CHAPTER THE FIRST ~~ THE RIDDLE FOR THE STATESMAN

1

I have been planning and replanning, writing and rewriting, this next

portion of my book for many days. I perceive I must leave it raw edged

and ill joined. I have learnt something of the impossibility of History.

For all I have had to tell is the story of one man's convictions and

aims and how they reacted upon his life; and I find it too subtle and

involved and intricate for the doing. I find it taxes all my powers to

convey even the main forms and forces in that development. It is like

looking through moving media of changing hue and variable refraction

at something vitally unstable. Broad theories and generalisations are

mingled with personal influences, with prevalent prejudices; and

not only coloured but altered by phases of hopefulness and moods of

depression. The web is made up of the most diverse elements, beyond

treatment multitudinous.... For a week or so I desisted altogether,

and walked over the mountains and returned to sit through the warm soft

mornings among the shaded rocks above this little perched-up house of

ours, discussing my difficulties with Isabel and I think on the whole

complicating them further in the effort to simplify them to manageable

and stateable elements.

Let me, nevertheless, attempt a rough preliminary analysis of this

confused process. A main strand is quite easily traceable. This main

strand is the story of my obvious life, my life as it must have looked

to most of my acquaintances. It presents you with a young couple,

bright, hopeful, and energetic, starting out under Altiora's auspices to

make a career. You figure us well dressed and active, running about in

motor-cars, visiting in great people's houses, dining amidst brilliant

companies, going to the theatre, meeting in the lobby. Margaret wore

hundreds of beautiful dresses. We must have had an air of succeeding

meritoriously during that time.

We did very continually and faithfully serve our joint career. I thought

about it a great deal, and did and refrained from doing ten thousand

things for the sake of it. I kept up a solicitude for it, as it were by

inertia, long after things had happened and changes occurred in me

that rendered its completion impossible. Under certain very artless

pretences, we wanted steadfastly to make a handsome position in the

world, achieve respect, SUCCEED. Enormous unseen changes had been in

progress for years in my mind and the realities of my life, before

our general circle could have had any inkling of their existence, or

suspected the appearances of our life. Then suddenly our proceedings

began to be deflected, our outward unanimity visibly strained and marred

by the insurgence of these so long-hidden developments.

That career had its own hidden side, of course; but when I write

of these unseen factors I do not mean that but something altogether

broader. I do not mean the everyday pettinesses which gave the cynical

observer scope and told of a narrower, baser aspect of the fair but

limited ambitions of my ostensible self. This “sub-careerist” element

noted little things that affected the career, made me suspicious of the

rivalry of so-and-so, propitiatory to so-and-so, whom, as a matter of

fact, I didn't respect or feel in the least sympathetic towards; guarded

with that man, who for all his charm and interest wasn't helpful, and

a little touchy at the appearance of neglect from that. No, I mean

something greater and not something smaller when I write of a hidden

life.

In the ostensible self who glowed under the approbation of Altiora

Bailey, and was envied and discussed, praised and depreciated, in the

House and in smoking-room gossip, you really have as much of a man as

usually figures in a novel or an obituary notice. But I am tremendously

impressed now in the retrospect by the realisation of how little that

frontage represented me, and just how little such frontages do represent

the complexities of the intelligent contemporary. Behind it, yet

struggling to disorganise and alter it, altogether, was a far more

essential reality, a self less personal, less individualised, and

broader in its references. Its aims were never simply to get on; it

had an altogether different system of demands and satisfactions. It

was critical, curious, more than a little unfeeling--and relentlessly

illuminating.

It is just the existence and development of this more generalised

self-behind-the-frontage that is making modern life so much more subtle

and intricate to render, and so much more hopeful in its relations

to the perplexities of the universe. I see this mental and spiritual

hinterland vary enormously in the people about me, from a type which

seems to keep, as people say, all its goods in the window, to others

who, like myself, come to regard the ostensible existence more and more

as a mere experimental feeder and agent for that greater personality

behind. And this back-self has its history of phases, its crises and

happy accidents and irrevocable conclusions, more or less distinct from

the adventures and achievements of the ostensible self. It meets persons

and phrases, it assimilates the spirit of a book, it is startled into

new realisations by some accident that seems altogether irrelevant to

the general tenor of one's life. Its increasing independence of the

ostensible career makes it the organ of corrective criticism; it

accumulates disturbing energy. Then it breaks our overt promises and

repudiates our pledges, coming down at last like an overbearing mentor

upon the small engagements of the pupil.

