There was a tense air of expectation amongst the little company of men
who filed into one of the smaller lecture rooms attached to Demos House
a few afternoons later. Two long tables were arranged with sixty or
seventy chairs and a great ballot box was placed in front of the
chairman. A little round of subdued cheers greeted the latter as he
entered the room and took his place,--the Right Honourable John Weavel,
a Privy Councillor, Member for Sheffield and Chairman of the
Ironmaster's Union. Dartrey and Tallente appeared together at the tail
end of the procession. Miller sprang at once to his feet and addressed
the chairman.
"Mr. Chairman," he said, "I call attention to the fact that two
honorary members of this company are present. I submit that as these
honorary members have no vote and the present meeting is called with the
sole object of voting a chairman for the year, honorary members be not
admitted."
Mr. Weavel shook his head.
"Honorary members have the right to attend all meetings of our society,"
he pronounced. "They can even speak, if invited to do so by the
chairman for the day. I am sure that we are all of us very pleased
indeed to welcome Mr. Dartrey and Mr. Tallente."
There was a murmur of approval, in one or two cases a little dubious.
Dartrey smiled a greeting at Weavel.
"I have asked Mr. Tallente to accompany me," he explained, "because, in
face of the great issues by which the party to which we all belong is
confronted, some question might arise on to-day's proceedings which
would render his presence advisable. He does not wish to address you.
I, however, with the chairman's permission, before you go to the vote
would like to say a few words."
Miller again arose to his feet.
"I submit, Mr. Chairman," he said arrogantly, "that when I had the
privilege of being elected last April, no honorary member was present or
allowed to speak."
Mr. Weavel rose to his feet.
"Gentlemen," he said, "you know what this meeting is. It is a meeting
of fifty-seven representatives of the various trades unions of the
country, to elect a single representative to take the chair whenever
meetings of this company shall be necessary. This gathering does not
exist as a society in any shape or form and we have therefore neither
rules nor usages. Mr. Dartrey and Mr. Tallente, although they are
honorary members, are, I am sure, welcome guests, and whatever either of
them wishes to say to us will, I am sure, be listened to. There is no
business. All that we have to do is to vote, to choose our leader for
the next twelve months. There are two names put forward--Saunderson and
Miller. It is my business only to count the votes you may record.
Presuming that no one else wishes to speak, I shall ask Mr. Dartrey to
say those few words."
Miller sat frowning and biting his nails. Dartrey moved to the farther
end of the room and looked down the long line of attentive faces.
"Weavel," he said, "and you, my friends, I am not here to say a word in
favour of either of the two candidates between whom you have to choose
to-day. I am here just because you are valued members of the great
party which before very long will be carrying upon its shoulders the
burden of this country's government, to tell you of one measure which
some of you know of already, which may help you to realise how important
your to-day's choice will be. You know quite as much about politics as
I do. You know very well that the present Government is doomed. But
for an unfortunate difference of opinion between two of our supporters
who are present to-day, there is not the slightest doubt that the
Government would lose their vote of confidence to-morrow, and that in
that case, if I still remained your chief, I should be asked to form a
Democratic Government, a task which, when the time comes, it is my
intention to pass on to one more skilled in Parliamentary routine. I
want to explain to you that we consider the representative you elect
to-day to be one of the most important personages in that Government.
We have not issued our programme yet. When we do, we are going to make
the country a wonderful promise. We are going to promise that there
shall be no more strikes. That sounds a large order, perhaps, but we
shall keep our word and we are going to end for ever this bitter
struggle between capital and labour by welding the two into one and by
making the interests of one the interests of the other. Our scheme is
that the person whom you elect to-day will be chairman of an inner
conference of twelve. We shall ask you to elect a further three from
amongst yourselves, which will give the trades unions four
representatives upon this inner council. Four representative Cabinet
Ministers will be chosen by ballot to add to their number. Four
employers of labour, elected by the Employers' Association, will also
join the council and the whole will be presided over by the person whom
you elect to-day. There will be a select committee, or rather
fifty-seven select committees, of each industry always at hand, and we
consider that we shall frame in that manner a body of men competent to
deal with the inner workings of every industry. They will decide what
proportion of the earnings of each industry shall be allocated to labour
and what to capital. In other words, they will fix or approve of or
revise the wages of the country. They will settle every dispute and
their decision will be final. The funds held by the various trades
unions will form charitable funds or be returned as bonuses to the
contributors. I have given you the barest outline of the scheme which
has been drawn up to form a part of our programme when the time comes
for us to present one. To-day you are only concerned to elect the one
representative. I am here to beg, gentlemen, that you elect one whose
theories, whose principles, whose antecedents and whose general attitude
towards labour problems will fit him to take a very important place in
the future government of the country."
There was a little murmur of applause. Miller was once more on his
feet.
"I claim," he said, "that this is neither the time nor the place to
spring upon us an utterly new method of dealing with Labour questions.
What you propose seems to me a subtle attack upon the trades unions
themselves. They have been the guardians of the people for the last
fifteen years, and even though some strikes have been necessary and
although all strikes may not have been successful, yet on the whole the
trades unions have done their work well. I shall not accept, in the
event of my election, the programme which Mr. Dartrey has laid down,
unless I am elected with a special mandate to do so."
Saunderson rose to his feet, a man of different type, blunt of speech,
rugged, the typical working-man's champion except for his voice, which
was of unexpected tone and quality.
"Mr. Weavel and the rest of you," he said, "I differ from Miller.
That's lucky, because you can vote now not only for the man but the
principle. I have loathed strikes all my life, just because I am
political economist enough to loathe waste and to hate to see production
fettered,--that is, where the fruits of the production are shared fairly
with Labour. I like Dartrey's scheme and I am prepared to stand by it."
Saunderson sat down. Dartrey and Tallente left the room while the
business of voting went on. Dartrey had a private room of his own in
the rear of the building and he and Tallente made their way there.
"Those men have a good deal to decide," Tallente reflected. "It's queer
how the balance of things has changed. I don't suppose any Cabinet
Council for years has had to tackle a more important problem."
"I wonder how they'll vote," Dartrey speculated. "Weavel's our man."
"You can't tell," Tallente replied. "You've given them something fresh
to think about. They may even decide not to vote to-day at all. Miller
has some strong supporters. He appeals tremendously to a certain class
of labour--and that class exists, you know, Dartrey--which loves the
excitement and the loafing of a strike, which feels somehow or other
that benefits got in any other way than by force are less than they
ought to have been."
There was a knock at the door. Northern put in his head. He was the
Boot and Shoe representative.
"Thought I'd let you know how the thing's gone," he said. "There's an
unholy row there. They've chucked Miller. Saunderson's in by five
votes. I'm off back again. Miller's up speaking, tearing mad."
He nodded and disappeared. Dartrey held out his hand.
"Thank God!" he exclaimed. "Let's clear cut, Tallente. Nora must know
about this at once. We'll call at the House and enter your amendment
against the vote of confidence. And then--Nora. I am not sure,
Tallente--the man's a subtle fellow--but I rather think we've driven
the final nail into Miller's coffin."