 1760. His trade was

ruined by the uprising of Pontiac’s forces, but he received reparation

at the treaty of Fort Stanwix (1768) by a large grant of land between

the Kanawha and Monongahela rivers, where he made a settlement. At the

outbreak of the Revolution he joined the patriot cause, and was major of

troops raised in Western Pennsylvania.—ED.

[20] Governor James Hamilton was the son of a prominent Philadelphia

lawyer, and being himself educated for the legal profession, held several

offices in the colony before he was appointed lieutenant-governor in

1748. His administration was a vigorous one, but owing to difficulties

with the Quaker party he resigned in 1754. Five years later he was

reinstated in the office, and served until the proprietor John Penn

came over as governor (1763). His death occurred at New York during the

British occupation (1783).—ED.

[21] This document is reprinted from _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_,

v, pp. 530-536; a portion of it is also to be found in Craig, _The

Olden Time_ (Pittsburg, 1846), i, p. 136, and a reprint in _Early

History of Western Pennsylvania_, app., pp. 26-34. As the result of

Croghan’s Western journey during the winter of 1750-51, and the desire

of Pennsylvania to maintain its trade relations with the Ohio Indians,

the Assembly voted £700 to be employed in presents; and the governor

instructed Croghan and Montour to deliver the goods.—See _Pennsylvania

Colonial Records_, v, pp. 487, 518, 525, and Croghan’s account, _post_.

The adroitness with which Croghan outwitted the French officer and

interpreter Joncaire, and his influence over the chiefs on the Ohio,

as well as the susceptibility of the Indian nature to the influence of

material goods, are all exemplified in this narrative. It did not result,

however, as Croghan and the governor wished, in inducing the Pennsylvania

authorities to construct a fort on the Ohio. The beginnings of that

enterprise were left to the Virginians, but too late to secure the Forks

of the Ohio from being seized by the French.—ED.

[22] The commandant of this famous expedition (1749) was Pierre Joseph

Céloron, Sieur de Blainville, born in 1693, and having served a long

apprenticeship in the posts of the upper country. He commanded an

invasion of the Chickasaw country (1739), and had charge of the post at

Detroit in 1742-43, and again in 1750-54. Fort Niagara was entrusted to

him in 1744-47, whence he was transferred to Crown Point, until his Ohio

expedition took place. In the French and Indian War he held the rank of

major, and served on the staff of the commander-in-chief. He died about

1777. In 1760, the Canadian authorities characterized him as “poor and

brave.” Some question has arisen, whether the leader of this expedition

might not have been a younger brother, Jean Baptiste. For Croghan’s visit

to the Ohio directly after Céloron’s expedition had passed, see _post_;

also, _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, p. 387, and _Pennsylvania

Archives_, ii, p. 31.—ED.

[23] The Onondaga Council was the chief governing body of the Six

Nations, or Iroquois, and since this confederacy assumed supremacy over

the Ohio Indians, it was the chief centre of Indian diplomacy. The

council house was situated on the site of the present town of Onondaga,

New York, and was about eighty feet long, with broad seats arranged on

each side. For an early description see Bartram, _Observations, etc._

(London, 1751), pp. 40, 41.—ED.

[24] Galissonière, the governor of Canada, who planned Céloron’s

expedition to the Ohio, was superseded in the autumn of 1749 by Jacques

Pierre de Taffanel, Marquis de la Jonquière, who continued the policy of

the former; he sent orders to the commandants of the Western posts to

arrest all British subjects found in the Ohio Valley. La Jonquière, who

was born in 1686, had served in the French navy with distinction, and

after his first commission as governor of New France was captured by an

English vessel (1747), and kept a prisoner for more than a year, so that

he did not reach his post until 1749. His term of service was but two

years and a half, being terminated by his death in May, 1752.—ED.