In the life of the individual it takes the role that the growth of

philosophy, science, and creative literature may play in the development

of mankind.

2

It is curious to recall how Britten helped shatter that obvious,

lucidly explicable presentation of myself upon which I had embarked

with Margaret. He returned to revive a memory of adolescent dreams and a

habit of adolescent frankness; he reached through my shallow frontage

as no one else seemed capable of doing, and dragged that back-self into

relation with it.

I remember very distinctly a dinner and a subsequent walk with him

which presents itself now as altogether typical of the quality of his

influence.

I had come upon him one day while lunching with Somers and Sutton at

the Playwrights' Club, and had asked him to dinner on the spur of the

moment. He was oddly the same curly-headed, red-faced ventriloquist, and

oddly different, rather seedy as well as untidy, and at first a little

inclined to make comparisons with my sleek successfulness. But that

disposition presently evaporated, and his talk was good and fresh and

provocative. And something that had long been straining at its checks in

my mind flapped over, and he and I found ourselves of one accord.

Altiora wasn't at this dinner. When she came matters were apt to become

confusedly strenuous. There was always a slight and ineffectual struggle

at the end on the part of Margaret to anticipate Altiora's overpowering

tendency to a rally and the establishment of some entirely unjustifiable

conclusion by a COUP-DE-MAIN. When, however, Altiora was absent, the

quieter influence of the Cramptons prevailed; temperance and information

for its own sake prevailed excessively over dinner and the play of

thought.... Good Lord! what bores the Cramptons were! I wonder I

endured them as I did. They had all of them the trick of lying in wait

conversationally; they had no sense of the self-exposures, the gallant

experiments in statement that are necessary for good conversation. They

would watch one talking with an expression exactly like peeping through

bushes. Then they would, as it were, dash out, dissent succinctly,

contradict some secondary fact, and back to cover. They gave one

twilight nerves. Their wives were easier but still difficult at a

stretch; they talked a good deal about children and servants, but with

an air caught from Altiora of making observations upon sociological

types. Lewis gossiped about the House in an entirely finite manner. He

never raised a discussion; nobody ever raised a discussion. He would ask

what we thought of Evesham's question that afternoon, and Edward would

say it was good, and Mrs. Willie, who had been behind the grille, would

think it was very good, and then Willie, parting the branches, would say

rather conclusively that he didn't think it was very much good, and I

would deny hearing the question in order to evade a profitless statement

of views in that vacuum, and then we would cast about in our minds for

some other topic of equal interest....

On this occasion Altiora was absent, and to qualify our Young Liberal

bleakness we had Mrs. Millingham, with her white hair and her fresh mind

and complexion, and Esmeer. Willie Crampton was with us, but not his

wife, who was having her third baby on principle; his brother Edward was

present, and the Lewises, and of course the Bunting Harblows. There was

also some other lady. I remember her as pale blue, but for the life of

me I cannot remember her name.

Quite early there was a little breeze between Edward Crampton and

Esmeer, who had ventured an opinion about the partition of Poland.

Edward was at work then upon the seventh volume of his monumental Life

of Kosciusko, and a little impatient with views perhaps not altogether

false but betraying a lamentable ignorance of accessible literature. At

any rate, his correction of Esmeer was magisterial. After that there was

a distinct and not altogether delightful pause, and then some one, it

may have been the pale-blue lady, asked Mrs. Lewis whether her aunt Lady

Carmixter had returned from her rest-and-sun-cure in Italy. That led to

a rather anxiously sustained talk about regimen, and Willie told us how

he had profited by the no-breakfast system. It had increased his power

of work enormously. He could get through ten hours a day now without

inconvenience.

“What do you do?” said Esmeer abruptly.

“Oh! no end of work. There's all the estate and looking after things.”

“But publicly?”

“I asked three questions yesterday. And for one of them I had to consult

nine books!”

We were drifting, I could see, towards Doctor Haig's system of dietary,

and whether the exclusion or inclusion of fish and chicken were most

conducive to high efficiency, when Britten, who had refused lemonade

and claret and demanded Burgundy, broke out, and was discovered to be

demanding in his throat just what we Young Liberals thought we were up

to?

