THE FRENCH ROYALISTS
Many others besides Lord Derby were at this time speculating on the chances
of one more revolution in France. The state of public opinion seemed to
point to a coming weariness of the corruption incidental to a republic, and
a desire for the restoration of the monarchy. Since the obstinate refusal
of the Comte de Chambord, in 1873, to accept the change from the _drapeau
blanc_ of the Bourbon dynasty to the flaunting _tricolor_ which savoured of
democracy, monarchy had seemed impossible. But the Comte de Chambord was
known to be in feeble health, and he had no children. If he should die, the
fusion of the antagonistic parties was possible, was indeed probable; and
it was generally understood that the Comte de Paris was singularly free
from the prejudices which had rendered impossible a restoration in the
person of his cousin. He was, indeed, not ambitious, and he was wealthy.
The two ordinary motives of conspirators were wanting; but he loved France
by force of sympathy and education, and he honestly believed that a
restoration would be the best thing for his country. As a matter of love
and duty he felt bound to work in order to bring about this most desirable
of changes.
_From the Comte de Paris_
Chateau d'Eu, le 2 janvier 1883.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je suis bien touché de la bonne pensée que vous
avez eue de m'écrire à l'occasion de la nouvelle année. Je vous remercie
de tous vos bons voeux, et je vous prie de recevoir ici l'assurance de
ceux que je forme pour vous et pour les vôtres.
I am greatly obliged by your remarks on the future of France. This is
indeed dark; and, as you so well express it, the sterility of democracy and
the impotence of the institutions based on it are most striking. They are
especially so here. This dearth, this void, of which you speak increases
from day to day. The men of note who were formed under a different rule,
and who came to the front under special circumstances, are dying off and
are not replaced. It is only a few days since one, [Footnote: Gambetta,
died December 31st, 1882.] the most able we have had since the death of M.
Thiers, has been carried off by an obscure--a mysterious--illness. Of those
left, there is no one who can take his place. In some respects he was a
truly remarkable man. He, and he alone, was known from one end of France
to the other; he, and none but he, could even for one day have united the
blind and jealous forces of democracy; he alone could give the republicans
the organisation and appearance of a party, but owing to the violence of
his temperament he could never have held the reins of government. He would
have been exceedingly dangerous in the department of foreign affairs, which
would have been his choice. He would, indeed, have brought to it a most
honourable sentiment of the dignity of France, but he had neither prudence
nor experience. There were in Europe some who counted on him; others who
feared him; every one, I think, exaggerated what he would have done or
tried to do.
I regret extremely the difficulties which are rising between France and
England about Egypt, and I confess I do not understand the attitude of our
Government. The temper of France towards England resembles that of a man
who has been offered an equal share in a profitable adventure, who has
refused to accept the risk, and who is now vexed at the success of his
neighbour. But no Government worthy of the name will allow itself to be
influenced by such feelings, or is unable to adapt itself to the changes
which circumstances may give rise to. And besides, so little attention is
paid in France to foreign politics that the Government may do whatever it
likes, provided that does not lead to war--under any form or against any
enemy....
J'ai bien regretté de ne pas pouvoir rencontrer Mlle. Reeve à Paris.
Veuillez lui dire que si elle veut prendre quelques truites, elle devrait
venir ici du 28 ou 29 mai au 5 ou 6 pin. C'est la date exacte de l'éclosion
du May-fly, et à ce moment-là nous faisons vraiment de très belles pêches.
En attendant nous partons pour Cannes la semaine prochaine. J'espère
y rencontrer quelques amis d'Angleterre, dont plusieurs sont déjà fort
anciens--comme Lord Cardwell, Sir C. Murray, Lord Clarence Paget, le Duc
d'Argyll, &c.
Veuillez offrir mes hommages à Madame Reeve, et me croire.
Votre bien affectionné,
LOUIS-PHILLIPE D'ORLEANS.
_From Lord Granville_
_Walmer Castle, January 7th_.--I return you, with many thanks, the Comte de
Paris' remarkable letter. If the Duc de Bordeaux would follow the example
which has been sadly set by Gambetta and Chanzy, [Footnote: Chanzy had died
two days before, January 5th. The Duc de Bordeaux better known at this
time as the Comte de Chambord, did follow the example a few months later,
August 24th.] the prospects at Eu would be good.
With you, I do not feel inclined to gush over Gambetta. It is true that
he was well disposed towards England, but his love would have been of a
troublesome and exacting character.
The Journal has little of interest. It notes the return to London on
January 13th; a journey to York on the 29th, on a visit to the Archbishop
[Thomson], who wrote an article for the 'Review' on the Ecclesiastical
Commission; and, on February 17th, to Battle Abbey. Beyond these trivial
entries, nothing except the mention of several dinner parties--some 'good,'
some 'dull.' Then, later:--
_April 16th to May 22nd_.--At Foxholes. Very cold. Snow in May.
_June 8th_.--Dinner at Lord Carnarvon's. Sir R. and Lady Wallace, Lord
Salisbury, Lady Portsmouth.
_15th_.--Dinner at Alfred Morrison's, [Footnote: Mr. Morrison, so well
known to historical students by his splendid collection of MSS., died on
December 22nd, 1897.] first time. Splendid house.
_21st_.--Dinner at home. Duc d'Aumale, Granvilles, Malmesburys,
Carlingford, G. Trevelyans, and others.
_23rd_.--Philobiblon breakfast at Gibbs's. Duc d'Aumale, Duke of Albany. To
Military Tournament with Lady Malmesbury.
_25th_.--Duke of Cleveland's dinner to Duc d'Aumale. Duke of Grafton, Lady
Cork.
_From the Comte de Paris_
Château d'Eu, 16 juin.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'ai hâte de répondre à votre aimable lettre du
8, et de vous remercier de votre bienveillante appréciation d'un travail
qui prend des proportions vraiment formidables. Je suis en effet en train
d'imprimer le 7me volume, et d'écrire le 8me, qui sera suivi encore de deux
autres, si Dieu me prête vie. Je suis obligé d'entrer dans beaucoup de
détails pour donner à cette histoire un véritable intérêt aux yeux du
public américain, qui est celui auquel je m'adresse particuliérement, le
seul qui puisse me fournir beaucoup de lecteurs. La traduction anglaise en
un gros volume a dû paraître ou paraîtra incessamment à Philadelphie.