[25] This Dunkar (or Dunker) was doubtless Samuel Eckerlin one of three

brothers who migrated from Ephrata about 1745, and ultimately settled

on the Monongahela about ten miles below Morgantown, West Virginia. The

Dunkers were a sect of German Baptists that arose in the Palatine about

1708, and migrated to Pennsylvania in 1719. Their formal organization

took place at a baptism on the banks of Wissahickon Creek (near

Philadelphia) in 1723. There were several divisions of this sect, one

of which founded the community of Ephrata. Their tenets were baptism

by immersion, a celibate community life, and refusal to bear arms. The

Eckerlin brothers sought a solitary wilderness life, and at first were

regarded with favor by the Ohio Indians. A massacre, however, demolished

their settlement in 1757. Three of the party were captured, and sent as

prisoners to Canada, and later to France. For details see Sachse, _German

Sectarians of Pennsylvania_ (Philadelphia, 1900), ii, pp. 340-359.—ED.

[26] For an account of this chief see Weiser’s _Journal_, _ante_.—ED.

[27] Indians receive a speech with grunts of approval, which the French

annalists spelled “ho-ho.” Croghan is apparently giving the English

rendering of this term.—ED.

[28] This letter accompanied the preceding journal, and was written

on Croghan’s return to the settlements. Pennsboro was the district in

Cumberland County west of the Susquehanna, in which Croghan’s home was at

this time situated.—ED.

[29] The letter from Joncaire here referred to, is printed in French

in _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, p. 540. It consists merely of a

statement of the French right to the Ohio Valley, and of the orders of

the governor of Canada to permit no English to trade therein.—ED.

[30] This journal is reprinted from the _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_,

v, pp. 731-735 (also found in _Early History of Western Pennsylvania_,

app., pp. 50-53), and chronicles a material change of affairs on the Ohio

since the last account written by Croghan. Then the English interests

were in the ascendency, and the French were being flouted and driven

from the headwaters of the Ohio. But the division in English councils,

the supineness of the colonial assemblies, and the active preparation

and determined advance of the French into the upper Ohio Valley had had

its effect upon the Indian tribes. Two years before, Trent had reported

all the Ohio tribes secure in the English interest; but the same year

an expedition from Detroit had moved against the recalcitrant Miamis

(Twigtwees), and after inflicting a severe chastisement had secured

them again to the French control, as Croghan herein reports. Early

the following year the French expedition under Marin had advanced to

take forcible possession of the Ohio country, and begin the chain of

posts necessary to its defense. Presqu’isle and Le Bœuf had been built,

while a deputation under Joncaire had seized the English trader’s house

at Venango, and placed a French flag above it. A large number of the

Indians, frightened at this show of force, yielded to the threatenings

and cajoleries of the French officers. A small party, hoping to obtain

aid from the English colonists, had sent off a deputation in the autumn

of 1753 to meet the Virginia authorities at Winchester, and those of

Pennsylvania at Carlisle, at both of which conferences Croghan was in

attendance. The present which the Assembly of Pennsylvania had voted

the preceding May (_Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, p. 617) was

cautiously given out, most of it consisting of powder and lead; it was

feared with reason, that it might be used to the disadvantage of the back

settlements. Croghan himself, although using every endeavor to fortify

the Indians in the English alliance, lost heart at the dilatoriness of

the Pennsylvania Assembly, some of whose members even doubted whether

the land invaded did not rightfully belong to the French. He could wish

with all his “hart Some gentleman who is an Artist in Philadelphia, and

whos Acount wold be Depended on, whould have ye Curiosety to take a

Journay in those parts,” in order to prove to the province (by means of

a map) that the lands on which the French were building lay within their

jurisdiction—(_Pennsylvania Archives_, ii, p. 132). Meanwhile, Washington

had been sent out by Dinwiddie to summon the French to retire. Croghan,

who reached this territory soon after Washington’s return, reports in the

following journal the conditions on the Ohio.—ED.

[31] A year and a half after this visit of Croghan’s, Turtle Creek was

the site of Braddock’s defeat. For a description of the battle, and the

present appearance of the site, see Thwaites, _How George Rogers Clark

won the Northwest and other Essays in Western History_ (Chicago, 1903),

pp. 184, 185.

