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THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG
[Illustration: FRANK ARETAS HASKELL]
WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION: REPRINTS, NO. 1
THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG
BY FRANK ARETAS HASKELL
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL JOHN GIBBON, AND COLONEL OF THIRTY-SIXTH
WISCONSIN INFANTRY
WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION
NOVEMBER, 1908
TWENTY-FIVE HUNDRED COPIES PRINTED
DEMOCRAT PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTER
CONTENTS
PAGE
WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION ix
PREFACE. _The Editor_ xi
THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG. _Frank Aretas Haskell_ 1
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
PORTRAIT OF AUTHOR, while Colonel of Thirty-sixth
Wisconsin Infantry _Frontispiece_
MAP OF BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG, JULY 2 58
MAP OF BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG, JULY 3 130
WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION
(Organized under the provisions of Chapter 298, Laws of 1905,
as amended by Chapter 378, Laws of 1907)
JAMES O. DAVIDSON
_Governor of Wisconsin_
FREDERICK J. TURNER
_Professor of American History in the University of Wisconsin_
REUBEN G. THWAITES
_Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin_
HENRY E. LEGLER
_Secretary of the Wisconsin Library Commission_
CHARLES E. ESTABROOK
_Representing Department of Wisconsin, Grand Army of the Republic_
_Chairman_, COMMISSIONER ESTABROOK
_Secretary and Editor_, COMMISSIONER THWAITES
_Committee on Publications_, COMMISSIONERS LEGLER, THWAITES, AND TURNER
PREFACE
Frank Aretas Haskell was born at Tunbridge, Vermont, the son of Aretas
and Ann (Folson) Haskell, on the 13th of July, 1828. Graduating from
Dartmouth College with distinguished honors, in the class of 1854, the
young man came to Madison in the autumn of that year, and entered the
law firm of Orton, Atwood & Orton. His career in this profession was
increasingly successful, until in 1861 it was interrupted by the
outbreak of the War of Secession.
Commissioned on June 20 of that year as First Lieutenant of Company I of
the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry of the Iron Brigade, he served as
Adjutant of his regiment until April 14, 1862. Contemporaneous accounts
state that "much of the excellent discipline for which this regiment was
distinguished, was due to his soldierly efforts during its
organization."
He was called from the adjutancy of the Sixth to be aide-de-camp to
General John Gibbon, when the latter assumed command of the Iron
Brigade, and remained in such service until (February 9, 1864) he was
promoted to be Colonel of the Thirty-sixth Wisconsin. While aide to
General Gibbon he was temporarily on the staffs of several other
generals, including Edwin V. Sumner and G. K. Warren, and won wide
repute as a soldier of unusual ability and courage. With the Iron
Brigade, he participated in the campaigns of the Army of the Potomac,
taking part in reconnoissances at Orange Court House and Stephensburg,
in skirmishes at Rappahannock Station and Sulphur Springs, and in the
battles of Gainesville, Second Bull Run, South Mountain, Antietam,
Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and Gettysburg. Reporting upon the
battle of December 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg, General Gibbon alluded
to his favorite aide as being "constantly on the field, conveying orders
and giving directions amid the heaviest fire."
Writing of Gettysburg, which is herein so graphically depicted by
Haskell, General Francis A. Walker, in his _History of the Second Army
Corps_,[1] refers to our author as one who was "bravest of the brave,
riding mounted through an interval between the Union battalions, and
calling upon the troops to go forward." He further says: "Colonel Frank
A. Haskell, of Wisconsin, had been known for his intelligence and
courage, for his generosity of character and his exquisite culture, long
before the third day of Gettysburg, when, acting as aide to General
Gibbon, he rode mounted between the two lines, then swaying backward and
forward under each other's fire, calling upon the men of the Second
Division to follow him, and setting an example of valor and self
devotion never forgotten by any man of the thousands who witnessed it."
General Winfield S. Hancock, officially reporting upon the battle, thus
alluded to Haskell's deed: "I desire particularly to refer to the
services of a gallant young officer, First Lieutenant F. A. Haskell,
aide-de-camp to Brigadier-General Gibbon, who, at a critical period of
the battle, when the contending forces were but 50 or 60 yards apart,
believing that an example was necessary, and ready to sacrifice his
life, rode between the contending lines with a view of giving
encouragement to ours and leading it forward, he being at the moment
the only mounted officer in a similar position. He was slightly wounded
and his horse was shot in several places."
General Gibbon's report said: "I desire to call particular attention to
the manner in which several of the subordinate reports mention the
services of my gallant aide, Lieutenant F. A. Haskell, Sixth Wisconsin,
and to add my testimony of his valuable services. This young officer has
been through many battles, and distinguished himself alike in all by his
conspicuous coolness and bravery, and in this one was slightly wounded,
but refused to quit the field. It has always been a source of regret to
me that our military system offers no plan for rewarding his merit and
services as they deserve." In later years, the General again publicly
alluded to Haskell's heroic conduct on this field: "There was a young
man on my staff who had been in every battle with me and who did more
than any other one man to repulse Pickett's assault at Gettysburg and he
did the part of a general there."