Vous trouverez le Duc d'Aumale en fort bellé sante et très brillant, malgré
toutes les préoccupations que nous avons eues, et la blessure très vive
que lui a faite l'odieuse mesure militaire [Footnote: The removal of the
Orleanist princes from the active list of the army in February.] dont il a
été l'objet. Je regrette de ne pouvoir l'accompagner en Angleterre, où
j'ai tant d'amis que je serais heureux de revoir. Mais ne puis-je au moins
espérer que vous nous ferez cette année, avec Madame et Mademoiselle Reeve,
une visite au Château d'Eu? Nous resterons ici tout le mois de Juillet.
J'ai été assez heureux à la pêche ici dans notre petite rivéire. Pendant
une quinzaine, du 25 mai au 10 juin, j'ai pris à la mouche 82 truites
pesant 42 livres.
This was the sport to which he had particularly invited Miss Reeve in
January, and which, he goes on to say, has given him the idea of going to
Norway in August. As to this, he begs Reeve to make some inquiries for him,
and concludes--Veuillez me croire votre bien affectionné,
LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLEANS.
Another chatty letter, four days later, June 20th, has:--
Nous serons charmés de vous voir venir ici vers le 24 juillet avec Madame
Reeve, tout en regrettant que Mademoiselle votre fille ne puisse pas vous
accompagner. Nous espérons qu'elle pourra venir ici l'année prochaine en
mai. Mais qui peut faire sous un gouvernement démocratique des projets à si
longue échéance?
The visit was, however, prevented by an event of the most serious political
importance; an event which during the next three or four years was thought
by many to be likely to change the destinies of France, to affect the
fortunes of Europe. It may be best told in the words of the person most
affected.
_From the Comte de Paris_
Château d'Eu, le 18 juillet.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je suis revenu ici il y a deux jours après avoir
fait en Autriche un voyage imprévu dont vous avez connu le motif et le
résultat. J'ai été reçu par l'auguste malade [Footnote: The Comte de
Chambord, known among the Legitimists as Henri V.] avec une affectueuse
cordialité qui m'a profondément touché, et j'ai quitté Vienne en conservant
quelque espoir de le voir sortir de la crise cruelle qu'il vient de
traverser. Les dernières nouvelles reçues ne démentent pas cet espoir,
quoique son état soit toujours fort grave et plein de périls. Je ne puis
naturellement faire dans une pareille situation de projets à longue
échéance. Non seulement tout plan de voyage est abandonné pour le moment,
mais je vis au jour le jour, toujours prêt à partir au reçu d'une dépêche
annonçant le dénouement fatal. Aussi ne puis-je dans ce moment insister
pour vous engager à faire au Château d'Eu cette visite dont je me
promettais tant de plaisir et d'intérêt, mais qui, dans les circonstances
actuelles, risquerait fort d'être brusquement interrompue. Je le regrette
vivement, et j'espère pouvoir m'en dédommager plus tard.
En attendant, j'ai hâte de vous remercier de tout ce que vous me dites sur
ma situation actuelle et sur l'intérêt que vous y portez. Je vous remercie
également de ce que vous avez écrit sur ce sujet à la fin du dernier numéro
de la _Revue d'Edimbourg_. On sent en lisant ce morceau combien celui qui
l'a écrit aime et connaît bien la France. Il a été fort remarqué chez nous.
Si vous me permettez d'ajouter un seul mot qui vous prouvera que je l'ai lu
avec attention, je vous signalerai un _lapsus calami_ qui vous a échappé.
Le fondateur de notre branche d'Orléans, fils de Louis XIII, frère de Louis
XIV, s'appelait Philippe et non Gaston. Gaston était le nom du fils de
Henri IV, frère de Louis XIII, le Duc d'Orléans de la Fronde, qui ne laissa
que des filles, entre autres Mlle. de Montpensier.
Like you, I am uneasy at the existing relations of France and England,
though I fully believe that the two Governments are respectively animated
by the most conciliatory intentions. In my opinion, the blame rests on
what is now called 'the colonial policy,' which consists in scattering our
forces to the four corners of the world, while Continental Europe is armed
to the teeth and does not afford us a single ally. But even this policy
might be followed without causing any difficulty with England, if there was
a readiness to anticipate it by frank explanations. The world is big enough
for it. Unfortunately, since the Egyptian business--which might easily have
been the opportunity for a friendly agreement, but which we have made such
a mess of--all these questions are confused and taken amiss....
Je termine en vous renouvelant encore tous mes remerciments, et en vous
priant de me croire votre bien affectionné,
LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS.
The Journal then has:--
_July 24th_.--Great dinner at the Granvilles' to receive Waddington
[Footnote: M. Waddington had a career that has perhaps no parallel. The son
of an Englishman settled in France, he was educated at Rugby and at Trinity
College, Cambridge; and was second classic, Chancellor's medallist, and
No. 6 in the University boat in 1849. Having elected to be a Frenchman, he
travelled in Asia Minor, and achieved a reputation as an archaeologist and
numismatist. After the fall of the Empire he entered into public life; was
foreign minister and the representative of France at Berlin in 1878; was
prime minister and the representative of France at the Coronation of the
Tsar in 1881, and was French ambassador in London from 1883 to 1893.
He died in 1894 at the age of 68.] [the new French Ambassador]. I was
introduced to Count Herbert Bismarck. Sat by Errington. Forty-two people
there at several tables.
_26th_.--To Foxholes.
_September 10th_.--Left Foxholes for Broglie _viâ_ Havre. Slept at Rouen.
11th, Broglie, by rail to Bernay; at Broglie, Vieil Castel, Laugel, Target,
Gavard. Old name of Broglie, Chambrey.
_15th_.--Left Broglie for Val Richer. Drive with De Witt.
_17th_.--Gout coming on in foot. Started for Honfleur and Havre; quite
lame. Spent the day on board the Wolf; met Prothero again. Managed to get
home on the 18th. Laid up in bed for a week.
_From Lord Granville_
_September 29th_.--The Comte de Paris has a difficult game to play; and the
large intelligent family, living in great luxury and consideration, is not
the best machine for carrying hopes more or less forlorn; but I expect it
would be difficult to find an abler or more judicious pretender. My fear is
that--as you say--their way to success lies through some disaster. I do
not feel convinced, if an opportunity or a necessity arose, that men like
Waddington and Ferry would not be among the first to act as civil Moncks.
In the meantime, we shall know in a very few days whether the wisest among
the present ministry will have their way and do the right thing by us in
the Madagascar matter. It will take a little longer to settle the Chinese
difficulty. This can only be done by great sacrifices on the part of the
French. The Chinese will not hurry themselves, and believe they have the
French in their pockets.