“I want,” said Britten, repeating his challenge a little louder, “to

hear just exactly what you think you are doing in Parliament?”

Lewis laughed nervously, and thought we were “Seeking the Good of the

Community.”

“HOW?”

“Beneficient Legislation,” said Lewis.

“Beneficient in what direction?” insisted Britten. “I want to know where

you think you are going.”

“Amelioration of Social Conditions,” said Lewis.

“That's only a phrase!”

“You wouldn't have me sketch bills at dinner?”

“I'd like you to indicate directions,” said Britten, and waited.

“Upward and On,” said Lewis with conscious neatness, and turned to ask

Mrs. Bunting Harblow about her little boy's French.

For a time talk frothed over Britten's head, but the natural mischief

in Mrs. Millingham had been stirred, and she was presently echoing his

demand in lisping, quasi-confidential undertones. “What ARE we Liberals

doing?” Then Esmeer fell in with the revolutionaries.

To begin with, I was a little shocked by this clamour for

fundamentals--and a little disconcerted. I had the experience that I

suppose comes to every one at times of discovering oneself together with

two different sets of people with whom one has maintained two different

sets of attitudes. It had always been, I perceived, an instinctive

suppression in our circle that we shouldn't be more than vague about our

political ideals. It had almost become part of my morality to respect

this convention. It was understood we were all working hard, and keeping

ourselves fit, tremendously fit, under Altiora's inspiration, Pro Bono

Publico. Bunting Harblow had his under-secretaryship, and Lewis was on

the verge of the Cabinet, and these things we considered to be in the

nature of confirmations.... It added to the discomfort of the situation

that these plunging enquiries were being made in the presence of our

wives.

The rebel section of our party forced the talk.

Edward Crampton was presently declaring--I forget in what relation: “The

country is with us.”

My long-controlled hatred of the Cramptons' stereotyped phrases about

the Country and the House got the better of me. I showed my cloven hoof

to my friends for the first time.

“We don't respect the Country as we used to do,” I said. “We haven't

the same belief we used to have in the will of the people. It's no

good, Crampton, trying to keep that up. We Liberals know as a matter of

fact--nowadays every one knows--that the monster that brought us into

power has, among other deficiencies, no head. We've got to give it

one--if possible with brains and a will. That lies in the future. For

the present if the country is with us, it means merely that we happen to

have hold of its tether.”

Lewis was shocked. A “mandate” from the Country was sacred to his system

of pretences.

Britten wasn't subdued by his first rebuff; presently he was at

us again. There were several attempts to check his outbreak of

interrogation; I remember the Cramptons asked questions about the

welfare of various cousins of Lewis who were unknown to the rest of us,

and Margaret tried to engage Britten in a sympathetic discussion of the

Arts and Crafts exhibition. But Britten and Esmeer were persistent, Mrs.

Millingham was mischievous, and in the end our rising hopes of Young

Liberalism took to their thickets for good, while we talked all over

them of the prevalent vacuity of political intentions. Margaret was

perplexed by me. It is only now I perceive just how perplexing I must

have been. “Of course, she said with that faint stress of apprehension

in her eyes, one must have aims.” And, “it isn't always easy to put

everything into phrases.” “Don't be long,” said Mrs. Edward Crampton

to her husband as the wives trooped out. And afterwards when we went

upstairs I had an indefinable persuasion that the ladies had been

criticising Britten's share in our talk in an altogether unfavourable

spirit. Mrs. Edward evidently thought him aggressive and impertinent,

and Margaret with a quiet firmness that brooked no resistance, took him

at once into a corner and showed him Italian photographs by Coburn. We

dispersed early.

I walked with Britten along the Chelsea back streets towards Battersea

Bridge--he lodged on the south side.

“Mrs. Millingham's a dear,” he began.

“She's a dear.”

“I liked her demand for a hansom because a four-wheeler was too safe.”

“She was worked up,” I said. “She's a woman of faultless character, but

her instincts, as Altiora would say, are anarchistic--when she gives

them a chance.”

“So she takes it out in hansom cabs.”

“Hansom cabs.”

“She's wise,” said Britten....