General William Harrow spoke of Haskell as having "greatly distinguished
himself by his constant exertion in the most exposed places."
Colonel Norman J. Hall, of the Michigan Seventh Infantry, and then
commanding the Third Brigade, thus referred to the incident: "I cannot
omit speaking in the highest terms of the magnificent conduct of
Lieutenant Haskell, of General Gibbon's staff, in bringing forward
regiments and in nerving the troops to their work by word and fearless
example."
Upon receiving his appointment as Colonel of the Thirty-sixth Wisconsin,
Haskell returned at once to this State, and recruited and organized the
regiment for the field. Although his commission was dated from February
9, he was not mustered into service as Colonel until March 23. The
regiment, which had been assigned to the First Brigade, Second Division
of the Second Army Corps, left Madison May 10, and seven days later was
acting as reserve during the battle at Spottsylvania. Its experiences
thenceforth were of the most active character.
The command went into action at Cold Harbor, Virginia, early in the
morning of June 3. The official account of what followed, is contained
in the report of the State Adjutant General:[2] "The whole line
advanced upon the enemy by brigades, in column closed in mass by
regiments, the Thirty-sixth being in rear of the brigade. On advancing
about three-fourths of a mile across an open field, under a heavy
artillery fire, and when within about twenty-five rods of the rebel
works, partially protected by the brow of a low hill, the Thirty-sixth
was found in the advance, leading the brigade. During the advance,
Colonel McKeen, commanding the brigade, was killed, when the command
devolved upon Colonel Haskell. After a moment's rest, Colonel Haskell,
by command of General Gibbon, ordered the brigade forward. The men rose
to obey, and were met by a shower of bullets, when the other parts of
the line halted. Colonel Haskell surveyed the situation for a moment, as
if irresolute; he finally gave the order, 'Lie down, men,' which was at
once obeyed. An instant afterwards, he was struck in the head by a rebel
bullet, and instantly killed. Thus fell one of Wisconsin's most gallant
soldiers, a thorough disciplinarian, and an accomplished scholar."
Colonel Clement E. Warner, then a Captain in the Thirty-sixth, but later
its Major and Lieutenant-Colonel, has left us this report of the battle
of Cold Harbor, so far as concerns Colonel Haskell's participation and
death:[3]
"Frank A. Haskell was in every respect an ideal soldier, according to
the highest and best definition of that term. I think he was by
education, experience, association, natural ability, and temperament
fully as competent to handle a Division as a Regiment, and in many
respects the higher would seem the more appropriate position for him.
"He rejoined the Army of the Potomac with his regiment, the Thirty-sixth
Wisconsin, about the middle of May, 1864, at Spottsylvania. The two
armies were joined in a death struggle, which was destined to continue
almost uninterruptedly until one was effectually wiped from the face of
the earth. June 3 at Cold Harbor, our army was massed by division and
in that formation projected upon the fortifications of the enemy. Their
line of works was really the outer line of the defenses of Richmond, and
were perfectly constructed for defense, and manned by General Lee's
army, which when protected by works had thus far been able to
successfully withstand General Grant's continuous attacks.
"With the general advance our Division moved at daylight for nearly two
miles over undulating land, part of the time subject to the fire of the
enemy and occasionally protected from it by slight depressions in the
land. We moved forward as rapidly as possible, and in thirty minutes
were in the immediate presence of the enemy's line, and subjected to as
murderous a fire as met Pickett's men at the celebrated charge at
Gettysburg.
"Colonel Haskell, who was so largely instrumental in saving the day at
Gettysburg, now finds his position exactly reversed from what it was on
that memorable occasion. Now his men were charging and the enemy on the
defense, protected by their works. He was standing nearly in front of
the remnant of the Second Division which had thus far pressed forward
through the murderous fire, and apparently seeing the hopelessness of
further advance, and willing to save this remnant of his men, gave the
order, 'Lie down, men,' which was the last order he ever gave. It was
promptly obeyed. For an instant it seemed that he was the only man
standing, and only for an instant, for as he stood surveying the havoc
around him, and glanced toward the enemy's line, he was seen to throw up
his arms and sink to the earth, his forehead pierced by a rebel ball.
And this was the last of Frank Haskell's consciousness. He had
fearlessly and freely given his young life for his country. Nearly
fifteen thousand companions joined him in the sacrifice on that fateful
morning, the greatest loss of any single charge in the war."
In his own report of the battle, General Hancock said: "General Tyler
was wounded and taken from the field and the lamented McKeen,[4] after
pushing his command as far as his example could urge it, was killed. The
gallant Haskell succeeded to the command, but was carried from the
field mortally wounded, while making renewed efforts to carry the
enemy's works." In a field order, dated September 28, 1864, he further
declared, "At Cold Harbor the Colonel of the Thirty-sixth Wisconsin, as
gallant a soldier as ever lived, fell dead on the field."
General Gibbon, on receiving the sad news of the Colonel's death, cried,
"My God! I have lost my best friend, and one of the best soldiers in the
Army of the Potomac has fallen!"