_From the Comte de Paris_
Château d'Eu, 3 octobre.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'ai reçu votre lettre du 4 septembre à mon
retour de Frohsdorf, mais j'ai eu tant à faire depuis lors que je n'ai
pas, jusqu'à ce jour, trouvé un instant pour vous remercier de la preuve
d'amitié et de sympathie que vous m'avez donnée dans ces circonstances si
graves pour moi. J'ai eu depuis des nouvelles de votre séjour à Broglie et
au Val Richcr par Messieurs Gavard et de Witt, et j'ai bien regretté que
les convenances du deuil ne m'aient pas permis de vous demander cette année
de venir an Château d'Eu. J'aurais été, en effet, fort heureux de pouvoir
causer avec vous de toutes les graves questions qui se posent aujourd'hui
devant nous, tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur.
Je serai heureux d'en retrouver l'occasion; car, plus les événements
rendent ma situation grave et difficile, plus ils grandissent ma
responsabilité, plus naturellement je tiens à recueillir les avis d'un
observateur éclairé, impartial et bienveillant pour la France. Dans cette
situation si nouvelle, et, je puis dire, sans précédents, je tiens à
resserrer les liens de mes vieilles amitiés, et je tiens particulièrement
à entretenir mes relations avec la société anglaise, ce grand centre
intellectuel qui recueille et juge les affaires du monde entier....
Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages à Madame et à Mademoiselle Reeve et de
me croire Votre bien affectionné,
PHILIPPE COMTE DE PAEIS.
All the Comte de Paris' earlier letters are signed Louis-Philippe
D'Orleans, the capital D' being a noticeable peculiarity. By the death of
the Comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf on August 24th, the Comte de Paris had
become the head of the Bourbons, [Footnote: Always excepting the impossible
Don Carlos.] and linked the Legitimists and Orleanists in the person of one
capable man. At the same time he changed his signature, as now claiming
the throne by hereditary right. Among the Orleanists, however, there were
many--including the Duc d'Aumale--who considered the change ill-judged,
as implying that his grandfather, Louis Philippe, was a usurper--as,
of course, he was, if the will of the people is to count for nothing.
[Footnote: Cf. _Le Duc d'Aumale_, par Ernest Daudet, pp. 334-5.] Among the
Legitimists, on the other hand, there were many who protested that under
no circumstances could they accept one of the line of Philippe Égalité as
their lawful sovereign. Still, for the next two or three years, it seemed
not impossible that the Comte de Paris might be called to the throne by a
constitutional reaction and a popular vote. He does not seem to have had
any wish to head or stir up a revolution of force and bloodshed.
The Journal records:--
_October 29th_.--To Oxford. Dined at the Deanery. Jowett, Duke of
Buckingham, Max Müller, Brodrick. 31st, dined at All Souls. Sir William
Anson. November 1st, lunched with Max Müller.
_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_
_November 21st_.--I notice that to you, as to me, the situation of France
appears very sad. I conceive that it is a source of alarm to all Europe. We
are falling lower and lower towards the Radicals and the Extreme Left. If
that party should come into power, it would be a very serious threat to the
peace of the world. From the weakness of our Government, everything is to
be feared; and as this weakness must become greater, there does not seem
any remedy in the near future. Notwithstanding our wealth, our finances
are in a bad state, and it is on that side that the inevitable storm will
burst. To ward it off an entire change of conduct would be necessary; and
at the present time we have no one strong enough to guide our policy in the
right direction.
_To Mrs. Parker_
_Foxholes, December 18th_.--If anyone is to write Lord Westbury's Life,
yours is the pen to do it. Nobody expects a daughter to be impartial, or
wishes it. I will see what letters I can find, and will write again when I
have looked over my packets of letters.
This promise was afterwards fulfilled. Lord Westbury's letters were sent to
Mrs. Parker, and several of them, with some of Reeve's, were incorporated
in the 'Life of Lord Westbury' (2 vols. 8vo. 1888), by Mr. T. A. Nash, whom
Mrs. Parker afterwards married.
Early in January 1884, Mrs. Reeve went to Paris, on a visit to Lady
Metcalfe--one of Mr. Dempster's nieces. On the 16th Reeve joined her there.
Among other entries, the Journal notes a breakfast at Chantilly on the
27th--'château finished, galleries splendid'--and on the 30th, dinner at
the Embassy. They returned to London on the 31st. A few dinners in town are
noted, and a visit to Covent Garden on March 5th, to see Salvini in 'King
Lear.' To Foxholes on April 9th.
This meagre chronicle of course gives no idea of Reeve's intellectual
activity at the time, which was really very great. With his official
duties, the conduct of the 'Review,' an extensive correspondence, and, at
this time, the preparation of the second part of the 'Greville Memoirs,'
with dinner parties or receptions three or four times a week, it would seem
as if Reeve's days must have consisted of an abnormal number of hours. And
effectively they did; for, though on pleasure--at proper seasons--Reeve
might be bent, he had always a frugal mind as to the disposal of time.
Most, if not all, of his correspondence, much even of his more serious
work, was got through in spare half-hours at the Council Office; and when
at home, in his study in the house in Rutland Gate, it was a standing rule
that he was not to be disturbed. The study was a cosy room on the ground
floor, built out at the back, and so removed from all noise of passing to
and fro. It had no outlook to distract the attention, and no man was ever
less addicted to day-dreaming. To work whilst he worked and play whilst he
played was the golden rule which enabled Reeve for over fifty years to
get through as much hard work as a successful lawyer, to do as much hard
writing as a successful novelist, to hunt, shoot, or travel whenever
opportunity offered, and to be one of the best known figures in the world
of London society.
_From the Duke of Argyll_
_March 8th_.--Many thanks for your letter. I am pleased to know that the
scientists find my science accurate. Writers in the interest of religion
have generally, of late, been disposed to make as much as possible of the
distinction between man and nature. The speciality of my book [Footnote:
_The Unity of Nature._ There is an article on it in the April number of the
Review.] is, on the contrary, to maintain the unity, as really essential to
all belief, thus going back to the paths of Butler.
_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_
_Paris, 15 avril._--Cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'étais bien sûr de vous faire
plaisir en vous envoyant les discours prononcés sur la tombe de M. Mignet.
Celui de M. Martha est le plus remarquable; M. Jules Simon a très bien
parlé aussi; mais on peut trouver cependant que M. Martha l'emporte.