“I hope, Remington,” he went on after a pause, “I didn't rag your other

guests too much. I've a sort of feeling at moments--Remington, those

chaps are so infernally not--not bloody. It's part of a man's duty

sometimes at least to eat red beef and get drunk. How is he to

understand government if he doesn't? It scares me to think of your

lot--by a sort of misapprehension--being in power. A kind of neuralgia

in the head, by way of government. I don't understand where YOU come in.

Those others--they've no lusts. Their ideal is anaemia. You and I,

we had at least a lust to take hold of life and make something of it.

They--they want to take hold of life and make nothing of it. They want

to cut out all the stimulants. Just as though life was anything else but

a reaction to stimulation!”...

He began to talk of his own life. He had had ill-fortune through most

of it. He was poor and unsuccessful, and a girl he had been very fond

of had been attacked and killed by a horse in a field in a very horrible

manner. These things had wounded and tortured him, but they hadn't

broken him. They had, it seemed to me, made a kind of crippled and ugly

demigod of him. He was, I began to perceive, so much better than I had

any right to expect. At first I had been rather struck by his unkempt

look, and it made my reaction all the stronger. There was about him

something, a kind of raw and bleeding faith in the deep things of

life, that stirred me profoundly as he showed it. My set of people had

irritated him and disappointed him. I discovered at his touch how they

irritated him. He reproached me boldly. He made me feel ashamed of my

easy acquiescences as I walked in my sleek tall neatness beside his

rather old coat, his rather battered hat, his sturdier shorter shape,

and listened to his denunciations of our self-satisfied New Liberalism

and Progressivism.

“It has the same relation to progress--the reality of progress--that the

things they paint on door panels in the suburbs have to art and beauty.

There's a sort of filiation.... Your Altiora's just the political

equivalent of the ladies who sell traced cloth for embroidery; she's

a dealer in Refined Social Reform for the Parlour. The real progress,

Remington, is a graver thing and a painfuller thing and a slower thing

altogether. Look! THAT”--and he pointed to where under a boarding in the

light of a gas lamp a dingy prostitute stood lurking--“was in Babylon

and Nineveh. Your little lot make believe there won't be anything of the

sort after this Parliament! They're going to vanish at a few top notes

from Altiora Bailey! Remington!--it's foolery. It's prigs at play.

It's make-believe, make-believe! Your people there haven't got hold of

things, aren't beginning to get hold of things, don't know anything of

life at all, shirk life, avoid life, get in little bright clean rooms

and talk big over your bumpers of lemonade while the Night goes by

outside--untouched. Those Crampton fools slink by all this,”--he

waved at the woman again--“pretend it doesn't exist, or is going to be

banished root and branch by an Act to keep children in the wet outside

public-houses. Do you think they really care, Remington? I don't. It's

make-believe. What they want to do, what Lewis wants to do, what Mrs.

Bunting Harblow wants her husband to do, is to sit and feel very grave

and necessary and respected on the Government benches. They think of

putting their feet out like statesmen, and tilting shiny hats with

becoming brims down over their successful noses. Presentation portrait

to a club at fifty. That's their Reality. That's their scope. They

don't, it's manifest, WANT to think beyond that. The things there ARE,

Remington, they'll never face! the wonder and the depth of life,--lust,

and the night-sky,--pain.”

“But the good intention,” I pleaded, “the Good Will!”

“Sentimentality,” said Britten. “No Good Will is anything but dishonesty

unless it frets and burns and hurts and destroys a man. That lot of

yours have nothing but a good will to think they have good will. Do you

think they lie awake of nights searching their hearts as we do? Lewis?

Crampton? Or those neat, admiring, satisfied little wives? See how they

shrank from the probe!”

“We all,” I said, “shrink from the probe.”

“God help us!” said Britten....

“We are but vermin at the best, Remington,” he broke out, “and the

greatest saint only a worm that has lifted its head for a moment from

the dust. We are damned, we are meant to be damned, coral animalculae

building upward, upward in a sea of damnation. But of all the damned

things that ever were damned, your damned shirking, temperate,

sham-efficient, self-satisfied, respectable, make-believe,

Fabian-spirited Young Liberal is the utterly damnedest.” He paused for

a moment, and resumed in an entirely different note: “Which is why I was

so surprised, Remington, to find YOU in this set!”

“You're just the old plunger you used to be, Britten,” I said. “You're

going too far with all your might for the sake of the damns. Like a

donkey that drags its cart up a bank to get thistles. There's depths in

Liberalism--”

“We were talking about Liberals.”