The late Hon. A. J. Turner, editor of the Portage _State Register_, who
was well acquainted with Colonel Haskell, said of him:[5] "While
commanding a brigade in the assault upon the enemy's lines at the battle
of the Chickahominy, near Richmond, Virginia, on the morning of Friday,
the 3d of June, he was struck in the right temple by a Rebel
sharpshooter's bullet, and died in about three hours. His body was taken
in charge by his young and faithful Orderly, John N. Ford, who, though
himself wounded in the head and left arm, persevered through all
difficulties and brought it home to Portage where, attended by a great
concourse of people, it was buried in Silver Lake cemetery, June 12,
1864."
Feeling tributes to his memory were rendered by the Dane County Bar
Association, and the Common Council of the City of Madison.
This story of the Battle of Gettysburg was written by Lieutenant Haskell
to his brother, H. M. Haskell of Portage, not long after the contest. It
was not intended for publication; but its great merit was at once
recognized, and it was offered to Mr. Turner for insertion in his weekly
paper. It was, however, too long a document for such purpose. About
fifteen years later, it was published in a pamphlet of 72 pages, without
even a title-page, for private circulation only. The account was widely
read by military experts, and received much praise for both its literary
and its professional merit. The pamphlet having become rare, for the
edition was small, was reprinted in 1898 as part of the history of
Dartmouth's Class of 1854. Certain omissions and changes were, however,
made therein by its editor, Captain Daniel Hall, who was an aide on
General Howard's staff; the reason assigned being, that the account was
written so soon after the battle that "although surprisingly accurate in
minute details," the author was not fully informed relative to one or
two facts which to him seemed to reflect on General Sickles. Captain
Hall assumed that were Colonel Haskell now living, he would have
justified these omissions. In March, 1908, the Dartmouth College version
was reprinted by the Commandery of Massachusetts, Military Order of the
Loyal Legion, under the editorship of Captain Charles Hunt.
In deciding to inaugurate its own series of Reprints with Colonel
Haskell's brilliant paper, the Wisconsin History Commission has, in
accordance with its fixed policy, reverted to the original edition,
which is here presented entire, exactly as first printed. Whatever might
have been the author's later judgment, in the event of his surviving the
war, the Commission does not feel warranted in disturbing this original
text in the slightest degree--the present being an unexpurgated reprint
of a rare and valuable narrative written by a soldier in whose memory
Wisconsin feels especial pride. Opinions or errors of fact on the part
of the respective authors represented both in Original Narratives and in
Reprints issued by the Commission, have not nor will they be modified by
the latter. For all statements, of whatever character, the author alone
is responsible.
The Commissioners are grateful to Mrs. W. G. Clough, public librarian of
Portage, for the loan of that institution's rare copy of the original,
for the purpose of this reprint.
R. G. T.
WISCONSIN HISTORICAL LIBRARY
December, 1908
THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG[6]
The Great battle of Gettysburg is now an event of the past. The
composition and strength of the armies, their leaders, the strategy, the
tactics, the result, of that field are to-day by the side of those of
Waterloo--matters of history. A few days ago these things were
otherwise. This great event did not so "cast its shadow before," as to
moderate the hot sunshine that streamed upon our preceding march, or to
relieve our minds of all apprehension of the result of the second great
Rebel invasion of the soil North of the Potomac.
No, not many days since, at times we were filled with fears and
forebodings. The people of the country, I suppose, shared the anxieties
of the army, somewhat in common with us, but they could not have felt
them as keenly as we did. We were upon the immediate theatre of events,
as they occurred from day to day, and were of them. We were the army
whose province it should be to meet this invasion and repel it; on us
was the immediate responsibility for results, most momentous for good or
ill, as yet in the future. And so in addition to the solicitude of all
good patriots, we felt that our own honor as men and as an army, as well
as the safety of the Capitol and the country, were at stake.
And what if that invasion should be successful, and in the coming
battle, the Army of the Potomac should be overpowered? Would it not be?
When our army was much larger than at present--had rested all
winter--and, nearly perfect in all its departments and arrangements, was
the most splendid army this continent ever saw, only a part of the Rebel
force, which it now had to contend with, had defeated it--its leader,
rather--at Chancellorsville! Now the Rebel had his whole force
assembled, he was flushed with recent victory, was arrogant in his
career of unopposed invasion, at a favorable season of the year. His
daring plans, made by no unskilled head, to transfer the war from his
own to his enemies' ground, were being successful. He had gone a day's
march from his front before Hooker moved, or was aware of his departure.
Then, I believe, the army in general, both officers and men, had no
confidence in Hooker, in either his honesty or ability.
Did they not charge him personally, with the defeat at Chancellorsville?
Were they not still burning with indignation against him for that
disgrace? And now, again under his leadership, they were marching
against the enemy! And they knew of nothing, short of the providence of
God, that could, or would, remove him. For many reasons, during the
marches prior to the battle, we were anxious, and at times heavy at
heart.