Je suis très sensible à votre amicale invitation, et je serai heureux de
visiter cet été votre ermitage de Foxholes. Nos vacances commenceront
probablement en août, et je réglerai mes mouvements sur les vôtres.
Je vous remercie de votre bienveillance pour l'Histoire des Animaux; je ne
crois pas que nulle part le génie d'Aristote se soit montré plus grand,
plus scientifique et, l'on peut ajouter, plus moderne. Entre lui et Linné,
Buffon et Cuvier, il n'y a rien. L'histoire de la science a beaucoup à
profiter de cet exemple frappant.
Je suis absolument de votre avis sur le rôle de l'Angleterre en Égypte;
vous n'avez qu'à faire ce que nous avons fait à Tunis, où les choses
marchent à souhait. C'est l'intérêt de votre grand pays, en même temps que
l'intérêt de la civilisation et de l'humanité. Les affaires égyptiennes ne
peuvent rester dans l'état où elles sont; et il faut les régler au plus
vite, pour l'honneur de tout le monde.
Je présente mes hommages bien respectueux a Madame Reeve, en attendant le
petit voyage a Foxholes vers l'automne. Votre bien dévoué,
B. St.-HILAIRE.
And here the Journal notes:--
April 16th.--Edward Cheney died, aetat. 82.
From Dr. Vaughan [Footnote: Then Master of the Temple; he died November 15,
1897, aged 81.]
The Deanery, Llandaff: April 19th.
Dear Mr. Reeve,--I am grateful to you for your kind letter. I will try to
remember to make the reference with which you furnish me when I am again at
the Athenaeum.
The year 1185 is always in my recollection as the date of the consecration
of the Round Church by the Patriarch Heraclius. I am already in
communication with Dr. Hopkins about the musical part of its celebration,
on or about the day (I think February 10) next year. And there must be a
sermon about it on the nearest Sunday. So you see how exactly your thoughts
and mine agree on the subject.
Ever truly yours,
C. J. VAUGHAN.
The other part of the church was consecrated on Ascension Day 1240. Who
will be Master when _that_ seventh centenary comes round?
_From the Duke of Argyll_
Argyll Lodge, Kensington: April 19th.
My Dear Mr. Reeve,[Footnote: Written in pencil.]--I am laid up with a very
sudden and sharp attack of the enemy; but I must write a line from bed to
say how _more_ than satisfied I am by the article in the Review, which goes
straight to the main points of my Essay, and which distinguishes exactly
those which best deserve notice. I am the more grateful as all the others
I have seen--whether laudatory or not--have all been the production of
ignorant men who did not see, or of learned men who did not wish to see,
any of the specialties of the book.
I am better, but unfit for any work.
Yours very truly,
ARGYLL.
_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_
_Foxholes, April 20th_.--Much obliged to you for the Beaconsfield book,
[Footnote: The _Beaconsfield Birthday-Book_.] which is very pretty. I hope
you will sell as many as there are bunches of primroses in Covent Garden
Market. The extent of Lord Beaconsfield's popularity is really curious. Yet
this is the man whom Gladstone hunted to death and called a fiend!!
And the Journal for the summer runs:--
At Foxholes all May.
_June 26th_.--Marriage of Hallam Tennyson and Miss Boyle in Henry VII.'s
Chapel.
_July 12th_.--Dinner at Sir Henry Maine's. The Actons, Lindleys, Evelyn
Barings, Brookfield, Venables--interesting party.
_16th_.--Duchess of Argyll's garden party.
_17th_.--The great Canadian case between the Provinces of Ontario and
Manitoba was argued for six days before the Judicial Committee.
_24th_.--To Foxholes. On August 11th we went to Strode, to see Mr. Gollop,
aetat. 93. 15th, back to Foxholes.
* * * * *
At this time, on behalf of Sir Henry Taylor, Reeve had been conducting a
negotiation with Longmans for the publication of Taylor's Autobiography,
and an agreement had been come to which was to take effect after Taylor's
death.
_From Sir Henry Taylor_
Bournemouth, August 26th.
My dear Mr. Reeve,--Thanks for your very kind letter. I am so glad you can
take a favourable view of my autobiography.
I am rather surprised myself that there is nothing in it of Mrs. Austin
and Lucy. I was intimately acquainted with them, and I may perhaps find
something said of them in letters, as I proceed with the task of sorting
my correspondence. Of Mr. Austin I saw very little. He led such a secluded
life. But one could not see him at all without knowing something of the
intellect which lay hidden in him for so many years.
As to the date of publication, I shall leave the necessary instructions. I
wish the work to be published as soon as possible after my death.
Believe me, yours sincerely,
HENRY TAYLOR.
_From the Comte de Paris_
Château d'Eu, 17 septembre.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je ne veux pas tarder un instant à vous remercier
de votre lettre du 14, et des félicitations que vous m'adressez à
l'occasion de la naissance de mon fils Ferdinand.... Grâces à Dieu, tout
s'est passé aussi bien que possible et, depuis l'événement, la mère et
l'enfant vont à merveille. Je vous remercie bien cordialement des voeux que
vous formez pour celui-ci. Je connais de longue date les sentiments qui
vous inspirent, et vous savez tout le prix que j'y attache.
Vous avez raison de dire que l'avenir se montre assez sombre pour toutes
les nations de l'Europe. Les opérations de l'Amiral Courbet au Tonkin et
en Chine montrent que notre marine se maintient à la hauteur de sa
vieille réputation; elle le doit aux traditions, à l'esprit de corps, aux
sentiments de respect pour les chefs qui s'est conservé chez elle tandis
qu'il disparaissait ou s'affaiblissait partout ailleurs. Mais cette
démonstration nous coûte bien cher. La guerre avec la Chine nous alarme,
parce qu'il n'y a pas de guerre plus difficile à terminer que celle-là. La
politique coloniale est un luxe que nous aurions pu nous donner dans un
autre temps, mais que ne nous convient pas dans notre situation européenne.
Elle a de plus été conduite d'une façon irrégulière, l'action au Tonkin
succédant à l'inaction en Egypte. Cette affaire d'Egypte aurait pu servir
de base à une entente avec l'Angleterre. Au lieu de cela on n'a pas voulu
l'aider, puis on a boudé parce qu'elle agissait seule, et lorsque les
difficultés ont commencé pour elle, on n'a su ni s'entendre absolument
pour agir en commun, ni s'effacer derrière l'Europe pour ne pas assumer la
responsabilité de l'echec de la conférence. Bien des gens croient ici que
toute cette politique a eu pour but de sauver le ministère Gladstone. Cela
n'en valait pas la peine. Il en est résulté de l'aigreur dans les journaux.