“Liberty!”

“Liberty! What do YOOR little lot know of liberty?”

“What does any little lot know of liberty?”

“It waits outside, too big for our understanding. Like the night and the

stars. And lust, Remington! lust and bitterness! Don't I know them? with

all the sweetness and hope of life bitten and trampled, the dear eyes

and the brain that loved and understood--and my poor mumble of a life

going on! I'm within sight of being a drunkard, Remington! I'm a failure

by most standards! Life has cut me to the bone. But I'm not afraid of it

any more. I've paid something of the price, I've seen something of the

meaning.”

He flew off at a tangent. “I'd rather die in Delirium Tremens,” he

cried, “than be a Crampton or a Lewis....”

“Make-believe. Make-believe.” The phrase and Britten's squat gestures

haunted me as I walked homeward alone. I went to my room and stood

before my desk and surveyed papers and files and Margaret's admirable

equipment of me.

I perceived in the lurid light of Britten's suggestions that so it was

Mr. George Alexander would have mounted a statesman's private room....

3

I was never at any stage a loyal party man. I doubt if party will

ever again be the force it was during the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries. Men are becoming increasingly constructive and selective,

less patient under tradition and the bondage of initial circumstances.

As education becomes more universal and liberating, men will sort

themselves more and more by their intellectual temperaments and less and

less by their accidental associations. The past will rule them less; the

future more. It is not simply party but school and college and county

and country that lose their glamour. One does not hear nearly as much

as our forefathers did of the “old Harrovian,” “old Arvonian,” “old

Etonian” claim to this or that unfair advantage or unearnt sympathy.

Even the Scotch and the Devonians weaken a little in their clannishness.

A widening sense of fair play destroys such things. They follow

freemasonry down--freemasonry of which one is chiefly reminded nowadays

in England by propitiatory symbols outside shady public-houses....

There is, of course, a type of man which clings very obstinately to

party ties. These are the men with strong reproductive imaginations

and no imaginative initiative, such men as Cladingbowl, for example, or

Dayton. They are the scholars-at-large in life. For them the fact that

the party system has been essential in the history of England for two

hundred years gives it an overwhelming glamour. They have read histories

and memoirs, they see the great grey pile of Westminster not so much

for what it is as for what it was, rich with dramatic memories, populous

with glorious ghosts, phrasing itself inevitably in anecdotes and

quotations. It seems almost scandalous that new things should continue

to happen, swamping with strange qualities the savour of these old

associations.

That Mr. Ramsay Macdonald should walk through Westminster Hall, thrust

himself, it may be, through the very piece of space that once held

Charles the Martyr pleading for his life, seems horrible profanation to

Dayton, a last posthumous outrage; and he would, I think, like to have

the front benches left empty now for ever, or at most adorned with

laureated ivory tablets: “Here Dizzy sat,” and “On this Spot William

Ewart Gladstone made his First Budget Speech.” Failing this, he demands,

if only as signs of modesty and respect on the part of the survivors,

meticulous imitation. “Mr. G.,” he murmurs, “would not have done that,”

and laments a vanished subtlety even while Mr. Evesham is speaking. He

is always gloomily disposed to lapse into wonderings about what

things are coming to, wonderings that have no grain of curiosity. His

conception of perfect conduct is industrious persistence along the

worn-down, well-marked grooves of the great recorded days. So infinitely

more important to him is the documented, respected thing than the

elusive present.

Cladingbowl and Dayton do not shine in the House, though Cladingbowl is

a sound man on a committee, and Dayton keeps the OLD COUNTRY GAZETTE,

the most gentlemanly paper in London. They prevail, however, in their

clubs at lunch time. There, with the pleasant consciousness of a

morning's work free from either zeal or shirking, they mingle with

permanent officials, prominent lawyers, even a few of the soberer type

of business men, and relax their minds in the discussion of the morning

paper, of the architecture of the West End, and of the latest public

appointments, of golf, of holiday resorts, of the last judicial

witticisms and forensic “crushers.” The New Year and Birthday honours

lists are always very sagely and exhaustively considered, and anecdotes

are popular and keenly judged. They do not talk of the things that are

really active in their minds, but in the formal and habitual manner they

suppose to be proper to intelligent but still honourable men. Socialism,

individual money matters, and religion are forbidden topics, and sex and

women only in so far as they appear in the law courts. It is to me

the strangest of conventions, this assumption of unreal loyalties and

traditional respects, this repudiation and concealment of passionate

interests. It is like wearing gloves in summer fields, or bathing in a

gown, or falling in love with the heroine of a novel, or writing under a

pseudonym, or becoming a masked Tuareg....