But the Army of the Potomac was no band of school girls. They were not
the men likely to be crushed or utterly discouraged by any new
circumstances in which they might find themselves placed. They had lost
some battles, they had gained some. They knew what defeat was, and what
was victory. But here is the greatest praise that I can bestow upon
them, or upon any army: With the elation of victory, or the depression
of defeat, amidst the hardest toils of the campaign, under unwelcome
leadership, at all times, and under all circumstances, they were a
reliable army still. The Army of the Potomac would do as it was told,
always.
Well clothed, and well fed--there never could be any ground for
complaint on these heads--but a mighty work was before them. Onward they
moved--night and day were blended--over many a weary mile, through dust,
and through mud, in the broiling sunshine, in the flooding rain, over
steeps, through defiles, across rivers, over last year's battle fields,
where the skeletons of our dead brethren, by hundreds, lay bare and
bleaching, weary, without sleep for days, tormented with the newspapers,
and their rumors, that the enemy was in Philadelphia, in Baltimore, in
all places where he was not, yet these men could still be relied upon, I
believe, when the day of conflict should come. "_Haec olim meminisse
juvabit._" We did not then know this. I mention them now, that you may
see that in those times we had several matters to think about, and to
do, that were not as pleasant as sleeping upon a bank of violets in the
shade.
In moving from near Falmouth, Va., the army was formed in several
columns, and took several roads. The Second Corps, the rear of the
whole, was the last to move, and left Falmouth at daybreak, on the 15th
of June, and pursued its march through Aquia, Dumfries, Wolf Run
Shoales, Centerville, Gainesville, Thoroughfare Gap--this last we left
on the 25th, marching back to Haymarket, where we had a skirmish with
the cavalry and horse artillery of the enemy--Gum Spring, crossing the
Potomac at Edward's Ferry, thence through Poolesville, Frederick,
Liberty, and Union Town. We marched from near Frederick to Union Town, a
distance of thirty-two miles, from eight o'clock A. M. to nine P. M., on
the 28th, and I think this is the longest march, accomplished in so
short a time, by a corps during the war. On the 28th, while we were near
this latter place, we breathed a full breath of joy, and of hope. The
Providence of God had been with us--we ought not to have doubted
it--General Meade commanded the Army of the Potomac.
Not a favorable time, one would be apt to suppose, to change the General
of a large army, on the eve of battle, the result of which might be to
destroy the Government and country! But it should have been done long
before. At all events, any change could not have been for the worse, and
the Administration, therefore, hazarded little, in making it now. From
this moment my own mind was easy concerning results. I now felt that we
had a clear-headed, honest soldier, to command the army, who would do
his best always--that there would be no repetition of Chancellorsville.
Meade was not as much known in the Army as many of the other corps
commanders, but the officers who knew, all thought highly of him, a man
of great modesty, with none of those qualities which are noisy and
assuming, and hankering for cheap newspaper fame, not at all of the
"_gallant_" Sickles stamp. I happened to know much of General Meade--he
and General Gibbon had always been very intimate, and I had seen much of
him--I think my own notions concerning General Meade at this time, were
shared quite generally by the army; at all events, all who knew him
shared them.
By this time, by reports that were not mere rumors, we began to hear
frequently of the enemy, and of his proximity. His cavalry was all about
us, making little raids here and there, capturing now and then a few of
our wagons, and stealing a good many horses, but doing us really the
least amount possible of harm, for we were not by these means impeded at
all, and his cavalry gave no information at all to Lee, that he could
rely upon, of the movements of the Army of the Potomac. The Infantry of
the enemy was at this time in the neighborhood of Hagerstown,
Chambersburg, and some had been at Gettysburg, possibly were there now.
Gettysburg was a point of strategic importance, a great many roads, some
ten or twelve at least concentrating there, so the army could easily
converge to, or, should a further march be necessary, diverge from this
point. General Meade, therefore, resolved to try to seize Gettysburg,
and accordingly gave the necessary orders for the concentration of his
different columns there. Under the new auspices the army brightened, and
moved on with a more elastic step towards the yet undefined field of
conflict.
The 1st Corps, General Reynolds, already having the advance, was ordered
to push forward rapidly, and take and hold the town, if he could. The
rest of the Army would assemble to his support. Buford's Cavalry
co-operated with this corps, and on the morning of the 1st of July found
the enemy near Gettysburg and to the West, and promptly engaged him. The
First Corps having bivouaced the night before, South of the town, came
up rapidly to Buford's support, and immediately a sharp battle was
opened with the advance of the enemy. The first Division Gen. Wadsworth
was the first of the infantry to become engaged, but the other two,
commanded respectively by Generals Robinson and Doubleday, were close at
hand, and forming the line of battle to the West and North-west of the
town, at a mean distance of about a mile away, the battle continued for
some hours, with various success, which was on the whole with us until
near noon. At this time a lull occurred, which was occupied, by both
sides, in supervising and re-establishing the hastily formed lines of
the morning. New Divisions of the enemy were constantly arriving and
taking up positions, for this purpose marching in upon the various roads
that terminate at the town, from the West and North. The position of the
First Corps was then becoming perilous in the extreme, but it was
improved a little before noon by the arrival upon the field of two
Divisions of the Eleventh Corps (Gen Howard), these Divisions commanded
respectively by Generals Schurz and Barlow, who by order posted their
commands to the right of the First Corps, with their right retired,
forming an angle with the line of the First Corps. Between three and
four o'clock in the afternoon the enemy, now in overwhelming force,
resumed the battle, with spirit. The portion of the Eleventh Corps
making but feeble opposition to the advancing enemy, soon began to fall
back.