Mais cette aigreur sent bien un peu le fonds des reptiles, et personne n'a
sérieusement envie de chercher querelle à la perfide Albion.
Ceux qui admirent ses institutions et qui croient que leur pondération est
la garantie du plus précieux de tous les biens--la liberté, se préoccupent
vivement des tendances jacobines de notre ami Gladstone. L'extension du
suffrage est logique, l'anéantissement de la chambre des Lords est logique.
Mais les meilleures institutions ne sont pas les plus logiques. À force de
logique on tend à remplacer le gouvernement pondéré de l'Angleterre par ce
que nous appelons le gouvernement conventionnel, c'est à dire le despotisme
d'une Assemblée unique appuyée sur la brutale loi du nombre. Que Dieu vous
garde d'un tel avenir. C'est le voeu d'un ami sincère de vos institutions.
Ce qui préoccupe ici bien plus, et à bon titre, que les aventures
coloniales, c'est la situation économique. La France s'appauvrit parce
qu'elle perd en impôts improductifs une partie de son épargne, parce que
ses fils travaillent moins, dépensent plus et boivent davantage, parce
qu'ils demandent des salaires trop élevés, et parce que la concurrence
allemande, américaine, italienne, anglaise, nous ferme peu à peu tous les
marchés, et enfin parce que le phylloxera ruine la moitié du pays. Le
courant protectionniste se prononce avec une force irrésistible en ce
moment.
Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages à Madame et à Mademoiselle Reeve, et de
me croire Votre bien affectionné,
PHILIPPE COMTE DE PARIS.
_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_
Paris, 19 octobre.
Cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'ai reçu le numéro de la _Revue d'Edimbourg_, et je
vous en remercie. Le rédacteur de l'article a été plein de bienveillance à
mon égard, et je vous prie de lui faire savoir que je suis fort touché de
l'appréciation qu'il veut bien faire de mes travaux. Je profiterai de ses
justes critiques pour mes autres traductions; mais il est un point où je ne
suis pas tout à fait d'accord avec lui. Je ne trouve pas qu'il tienne assez
compte à Aristote d'avoir commencé la science, et de l'avoir fondée.
Les débuts sont toujours excessivement difficiles, et il ne serait pas
équitable de demander à ces temps reculés de savoir tout ce que nous savons
aujourd'hui. Nous devons toujours nous dire que dans deux mille ans d'ici
on en saura beaucoup plus que nous, tout savants que nous sommes. Ceci doit
nous engager à être reconnaissants et modestes.
Je vais mettre sous presse le Traité des Parties des Animaux en deux
volumes, et je prépare celui de la Génération, qui, sans doute, en aura
trois.
J'espère que vous vous portez bien, ainsi que Madame Henry Reeve; je lui
présente mes respects et mes amitiés, avec tons mes voeux pour sa santé et
pour la vôtre.
Votre bien dévoué,
B. ST.-HILAIRE.
The Journal here has:--
_October 28th_.--Dinner of The Club to Lord Dufferin before his departure
for India.
_November 14th_.--Dinner at Lady Molesworth's to the Waddingtons.
_December 3rd_.--Small dinner at Lord Cork's, with Gladstone and Sir H.
James.
_From Sir Henry Taylor_
Bournemouth, December 10th.
Dear Mr. Reeve,--It has come into the head of my family, and through theirs
into mine, that there is no particular reason why my Autobiography should
not be published now, instead of posthumously, and that there are some
motives for giving a preference to present publication. The agreement
with Messrs. Longman which you brought about has been, perhaps, a sort of
suggestion of this change of purpose; so I write to mention it. The work
was written with more unreserve than would be natural to a man who hears
what he says, and some erasures will be required; but a man in his
eighty-fifth year is, in some respects, as good as dead, or, at all
events, as deaf: so there need not be much alteration. I hope you will not
disapprove.
Believe me, yours very sincerely,
HENRY TAYLOR.
On December 17th the Reeves went to Foxholes, where they spent Christmas,
ushered in the New Year, and returned to London on January 15th, 1885. The
entries in the Journal are for the most part trivial, though politically
the year was one of extreme interest and excitement, much of which is
reflected in the correspondence.
_From the Comte de Paris_
6 _janvier_.--J'ai été vivement touché de la lettre que vous m'avez écrite,
des voeux que vous m'adressez au moment où nous entrons dans une année qui
semble nous réserver bien des surprises. L'avenir est plein d'incertitudes
et de dangers. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire que j'observe avec une
sérieuse inquiétude l'état des relations entre l'Angleterre et la France,
non que je croie même à la possibilité d'un conflit qui répugnerait
également à tous les membres des deux nations voisines, mais parce qu'une
hostilité diplomatique seule serait déjà un grand malheur pour l'une et
pour l'autre.... Vous avez raison de croire que le désir universel de la
paix prévaudra sur les périls de la situation internationale. Ce désir
est bien puissant en France, et les aventures de l'extrême Orient, dans
lesquelles on nous a lancés si mal à propos, ne font que lui donner
l'occasion de se manifester.
Ces aventures ne font pas diversion à la crise si grave qui éprouve notre
industrie et notre agriculture. Les causes de cette crise sont multiples.
Quelques-unes sont communes à toute l'Europe, d'autres le sont aux quelques
nations qui avaient le monopole de certaines industries, et le
perdent, grâce aux facilités actuelles des transports. Il en est une,
malheureusement très-active, qui nous est propre; c'est la tendance des
ouvriers depuis l'établissement de la Rèpublique à chercher l'amélioration
de leur sort, moins dans l'accroissement de leur salaire que dans la
diminution de leur travail. Cette funeste tendance leur a été inspirée
par les flatteries de tous ceux qui briguent leurs suffrages, et leur
rappellent que toute législation émane d'eux. Le pays produit moins, et
par conséquent s'appauvrit. L'imprévoyance de nos gouvernants a aggravé
la crise. Aujourd'hui un cri puissant s'élève en faveur des droits
protecteurs, même sur le blé. Il est probable qu'on en fera assez pour
inquiéter les consommateurs des villes, pas assez pour satisfaire
l'agriculture.... Si Mademoiselle Reeve voulait faire de jolies pêches de
truites, c'est le 1er juin qu'elle devrait venir à Eu.
_From the Duke of Argyll_
_Inveraray, February 13th_.--The Nile affair is too miserable. No possible
issue can be otherwise than a misfortune. The despatch in which the
Government asked Gordon to advise them how to relieve him--in April last,
when he was closely beleaguered--reads like a horrible joke now.