It is not, I think, that men of my species are insensitive to the great

past that is embodied in Westminster and its traditions; we are not so

much wanting in the historical sense as alive to the greatness of our

present opportunities and the still vaster future that is possible to

us. London is the most interesting, beautiful, and wonderful city in the

world to me, delicate in her incidental and multitudinous littleness,

and stupendous in her pregnant totality; I cannot bring myself to use

her as a museum or an old bookshop. When I think of Whitehall that

little affair on the scaffold outside the Banqueting Hall seems trivial

and remote in comparison with the possibilities that offer themselves to

my imagination within the great grey Government buildings close at hand.

It gives me a qualm of nostalgia even to name those places now. I think

of St. Stephen's tower streaming upwards into the misty London night and

the great wet quadrangle of New Palace Yard, from which the hansom cabs

of my first experiences were ousted more and more by taxicabs as the

second Parliament of King Edward the Seventh aged; I think of the

Admiralty and War office with their tall Marconi masts sending out

invisible threads of direction to the armies in the camps, to great

fleets about the world. The crowded, darkly shining river goes flooding

through my memory once again, on to those narrow seas that part us

from our rival nations; I see quadrangles and corridors of spacious

grey-toned offices in which undistinguished little men and little files

of papers link us to islands in the tropics, to frozen wildernesses

gashed for gold, to vast temple-studded plains, to forest worlds

and mountain worlds, to ports and fortresses and lighthouses and

watch-towers and grazing lands and corn lands all about the globe. Once

more I traverse Victoria Street, grimy and dark, where the Agents of the

Empire jostle one another, pass the big embassies in the West End

with their flags and scutcheons, follow the broad avenue that leads to

Buckingham Palace, witness the coming and going of troops and officials

and guests along it from every land on earth.... Interwoven in the

texture of it all, mocking, perplexing, stimulating beyond measure, is

the gleaming consciousness, the challenging knowledge: “You and your

kind might still, if you could but grasp it here, mould all the destiny

of Man!”

4

My first three years in Parliament were years of active discontent. The

little group of younger Liberals to which I belonged was very ignorant

of the traditions and qualities of our older leaders, and quite out of

touch with the mass of the party. For a time Parliament was enormously

taken up with moribund issues and old quarrels. The early Educational

legislation was sectarian and unenterprising, and the Licensing Bill

went little further than the attempted rectification of a Conservative

mistake. I was altogether for the nationalisation of the public-houses,

and of this end the Bill gave no intimations. It was just beer-baiting.

I was recalcitrant almost from the beginning, and spoke against the

Government so early as the second reading of the first Education Bill,

the one the Lords rejected in 1906. I went a little beyond my intention

in the heat of speaking,--it is a way with inexperienced man. I called

the Bill timid, narrow, a mere sop to the jealousies of sects and

little-minded people. I contrasted its aim and methods with the manifest

needs of the time.

I am not a particularly good speaker; after the manner of a writer I

worry to find my meaning too much; but this was one of my successes. I

spoke after dinner and to a fairly full House, for people were already

a little curious about me because of my writings. Several of the

Conservative leaders were present and stayed, and Mr. Evesham,

I remember, came ostentatiously to hear me, with that engaging

friendliness of his, and gave me at the first chance an approving “Hear,

Hear!” I can still recall quite distinctly my two futile attempts to

catch the Speaker's eye before I was able to begin, the nervous quiver

of my rather too prepared opening, the effect of hearing my own voice

and my subconscious wonder as to what I could possibly be talking

about, the realisation that I was getting on fairly well, the immense

satisfaction afterwards of having on the whole brought it off, and the

absurd gratitude I felt for that encouraging cheer.