Back in disorganized masses they fled into the town, hotly pursued, and
in lanes, in barns, in yards and cellars, throwing away their arms,
they sought to hide like rabbits, and were there captured, unresisting,
by hundreds.
The First Corps, deprived of this support, if support it could be
called, outflanked upon either hand, and engaged in front, was compelled
to yield the field. Making its last stand upon what is called "Seminary
Ridge," not far from the town, it fell back in considerable confusion,
through the South-west part of the town, making brave resistance,
however, but with considerable loss. The enemy did not see fit to
follow, or to attempt to, further than the town, and so the fight of the
1st of July closed here. I suppose our losses during the day would
exceed four thousand, of whom a large number were prisoners. Such
usually is the kind of loss sustained by the Eleventh Corps. You will
remember that the old "Iron Brigade" is in the First Corps, and
consequently shared this fight, and I hear their conduct praised on all
hands.
In the 2nd Wis., Col. Fairchild lost his left arm; Lieut. Col. Stevens,
was mortally wounded, and Major Mansfield was wounded; Lieut. Col.
Callis, of the 7th Wis., and Lieut. Col. Dudley, of the 19th Ind., were
badly, dangerously, wounded, the latter by the loss of his right leg
above the knee.
I saw "_John Burns_," the only citizen of Gettysburg who fought in the
battle, and I asked him what troops he fought with. He said: "O, I
pitched in with them Wisconsin fellers." I asked what sort of men they
were, and he answered: "They fit terribly. The Rebs couldn't make
anything of them fellers."
And so the brave compliment the brave. This man was touched by three
bullets from the enemy, but not seriously wounded.
But the loss of the enemy to-day was severe also, probably in killed and
wounded, as heavy as our own, but not so great in prisoners.
Of these latter the "Iron Brigade" captured almost an entire Mississippi
Brigade, however.
Of the events so far, of the 1st of July, I do not speak from personal
knowledge. I shall now tell my introduction to these events.
At eleven o'clock A. M., on that day, the Second Corps was halted at
Taneytown, which is thirteen miles from Gettysburg, South, and there
awaiting orders, the men were allowed to make coffee and rest. At
between one and two o'clock in the afternoon, a message was brought to
Gen. Gibbon, requiring his immediate presence at the headquarters of
Gen. Hancock, who commanded the Corps. I went with Gen. Gibbon, and we
rode at a rapid gallop, to Gen. Hancock.
At Gen. Hancock's headquarters the following was learned: The First
Corps had met the enemy at Gettysburg, and had possession of the town.
Gen. Reynolds was badly, it was feared mortally wounded; the fight of
the First Corps still continued. By Gen. Meade's order, Gen. Hancock was
to hurry forward and take command upon the field, of all troops there,
or which should arrive there. The Eleventh Corps was near Gettysburg
when the messenger who told of the fight left there, and the Third Corps
was marching up, by order, on the Emmetsburg Road--Gen. Gibbon--he was
not the ranking officer of the Second Corps after Hancock--was ordered
to assume the command of the Second Corps.
All this was sudden, and for that reason at least, exciting; but there
were other elements in this information, that aroused our profoundest
interest. The great battle that we had so anxiously looked for during so
many days, had at length opened, and it was a relief, in some sense, to
have these accidents of time and place established. What would be the
result? Might not the enemy fall upon and destroy the First Corps before
succor could arrive?
Gen. Hancock, with his personal staff, at about two o'clock P. M.,
galloped off towards Gettysburg; Gen. Gibbon took his place in command
of the Corps, appointing me his acting Assistant Adjutant General. The
Second Corps took arms at once, and moved rapidly towards the field. It
was not long before we began to hear the dull booming of the guns, and
as we advanced, from many an eminence or opening among the trees, we
could look out upon the white battery smoke, puffing up from the distant
field of blood, and drifting up to the clouds. At these sights and
sounds, the men looked more serious than before and were more silent,
but they marched faster, and straggled less. At about five o'clock P. M.,
as we were riding along at the head of the column, we met an ambulance,
accompanied by two or three mounted officers--we knew them to be staff
officers of Gen. Reynolds--their faces told plainly enough what load the
vehicle carried--it was the dead body of Gen. Reynolds. Very early in the
action, while seeing personally to the formation of his lines under fire,
he was shot through the head by a musket or rifle bullet, and killed
almost instantly. His death at this time affected us much, for he was one
of the _soldier_ Generals of the army, a man whose soul was in his
country's work, which he did with a soldier's high honor and fidelity.
I remember seeing him often at the first battle of Fredericksburg--he
then commanded the First Corps--and while Meade's and Gibbon's Divisions
were assaulting the enemy's works, he was the very beau ideal of the
gallant general. Mounted upon a superb black horse, with his head thrown
back and his great black eyes flashing fire, he was every where upon the
field, seeing all things and giving commands in person. He died as many
a friend, and many a foe to the country have died in this war.