A horrible joke indeed:--for on February 5th news had come of the fall of
Khartoum and the death of Gordon. On the 26th a vote of censure on the
Government was carried in the House of Lords by 189 to 63; but a similar
motion in the Commons was rejected by 302 to 288. The Government majority
had fallen from 56 to 14.
On March 8th a special service was held in the Temple Church to commemorate
the completion of the seventh century since its consecration. [Footnote:
See _ante_, p. 322.] The Master preached the sermon on the text Psalm xc.
1--'Lord, thou hast been our dwelling place in all generations.' [Footnote:
The _Times_ of March 9th gave a pretty full abstract of the sermon.] Reeve,
who was present, considered it one of Dr. Vaughan's happiest efforts,
and wrote to say how greatly he had been pleased by it. Vaughan's
acknowledgement of the kindly feeling which dictated the letter has
otherwise no particular interest.
_From Sir Alfred Lyall_ [Footnote: At that time lieutenant-governor of the
North-West Provinces.]
_March 31st_.--When we closed in 1881 the second act of the Affghan drama,
I calculated on an interval of at least five years; and I thought that if
we could get a joint commission to settle some boundary that Russia could
provisionally agree to, the interval might be longer. But the Boundary
Commission, which I first pressed for in 1881, has propelled, instead of
delaying, the crisis. I suppose our Egyptian entanglement seemed to Russia
to offer an irresistible opportunity; at any rate, the Russians have some
reason for precipitating the issue between us, and at this moment we may be
on the verge of a war. It is very curious to find ourselves so close to the
collision that we have been so long trying to fend off, and to realise that
a land invasion of India by a European Power, which has been the nightmare
of Anglo-Indian statesmen since Bonaparte seized Egypt in 1798, is now no
longer a matter of remote speculation. The Russian menace is, however,
already producing one result that I had always anticipated; it is evoking
among all substantial classes of Indians a strong desire to support the
British Government in India. You may remember that in my paper of January
1884 I wrote that the natives would, in times of rumoured invasion, hold by
any Power that could keep the gates of India against Central Asia; and this
is now strongly showing itself. The adventurous classes are ready to
enlist and follow our colours; the propertied classes look to us as the
representatives of order and security; the educated classes depend wholly
upon our system; if the Russians calculate on any serious rising against
us in India, they will be mistaken. Of course a series of reverses would
change the whole face of affairs.... We are very fortunate in having Lord
Dufferin here at this time. Everyone likes him, and has confidence in him.
He is clearly a Viceroy who listens to everyone, but makes up his own mind
independently. And Lady Dufferin charms us all....
The Mahdi's fortunes do not interest India. The talk in some of the papers
about the necessity of smashing him, in order to avert the risk of some
general Mahomedan uprising, is futile and imaginative. The Indians think
the English rather mad to go crusading against him in the Soudan, and they
may soon get irritated at the waste of Indian lives at Suakin, when we want
our best men on the N.W. frontier; but, for the rest, they do not concern
themselves about remote Arab tribes. Of course everyone sees that the
English Government has now an excellent pretext for getting partially out
of a hopeless mess by transferring most of our English troops from the Red
Sea to the Punjab.
* * * * *
On April 9th news reached London that on March 30th the Russians, under
General Komaroff, had attacked and carried the Affghan positions at
Penjdeh, concerning which negotiations were going on. As our Government was
pledged meanwhile to the support of the Amir, this action of Komaroff's was
held to be a very aggravated insult to England. Explanations were demanded,
but preparations for war were hurried on, and on April 27th, after an
impassioned speech by Mr. Gladstone, a vote of credit for eleven millions
was passed almost by acclamation. The negotiations, however, were
continued; explanations were given: the Russians kept Penjdeh; the Affghans
had lost their territory, their guns, and 500 men; and Mr. Gladstone
expressed himself satisfied. Four days afterwards, May 8th, the Government
was defeated on the budget, and resigned a few days later, the Marquis of
Salisbury forming the new ministry.
_From Sir Alfred Lyall_
_June 5th_.--Probably you know more in England than we do in India of the
course of negotiations with Russia, It seems just now more smooth than
satisfactory. I fear we have lost credit in India over that unlucky Penjdeh
business. One would fancy that our representatives on the spot might have
been wary enough to discern that where the Russians and the Affghans were
drawing close to each other, there lay the risk and the strain of the
situation. I have a very moderate trust in our ally the Amir, though he is
a very able, if unscrupulous, ruler. I hope fervently he has sense enough
not to use those breech-loaders we are sending in such quantities, and that
he won't repeat the Penjdeh blunder by provoking some collision with the
Russians on his border....
India is very quiet. The Russian scare of the spring has turned rather to
our advantage, as I always prophesied it would, by bringing home to the
natives their dependence on England for protection from foreign invasion.
_From Sir Henry Taylor_
_Bournemouth, July 14th_.--I have just read the excellent article in the
'Edinburgh Review' on my Autobiography; and as there is no amount of
kindness on your part which I cannot believe in, I am disposed to think
that it is you who have written it. [Footnote: It was written by Reeve.]
Whoever it is, I should like him to know that I am very thankful.
_From Sir Alfred Lyall_
_August 1st_--India is now perfectly quiet; but the new generation of
hungry, ambitious, English-speaking natives are persuading themselves
that they can have all the benefits of English rule without the burden of
English officialism. If they are encouraged and supported by the English
_Demos_, there will be confusion before long.
* * * * *
On August 14th Parliament was prorogued, with the clear understanding that
the dissolution would follow. This, however, was put off for three months,
during which time the country was turned upside down by the excitement of
the electoral campaign and the unbridled license which many of the most
distinguished candidates permitted themselves; rank Socialism, the
abolition of property, 'three acres and a cow,' being freely spoken of by
the irresponsible, and hinted at, in no obscure language, by some who had
borne office in the Gladstone ministry. By a curious coincidence, the
French elections were nearly synchronous with ours, and the results were
keenly watched by one, at least, of Reeve's correspondents. But of all this
excitement and agitation the Journal has no trace. The only entries of any
interest are:--
Foxholes: very hot: no rain for two months.
_August 22nd_.--Excursion to Studland with the Denisons, Lord Canterbury,
and Prothero.
_26th_.--To Malvern with Hopie; 27th, Worcester; 28th, Tewkesbury; 29th,
Hereford Cathedral; then Boss, Monmouth, and Chepstow.