Addressing the House of Commons is like no other public speaking in the

world. Its semi-colloquial methods give it an air of being easy, but

its shifting audience, the comings and goings and hesitations of members

behind the chair--not mere audience units, but men who matter--the

desolating emptiness that spreads itself round the man who fails to

interest, the little compact, disciplined crowd in the strangers'

gallery, the light, elusive, flickering movements high up behind the

grill, the wigged, attentive, weary Speaker, the table and the mace

and the chapel-like Gothic background with its sombre shadows, conspire

together, produce a confused, uncertain feeling in me, as though I was

walking upon a pavement full of trap-doors and patches of uncovered

morass. A misplaced, well-meant “Hear, Hear!” is apt to be

extraordinarily disconcerting, and under no other circumstances have I

had to speak with quite the same sideways twist that the arrangement of

the House imposes. One does not recognise one's own voice threading out

into the stirring brown. Unless I was excited or speaking to the mind of

some particular person in the house, I was apt to lose my feeling of an

auditor. I had no sense of whither my sentences were going, such as one

has with a public meeting well under one's eye. And to lose one's sense

of an auditor is for a man of my temperament to lose one's sense of the

immediate, and to become prolix and vague with qualifications.

5

My discontents with the Liberal party and my mental exploration of

the quality of party generally is curiously mixed up with certain

impressions of things and people in the National Liberal Club. The

National Liberal Club is Liberalism made visible in the flesh--and

Doultonware. It is an extraordinary big club done in a bold, wholesale,

shiny, marbled style, richly furnished with numerous paintings, steel

engravings, busts, and full-length statues of the late Mr. Gladstone;

and its spacious dining-rooms, its long, hazy, crowded smoking-room with

innumerable little tables and groups of men in armchairs, its

magazine room and library upstairs, have just that undistinguished and

unconcentrated diversity which is for me the Liberal note. The pensive

member sits and hears perplexing dialects and even fragments of foreign

speech, and among the clustering masses of less insistent whites his

roving eye catches profiles and complexions that send his mind afield to

Calcutta or Rangoon or the West Indies or Sierra Leone or the Cape....

I was not infrequently that pensive member. I used to go to the Club to

doubt about Liberalism.

About two o'clock in the day the great smoking-room is crowded with

countless little groups. They sit about small round tables, or in

circles of chairs, and the haze of tobacco seems to prolong the great

narrow place, with its pillars and bays, to infinity. Some of the groups

are big, as many as a dozen men talk in loud tones; some are duologues,

and there is always a sprinkling of lonely, dissociated men. At first

one gets an impression of men going from group to group and as it were

linking them, but as one watches closely one finds that these men just

visit three or four groups at the outside, and know nothing of the

others. One begins to perceive more and more distinctly that one is

dealing with a sort of human mosaic; that each patch in that great place

is of a different quality and colour from the next and never to be mixed

with it. Most clubs have a common link, a lowest common denominator in

the Club Bore, who spares no one, but even the National Liberal bores

are specialised and sectional. As one looks round one sees here a clump

of men from the North Country or the Potteries, here an island of

South London politicians, here a couple of young Jews ascendant from

Whitechapel, here a circle of journalists and writers, here a group of

Irish politicians, here two East Indians, here a priest or so, here

a clump of old-fashioned Protestants, here a little knot of eminent

Rationalists indulging in a blasphemous story SOTTO VOCE. Next them are

a group of anglicised Germans and highly specialised chess-players,

and then two of the oddest-looking persons--bulging with documents and

intent upon extraordinary business transactions over long cigars....

I would listen to a stormy sea of babblement, and try to extract some

constructive intimations. Every now and then I got a whiff of politics.

It was clear they were against the Lords--against plutocrats--against

Cossington's newspapers--against the brewers.... It was tremendously

clear what they were against. The trouble was to find out what on earth

they were for!...

As I sat and thought, the streaked and mottled pillars and wall, the

various views, aspects, and portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone, the

partitions of polished mahogany, the yellow-vested waiters, would

dissolve and vanish, and I would have a vision of this sample of

miscellaneous men of limited, diverse interests and a universal

littleness of imagination enlarged, unlimited, no longer a sample but a

community, spreading, stretching out to infinity--all in little groups

and duologues and circles, all with their special and narrow concerns,

all with their backs to most of the others.

What but a common antagonism would ever keep these multitudes together?

I understood why modern electioneering is more than half of it

denunciation. Let us condemn, if possible, let us obstruct and deprive,

but not let us do. There is no real appeal to the commonplace mind in

“Let us do.” That calls for the creative imagination, and few have been

accustomed to respond to that call. The other merely needs jealousy and

bate, of which there are great and easily accessible reservoirs in every

human heart....