Just as the dusk of evening fell, from Gen. Meade, the Second Corps had
orders to halt, where the head of the column then was, and to go into
position for the night. The Second Division (Gibbon's) was accordingly
put in position, upon the left of the (Taneytown) road, its left near
the South-eastern base of "Round Top"--of which mountain more anon--and
the right near the road; the Third Division was posted upon the right of
the road, abreast of the Second; and the first Division in the rear of
these two--all facing towards Gettysburg.
Arms were stacked, and the men lay down to sleep, alas! many of them
their last but the great final sleep upon the earth.
Late in the afternoon as we came near the field, from some slightly
wounded men we met, and occasional stragglers from the scene of
operations in front, we got many rumors, and much disjointed information
of battle, of lakes of blood, of rout and panic and undescribable
disaster, from all of which the narrators were just fortunate enough to
have barely escaped, the sole survivors. These stragglers are always
terrible liars!
About nine o'clock in the evening, while I was yet engaged in showing
the troops their positions, I met Gen. Hancock, then on his way from the
front, to Gen. Meade, who was back toward Taneytown; and he, for the
purpose of having me advise Gen. Gibbon, for his information, gave me
quite a detailed account of the situation of matters at Gettysburg, and
of what had transpired subsequently to his arrival.
He had arrived and assumed command there, just when the troops of the
First and Eleventh Corps, after their repulse, were coming in confusion
through the town. Hancock is just the man for such an emergency as this.
Upon horseback I think he was the most magnificent looking General in
the whole Army of the Potomac at that time. With a large, well shaped
person, always dressed with elegance, even upon that field of confusion,
he would look as if he was "monarch of all he surveyed," and few of his
subjects would dare to question his right to command, or do aught else
but to obey. His quick eye, in a flash, saw what was to be done, and his
voice and his royal right hand at once commenced to do it. Gen. Howard
had put one of his Divisions--Steinwehr--with some batteries, in
position, upon a commanding eminence, at the "Cemetery," which, as a
reserve, had not participated in the fight of the day, and this Division
was now of course steady. Around this Division the fugitives were
stopped, and the shattered Brigades and Regiments, as they returned,
were formed upon either flank, and faced toward the enemy again. A show
of order at least, speedily came from chaos--the rout was at an end--the
First and Eleventh Corps were in line of battle again--not very
systematically formed perhaps--in a splendid position, and in a
condition to offer resistance, should the enemy be willing to try them.
These formations were all accomplished long before night. Then some
considerable portion of the Third Corps--Gen. Sickles--came up by the
Emmetsburg road, and was formed to the left of the Taneytown road, on an
extension of the line that I have mentioned; and all the Twelfth
Corps--Gen. Slocum--arriving before night, the Divisions were put in
position, to the right of the troops already there, to the East of the
Baltimore Pike. The enemy was in the town, and behind it, and to the
East and West, and appeared to be in strong force, and was jubilant over
his day's success. Such was the posture of affairs as evening came on of
the first of July. Gen. Hancock was hopeful, and in the best of spirits;
and from him I also learned that the reason for halting the Second Corps
in its present position, was that it was not then known where, in the
coming fight, the line of battle would be formed, up near the town,
where the troops then were, or further back, towards Taneytown. He would
give his views upon this subject to Gen. Meade, which were in favor of
the line near the town--the one that was subsequently adopted--and Gen.
Meade would determine.
The night before a great pitched battle would not ordinarily, I suppose,
be a time for much sleep for Generals and their staff officers. We
needed it enough, but there was work to be done. This war makes strange
confusion of night and day! I did not sleep at all that night. It would,
perhaps, be expected, on the eve of such great events, that one should
have some peculiar sort of feelings, something extraordinary, some
great arousing and excitement of the sensibilities and faculties,
commensurate with the event itself; this certainly would be very
poetical and pretty, but so far as I was concerned, and I think I can
speak for the army in this matter, there was nothing of the kind. Men
who had volunteered to fight the battles of the country, had met the
enemy in many battles, and had been constantly before them, as had the
Army of the Potomac, were too old soldiers, and long ago too well had
weighed chances and probabilities, to be so disturbed now. No, I
believe, the army slept soundly that night, and well, and I am glad the
men did, for they needed it.
At midnight Gen. Meade and staff rode by Gen. Gibbon's Head Quarters, on
their way to the field; and in conversation with Gen. Gibbon, Gen. Meade
announced that he had decided to assemble the whole army before
Gettysburg, and offer the enemy battle there. The Second Corps would
move at the earliest daylight, to take up its position.
At three o'clock, A. M., of the second of July, the sleepy soldiers of
the Corps were aroused; before six the Corps was up to the field, and
halted temporarily by the side of the Taneytown road, upon which it had
marched, while some movements of the other troops were being made, to
enable it to take position in the order of battle. The morning was thick
and sultry, the sky overcast with low, vapory clouds. As we approached
all was astir upon the crests near the Cemetery, and the work of
preparation was speedily going on. Men looked like giants there in the
mist, and the guns of the frowning batteries so big, that it was a
relief to know that they were our friends.