_September 1st_.--Chepstow Castle, Tintern Abbey, then to Clifton across
the Severn. 2nd, rain, so returned to Foxholes.
_From the Comte de Paris_
18 _septembre_.--Je m'empresse de vous remercier de votre lettre du 15, qui
m'est parvenue hier. Vous savez avec quel plaisir je reçois toujours de
vos nouvelles, avec quel intérêt je lis toujours vos appreciations sur la
situation de nos deux pays. Malgré de bien grandes différences dans l'état
politique, qui sont tout à l'avantage du vôtre, et dans l'état social, qui
le sont peut-étre moins, ces deux situations ne sont pas sans analogies.
Les modérés, de part et d'autre, comme vous le dites, semblent être
peu écoutés, et cependant je suis persuadé que leurs vues finiront par
l'emporter des deux côtés du détroit, parce que, sous une surface agitée en
apparence, aucune passion violente ne bouillonne dans l'une ou l'autre des
deux nations. Vous avez devant vous le grand inconnu de la nouvelle loi
électorale; dangereux, parce que l'omnipotence de la Chambre des Communes,
favorable au gouvernement parlementaire lorsque cette Chambre se recrutait
exclusivement dans la haute classe et en avait l'esprit, pourra être un
instrument redoutable pour la liberté et pour toute l'organisation sociale
le jour où MM. Chamberlain, Parnell et Bradlaugh auront chacun un parti
derrière eux. Heureusement pour vous, l'institution monarchique vous
permettra de traverser la crise qu'entraînera la modification de la
composition et de l'esprit de la Chambre des Communes. Grâce à cette
institution, l'esprit politique du pays pourra rétablir l'équilibre entre
les pouvoirs publics. En France, l'expérience de la République démocratique
et pacifique s'est faite dans les conditions les plus favorables, et a
échoué. Elle n'est ni conservatrice ni réformatrice. Tout en restant
bourgeoise, elle est pardessus tout prodigue. Les classes qui payent
l'impôt sont parfaitement édifiées sur son compte; celles qui nele
payent pas, et qui votent cependant, sont frappées indirectement par
l'appauvrissement national et commencent à s'étonner que la République,
dont le nom les flatte encore, réponde si mal à leur attente. La République
reste bourgeoise parce que le suffrage universel est trop défiant pour
chercher des représentants dans le sein de la classe la plus nombreuse.
Mais il n'est pas difficile dans les choix qu'il fait dans les rangs d'une
classe plus élevée. Le niveau intellectuel et moral des Assemblées qu'il
élit s'abaisse à chaque renouvellement. C'est un fait qu'il faudra accepter
désormais comme inévitable, et dont il faudra tenir compte dans l'avenir.
La République est essentiellement prodigue parce que, toute la machine
gouvernementale reposant sur l'élection, les ministres sont obligés de
donner aux deputés des places innombrables pour satisfaire la foule encore
plus nombreuse de leurs agents électoraux, et de permettre des travaux, des
dépenses exagérés dans chaque arrondissement, ici pour favoriser le député
républicain, là pour nuire au député conservateur. C'est par là qu'elle
périra, parce que le mal est sans remède et s'aggrave chaque jour. Loi
générale d'ailleurs. C'est par les finances que périssent les gouvernements
définitivement condamnés: témoin l'ancien regime. Cette mort-là est sans
résurrection.
Le caractère nouveau de la période électorale qui s'est ouverte
pratiquement depuis quelques mois est le réveil des Conservateurs. Ils
comprennent enfin qu'ils peuvent et doivent lutter pour défendre la société
menacée, les richesses nationales compromises. Ils apportent à cette lutte
une ardeur tout à fait nouvelle. Depuis deux ans [Footnote: Since the death
of the Comte de Chambord.] je me suis efforcé de faire comprendre à nos
amis que la politique avait sub les mêèmes transformations que la guerre;
que, pour gagner la victoire sur le terrain politique, il ne fallait rien
laisser au hasard, rien confier aux petites coteries; qu'il fallait agir
avec de gros bataillons, et que, pour les mouvoir il fallait un système de
mobilisation aussi parfait que celui de l'armée allemande. Ces conseils ont
été suivis, et les monarchistes se sont préparés à entreprendre la
lutte électorale avec une organisation de comités de départeméent,
d'arrondissement et de canton, appuyés le plus souvent sur des réunions
plénières qui marquent un grand changement dans la vie politique du parti
conservateur. Cette organisation se perfectionnera dans les élections
mêmes. Elle doit donner un jour, et par l'élection et par l'action plus
puissante encore de l'opinion publique, le pouvoir à ceux qui l'auront
constituée et qui sauront s'en servir.
A la veille des elections... tandis que tous les autres partis faisaient
faire leur programme par un petit comité parisien, craignant qu'une grande
réunion ne trahît leurs divisions, les monarchistes ont envoyé des quatre
coins de la France des délégués qui, tous animés du même esprit, ont adopté
par acclamation le programme soumis à leur approbation. Je dois même dire
que nous avons tous été frappés de leur extrême modération. Pas une voix ne
s'est élevée pour réclamer en faveur d'un ton plus aggressif. Le programme,
retouché sur place par une commission de neuf membres, avait, vous le
pensez bien, été soigneusement préparé d'avance; toutes les expressions en
avaient été pesées. Aussi suis-je heureux qu'il ait eu l'approbation d'un
aussi bon juge que vous.
21 _septembre_.--Depuis gue je vous al écrit, j'ai lu le grand manifeste
de M. Gladstone. De celui-là, on ne peut pas dire qu'il brille par la
modération. Il y a des phrases redoutables et effrayantes à l'adresse de la
richesse et de la propriété, base de la société. Jamais je n'aurais cru le
Gladstone que j'ai connu capable de parler de la Chambre des pairs comme il
le fait. Et cependant, une profonde modification dans la composition de
la Chambre Haute ne sera-t-elle pas un jour le salut de la cause et des
intérêts conservateurs en Angleterre? Si cette Chambre se retrempe au
moins partiellement dans l'élection, elle y trouvera, peut-être, une force
capable de lui assurer dans le gouvernement une part au moins égale à celle
de la Chambre des Communes, au moment où celle-ci baissera en valeur morale
proportionnellement à l'extension du suffrage....
En ce moment, il serait bien désirable, également en France et en
Angleterre, de voir les modérés de nuances diverses se rapprocher, pour
former un véritable parti conservateur: chez vous, anciens whigs et anciens
tories; chez nous, les centres droits et les centres gauches. Mais c'est
entre ceux qui sont le plus rapprochés en politique que le souvenir des
luttes passées laisse les plus profondes rancunes.