I remember that vision of endless, narrow, jealous individuality very

vividly. A seething limitlessness it became at last, like a waste place

covered by crawling locusts that men sweep up by the sackload and drown

by the million in ditches....

Grotesquely against it came the lean features, the sidelong shy

movements of Edward Crampton, seated in a circle of talkers close at

hand. I had a whiff of his strained, unmusical voice, and behold! he was

saying something about the “Will of the People....”

The immense and wonderful disconnectednesses of human life! I forgot the

smoke and jabber of the club altogether; I became a lonely spirit flung

aloft by some queer accident, a stone upon a ledge in some high and

rocky wilderness, and below as far as the eye could reach stretched the

swarming infinitesimals of humanity, like grass upon the field, like

pebbles upon unbounded beaches. Was there ever to be in human life

more than that endless struggling individualism? Was there indeed some

giantry, some immense valiant synthesis, still to come--or present it

might be and still unseen by me, or was this the beginning and withal

the last phase of mankind?...

I glimpsed for a while the stupendous impudence of our ambitions,

the tremendous enterprise to which the modern statesman is implicitly

addressed. I was as it were one of a little swarm of would-be reef

builders looking back at the teeming slime upon the ocean floor. All the

history of mankind, all the history of life, has been and will be

the story of something struggling out of the indiscriminated abyss,

struggling to exist and prevail over and comprehend individual lives--an

effort of insidious attraction, an idea of invincible appeal. That

something greater than ourselves, which does not so much exist as seek

existence, palpitating between being and not-being, how marvellous it

is! It has worn the form and visage of ten thousand different gods,

sought a shape for itself in stone and ivory and music and wonderful

words, spoken more and more clearly of a mystery of love, a mystery

of unity, dabbling meanwhile in blood and cruelty beyond the common

impulses of men. It is something that comes and goes, like a light that

shines and is withdrawn, withdrawn so completely that one doubts if it

has ever been....

6

I would mark with a curious interest the stray country member of

the club up in town for a night or so. My mind would be busy with

speculations about him, about his home, his family, his reading, his

horizons, his innumerable fellows who didn't belong and never came up.

I would fill in the outline of him with memories of my uncle and his

Staffordshire neighbours. He was perhaps Alderman This or Councillor

That down there, a great man in his ward, J. P. within seven miles of

the boundary of the borough, and a God in his home. Here he was nobody,

and very shy, and either a little too arrogant or a little too meek

towards our very democratic mannered but still livened waiters. Was

he perhaps the backbone of England? He over-ate himself lest he should

appear mean, went through our Special Dinner conscientiously, drank,

unless he was teetotal, of unfamiliar wines, and did his best, in spite

of the rules, to tip. Afterwards, in a state of flushed repletion, he

would have old brandy, black coffee, and a banded cigar, or in the

name of temperance omit the brandy and have rather more coffee, in

the smoking-room. I would sit and watch that stiff dignity of

self-indulgence, and wonder, wonder....

An infernal clairvoyance would come to me. I would have visions of him

in relation to his wife, checking always, sometimes bullying, sometimes

being ostentatiously “kind”; I would see him glance furtively at his

domestic servants upon his staircase, or stiffen his upper lip against

the reluctant, protesting business employee. We imaginative people

are base enough, heaven knows, but it is only in rare moods of bitter

penetration that we pierce down to the baser lusts, the viler shames,

the everlasting lying and muddle-headed self-justification of the dull.

I would turn my eyes down the crowded room and see others of him and

others. What did he think he was up to? Did he for a moment realise that

his presence under that ceramic glory of a ceiling with me meant, if it

had any rational meaning at all, that we were jointly doing something

with the nation and the empire and mankind?... How on earth could any

one get hold of him, make any noble use of him? He didn't read beyond

his newspaper. He never thought, but only followed imaginings in his

heart. He never discussed. At the first hint of discussion his temper

gave way. He was, I knew, a deep, thinly-covered tank of resentments

and quite irrational moral rages. Yet withal I would have to resist an

impulse to go over to him and nudge him and say to him, “Look here!

What indeed do you think we are doing with the nation and the empire and

mankind? You know--MANKIND!”

The New Machiavelli · 第 44 / 87 题