Without a topographical map, some description of the ground and location
is necessary to a clear understanding of the battle. With the sketch I
have rudely drawn, without scale or compass, I hope you may understand
my description. The line of battle as it was established, on the evening
of the first, and morning of the second of July was in the form of the
letter "U," the troops facing outwards. And the "Cemetery," which is at
the point of the sharpest curvature of the line, being due South of the
town of Gettysburg. "Round Top," the extreme left of the line, is a
small, woody, rocky elevation, a very little West of South of the town,
and nearly two miles from it.
The sides of this are in places very steep, and its rocky summit is
almost inaccessible. A short distance North of this is a smaller
elevation called "Little Round Top." On the very top of "Little Round
Top," we had heavy rifled guns in position during the battle. Near the
right of the line is a small, woody eminence, named "Culp's Hill." Three
roads come up to the town from the South, which near the town are quite
straight, and at the town the external ones unite, forming an angle of
about sixty, or more degrees. Of these, the farthest to the East is the
"Baltimore Pike," which passes by the East entrance to the Cemetery; the
farthest to the West is the "Emmetsburg road," which is wholly outside
of our line of battle, but near the Cemetery, is within a hundred yards
of it; the "Taneytown road" is between these, running nearly due North
and South, by the Eastern base of "Round Top," by the Western side of
the Cemetery, and uniting with the Emmetsburg road between the Cemetery
and the town. High ground near the Cemetery, is named "Cemetery Ridge."
The Eleventh Corps--Gen. Howard--was posted at the Cemetery, some of its
batteries and troops, actually among the graves and monuments, which
they used for shelter from the enemy's fire, its left resting upon the
Taneytown road, extending thence to the East, crossing the Baltimore
Pike, and thence bending backwards towards the South-east; on the right
of the Eleventh came the First Corps, now, since the death of Gen.
Reynolds, commanded by Gen. Newton, formed in a line curving still more
towards the South. The troops of these two Corps, were re-formed on the
morning of the second, in order that each might be by itself, and to
correct some things not done well during the hasty formations here the
day before.
To the right of the First Corps, and on an extension of the same line,
along the crest and down the South-eastern slope of Culp's Hill, was
posted the Twelfth Corps--Gen. Slocum--its right, which was the extreme
right of the line of the army, resting near a small stream called "Rock
Run." No changes, that I am aware of, occurred in the formation of this
Corps, on the morning of the Second. The Second Corps, after the brief
halt that I have mentioned, moved up and took position, its right
resting upon the Taneytown road, at the left of the Eleventh Corps, and
extending the line thence, nearly a half mile, almost due South, towards
Round Top, with its Divisions in the following order, from right to
left: The Third, Gen. Alex Hays; the Second (Gibbon's), Gen. Harrow,
(temporarily); the First, Gen. Caldwell. The formation was in line by
brigade in column, the brigade being in column by regiment, with forty
paces interval between regimental lines, the Second and Third Divisions
having each one, and the First Division, two brigades--there were four
brigades in the First--similarly formed, in reserve, one hundred and
fifty paces in the rear of the line of their respective Divisions. That
is, the line of the Corps, exclusive of its reserves, was the length of
six regiments, deployed, and the intervals between them, some of which
were left wide for the posting of the batteries, and consisted of four
common deployed lines, each of two ranks of men, and a little more than
one-third over in reserve.
The five batteries, in all twenty-eight guns, were posted as follows:
Woodruff's regular, six twelve-pound Napoleon's, brass, between the two
brigades, in line of the Third Division; Arnold's "A" first R. I., six
three-inch Parrotts, rifled, and Cushing's Regular, four three-inch
Ordnance, rifled, between the Third and Second Division; Hazard's,
(commanded during the battle by Lieut. Brown,) "B" first R. I., and
Rhorty's N. G. each, six twelve-pound Napoleon's, brass, between the
Second and First Division.
I have been thus specific in the description of the posting and
formation of the Second Corps, because they were works that I assisted
to perform; and also that the other Corps were similarly posted, with
reference to the strength of the lines, and the intermixing of infantry
and artillery. From this, you may get a notion of the whole.
The Third Corps--Gen. Sickles--the remainder of it arriving upon the
field this morning, was posted upon the left of the Second extending the
line still in the direction of Round Top, with its left resting near
"Little Round Top." The left of the Third Corps was the extreme left of
the line of battle, until changes occurred, which will be mentioned in
the proper place. The Fifth Corps--Gen. Sykes--coming on the Baltimore
Pike about this time, was massed there, near the line of battle, and
held in reserve until some time in the afternoon, when it changed
position, as I shall describe.
I cannot give a detailed account of the cavalry, for I saw but little of
it. It was posted near the wings, and watched the roads and the
movements of the enemy upon the flanks of the army, but further than
this participated but little in the battle. Some of it was also used for
guarding the trains, which were far to the rear. The artillery reserve,
which consisted of a good many batteries, were posted between the
Baltimore Pike and the Taneytown road, on very nearly the center of a
direct line passing through the extremities of the wings. Thus it could
be readily sent to any part of the line. The Sixth Corps--Gen.