John Frazier, who had his house at the mouth of Turtle Creek, was a

Pennsylvania trader, gunsmith, and interpreter, who had lived twelve

years at Venango, whence he was driven by the invading French expedition

the summer previous. He assisted Washington on his journey, and the next

year (1754) was commissioned lieutenant of the militia forces under

Trent’s command, that were to fortify the Forks of the Ohio.—ED.

[32] The journal of Washington on this journey was on his return printed

in Winchester (only two copies of which edition are known to be extant),

also in London (1754). Frequent reprints have been made, and the journal

has been edited by Sparks, Rupp, Craig, Shea, and Ford. The journal of

Gist, who accompanied Washington, is found in Darlington’s _Gist_, pp.

80-87. Croghan gives a concise summary of Washington’s mission and its

results.—ED.

[33] John Patten was a Pennsylvania Indian trader, who was captured in

the Miami towns by the order of the French governor (1750). He and two

companions were carried to Canada, and afterwards sent to France, being

imprisoned at La Rochelle, whence they appealed to the English ambassador

who secured their release. See _New York Colonial Documents_, x, p. 241.

Patten had at this time been sent to the Ohio with the Shawnee prisoners

from South Carolina. See _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, pp. 730,

731.—ED.

[34] Six Shawnee Indians had been arrested on suspicion of being

concerned in a raid, and confined in the Charleston, South Carolina,

jail. On the request of Governor Hamilton, two were released and sent to

Philadelphia to be delivered to their kinsfolk. The other four made their

escape. See _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v, pp. 696-700.—ED.

[35] The Half-King was a prominent Seneca or Mingo chief, whose home was

at Logstown. He was faithful to the English interest, and accompanied

Washington both on his journey of 1753 and his expedition of 1754; upon

the latter, he claimed to have slain Jumonville with his own hand. He was

decorated by the governor of Virginia in recognition of his services, and

given the honorary name of “Dinwiddie” in which he took great pride. When

the French secured the Ohio region, he removed under Croghan’s protection

to Aughwick Creek, where he died in October, 1756.—ED.

[36] The Chickasaws were a tribe of Southern Indians, domiciled in

Western Tennessee and Northern Mississippi, who were traditional allies

of the English and enemies of the French. After the Natchez War in

Louisiana, the remnant of that tribe took refuge with the Chickasaws, who

inflicted a severe defeat upon the French (1736), capturing and burning a

Jesuit priest and several well-known officers.—ED.

[37] The Ottawas were an Algonquian tribe, domiciled in Michigan about

the posts of Mackinac and Detroit. Faithful to the French interests,

they were doubtless acting under the directions of their commandants in

gathering to attack the Shawnees on the Scioto—ED.

[38] Lewis Montour, a brother of Andrew, had come the previous autumn to

the governor of Pennsylvania, with a message purporting to have been sent

by the Ohio Indians; they were represented as requesting help against the

French, and the building of forts on the river, and as offering all the

lands east of the river to pay the debts of the traders. As the character

of those who claimed to have obtained this treaty was open to suspicion,

the governor had sent Croghan and Andrew Montour to ascertain the truth

of the matter. The unauthorized insertion of so great a land grant, is a

good specimen of the methods by which the unprincipled traders sought to

take advantage of the Indians. See _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, v,

pp. 691-696.—ED.

[39] Shingas, brother of King Beaver, was one of the principal leaders

of the Delaware Indians on the Ohio, where he had a town at the mouth

of Beaver Creek. Shortly after this meeting with Croghan, he deserted

to the French, and his braves were a terror to the border settlers.

Governor Denny of Pennsylvania set a price of £200 upon his head. Post

had a conference with Shingas (1758), and persuaded him to return to

the English alliance; nevertheless, at the occupation of the Forks

of the Ohio by the English, Shingas with his band retreated to the

Muskingum. The last mention of him seems to be in 1762 (_Pennsylvania

Colonial Records_, viii, p. 690), and he appears to have died before the

conspiracy of Pontiac (1763), in which his tribe took part.—ED.

Journals of Conrad Weiser (1748), George Croghan (1750-1765), Christian Frederick Post (1758), and Thomas Morris (1764) · 第 9 / 23 段