Sedgwick--did not arrive upon the field until some time in the
afternoon, but it was now not very far away, and was coming up rapidly
on the Baltimore Pike. No fears were entertained that "Uncle John," as
his men call Gen. Sedgwick, would not be in the right place at the right
time.
These dispositions were all made early, I think before eight o'clock in
the morning. Skirmishers were posted well out all around the line, and
all put in readiness for battle. The enemy did not yet demonstrate
himself. With a look at the ground now, I think you may understand the
movements of the battle. From Round Top, by the line of battle, round to
the extreme right, I suppose is about three miles. From this same
eminence to the Cemetery, extends a long ridge or hill--more resembling
a great wave than a hill, however--with its crest, which was the line of
battle, quite direct, between the points mentioned. To the West of this,
that is towards the enemy, the ground falls away by a very gradual
descent, across the Emmetsburg road, and then rises again, forming
another ridge, nearly parallel to the first, but inferior in altitude,
and something over a thousand yards away. A belt of woods extends partly
along this second ridge, and partly farther to the West, at distances
of from one thousand to thirteen hundred yards away from our line.
Between these ridges, and along their slopes, that is, in front of the
Second and Third Corps, the ground is cultivated, and is covered with
fields of wheat, now nearly ripe, with grass and pastures, with some
peach orchards, with fields of waving corn, and some farm houses, and
their out buildings along the Emmetsburg road. There are very few places
within the limits mentioned where troops and guns could move concealed.
There are some oaks of considerable growth, along the position of the
right of the Second Corps, a group of small trees, sassafras and oak, in
front of the right of the Second Division of this Corps also; and
considerable woods immediately in front of the left of the Third Corps,
and also to the West of, and near Round Top. At the Cemetery, where is
Cemetery Ridge, to which the line of the Eleventh Corps conforms, is the
highest point in our line, except Round Top. From this the ground falls
quite abruptly to the town, the nearest point of which is some five
hundred yards away from the line, and is cultivated, and checkered with
stone fences.
The same is the character of the ground occupied by, and in front of the
left of the First Corps, which is also on a part of Cemetery Ridge. The
right of this Corps, and the whole of the Twelfth, are along Culp's
Hill, and in woods, and the ground is very rocky, and in places in front
precipitous--a most admirable position for defense from an attack in
front, where, on account of the woods, no artillery could be used with
effect by the enemy. Then these last three mentioned Corps had, by
taking rails, by appropriating stone fences, by felling trees, and
digging the earth, during the night of the first of July, made for
themselves excellent breast works, which were a very good thing indeed.
The position of the First and Twelfth Corps was admirably strong,
therefore. Within the line of battle is an irregular basin, somewhat
woody and rocky in places, but presenting few obstacles to the moving of
troops and guns, from place to place along the lines, and also affording
the advantage that all such movements, by reason of the surrounding
crests, were out of view of the enemy. On the whole this was an
admirable position to fight a defensive battle, good enough, I thought,
when I saw it first, and better I believe than could be found elsewhere
in a circle of many miles. Evils, sometimes at least, are blessings in
disguise, for the repulse of our forces, and the death of Reynolds, on
the first of July, with the opportune arrival of Hancock to arrest the
tide of fugitives and fix it on these heights, gave us this
position--perhaps the position gave us the victory. On arriving upon the
field, Gen. Meade established his headquarters at a shabby little farm
house on the left of the Taneytown road, the house nearest the line, and
a little more than five hundred yards in the rear of what became the
center of the position of the Second Corps, a point where he could
communicate readily and rapidly with all parts of the army. The
advantages of the position, briefly, were these: the flanks were quite
well protected by the natural defences there, Round Top up the left, and
a rocky, steep, untraversable ground up the right. Our line was more
elevated than that of the enemy, consequently our artillery had a
greater range and power than theirs. On account of the convexity of our
line, every part of the line could be reinforced by troops having to
move a shorter distance than if the line were straight; further, for the
same reason, the line of the enemy must be concave, and, consequently,
longer, and with an equal force, thinner, and so weaker than ours. Upon
those parts of our line which were wooded, neither we nor the enemy
could use artillery; but they were so strong by nature, aided by art, as
to be readily defended by a small, against a very large, body of
infantry. When the line was open, it had the advantage of having open
country in front, consequently, the enemy here could not surprise, as we
were on a crest, which besides the other advantages that I have
mentioned, had this: the enemy must advance to the attack up an ascent,
and must therefore move slower, and be, before coming upon us, longer
under our fire, as well as more exhausted. These, and some other things,
rendered our position admirable--for a defensive battle.
So, before a great battle, was ranged the Army of the Potomac. The day
wore on, the weather still sultry, and the sky overcast, with a
mizzling effort at rain. When the audience has all assembled, time seems
long until the curtain rises; so to-day. "Will there be a battle
to-day?" "Shall we attack the Rebel?" "Will he attack us?" These and
similar questions, later in the morning, were thought or asked a million
times.