* * * * *
The Journal notes:--
_October 12th_--Went to town for the Riel [Footnote: Louis Riel had
stirred up a rebellion in Manitoba, had been captured, tried, and sentenced
to death. He appealed, and the case thus came before the Judicial
Committee. On October 22nd the appeal was dismissed, and on November 16th
Riel was duly hanged at Regina.] case. Dined with Captain Bridge [Footnote:
Now Rear-Admiral Bridge, lately commander-in-chief on the Australian
station.] at the United Service Club.
_14th_.--Second part of 'Greville' published; 2,700 copies subscribed.
* * * * *
In comparison with the tremendous excitement caused by the publication of
the first part of the Greville Memoirs, the second part attracted little
notice, although large sales testified to the interest it raised. Reeve
mentions 2,700 as the number of copies subscribed for: but the first
edition of 4,000 was exhausted almost immediately, and a second large
edition was sold out within a few months.
_To Lord Derby_
_Foxholes, October 28th_--I am much obliged to you for your note. We might
elect three new members of The Club, because there remain two vacancies
caused by the honorary list, besides the death of Houghton. I should very
much like to see Edward Stanhope and Harry Holland in The Club. They are
among the most rising men of the day--accomplished and agreeable--and their
fathers were respectively two of our most faithful members. We should,
I think, choose men from the younger generation, for many of us are
frightfully old. It is more difficult to point out eligible men in the
literary or scientific world. To say the truth, there is a remarkable
dearth of distinguished authors. Violent politicians are objectionable.
I am very much gratified by what you say of the new volumes of Greville's
Journals. Your estimate of their value exactly coincides with my own. I am
happy to say that I have not yet heard that anyone is annoyed or offended.
I sent a copy to Henry Ponsonby, who laid it before the Queen, but I have
not heard what sentence Her Majesty has passed upon me.
There is a great deal of political noise, but very little light. In the
south of England I think the Conservatives will carry a good many seats. If
I were to venture on a prognostic, I should say that the opposition will
have a majority in Great Britain, though by no means so large a one as the
Radicals expect. The effect of this would be that the Irish can turn the
scale, and I think Mr. Parnell would refuse, for the present, to turn out
the present Government in order to bring in Mr. Gladstone. In that case,
the existence of the present ministry may be prolonged for some time, but
it would be on sufferance and by Irish support. On the other hand, if a
Liberal Government were formed, it could only exist with the support of the
Irish vote. Eventually, I hope, this anomalous state of things may bring
the moderate men of both the British parties together, and throw both
extremes into opposition. That, I am convinced, is the real wish of the
country, and the obstacles to such a combination are chiefly personal.
I fancy the next parliaments will be very impracticable and probably
shortlived.
_From the Comte de Paris_
22 _novembre._--Je vous remercie de ce que vous me dites à propos des
Mémoires de M. Greville. [Footnote: Sc. that there were passages in it not
complimentary to the Orleans family.]
Je comprends parfaitement que vous ne pouviez supprimer certains passages
dont vous ne voulez cependant pas assumer la solidarité. Ces passages
ne m'empêcheront pas de lire avec intérêt la suite des oeuvres de cet
observateur peu bien-veillant, mais fin et spirituel.
Ne croyez pas que je vous écrive avec d'autre pensée que de faire part de
mes vues à un êtranger qui connaît, comprend et aime la France.
On November 18th Parliament was dissolved by proclamation and the elections
were held from the 23rd to December 18th. In the English towns, where the
elections were first held, the Conservatives had a large majority, and it
seemed as if they were going to sweep the board. In the counties, however,
the 'three acres and a cow' was taken by the ignorant rustics, just
admitted to the franchise, as a splendid reality, and their votes went
strongly in favour of the Liberals, or rather--as it would be more correct
to say--the Radicals. Mr. Gladstone had appealed to the country to give him
a working majority. He had, in fact, a majority of eighty-four over the
Conservatives; but the Irish, or so-called Nationalist, party numbered
eighty-six; and as these were bound by their bond of union to oppose the
Government, whatever it was, they had to be counted with the Conservatives
as soon as the Conservative Government had fallen. And the comparison of
the numbers showed that it must fall as soon as Parliament met. As Reeve
had forecast, neither party could form an effective administration without
the support of the Nationalists, a position which seemed for the moment to
render them the arbiters of the nation's destiny.
_From Count Vitzthum_
Paris, December 1st.
Dear Mr. Reeve,--Many thanks for your kind letter. You will find me here
in my winter quarters until the end of May, then from June to the end of
October at Baden-Baden, where we have built a villa. I would always be
happy to see you and talk over old times.
I have just finished reading the third volume of Greville's Memoirs and
have been very much struck by your notes, without which some passages would
not have been intelligible. Old Greville was a portrait-painter rather in
Rembrandt's style. In putting together all he says of Palmerston, Peel, and
the Duke of Wellington, very remarkable full-length portraits would come
out. He seems rather partial for John Russell.
My little book makes more noise in Germany than I expected. W. Oncken, the
celebrated historian of Austria and Prussia in 1813, will review it for
the 'Allgemeine Zeitung,' and the Vienna press has been unexpectedly
favourable. An English friend of mine wants to translate it. I think it
would be 'love's labour lost;' for everybody who cares for such trifles and
photographs taken on the spot understands German nowadays in England, and
will prefer the original. Still, if you thought it worth your while to send
a short notice to the 'Times,' it would be a favour. My old friend Delane
is no more, else I should have asked him. Cotta writes me that he has
secured the English copyright, and sent some copies to the principal
Reviews and the 'Times.' Believe me, very faithfully yours,
VITZTHUM.
_From the Comte de Paris_
Château d'Eu, 9 décembre.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Un de mes amis va partir pour la Belgique. Je
tiens à en profiter pour lui confier une lettre à votre adresse, qu'il
mettra à la poste chez nos voisins. En effet, je connais par expérience
I'indiscrétion dont la poste française a pris la mauvaise habitude sous
l'Empire, habitude qu'elle n'a pas perdue sous la République. J'ai hâte de
vous remercier de votre lettre du lr qui m'a vivement intéressé. J'ai été
un peu confus d'apprendre l'usage que vous aviez fait de la mienne, car
je l'avais écrite au courant de la plume, et uniquement pour me donner le
plaisir de causer avec vous. Mais, puisque vous l'avez trouvée bonne à
montrer, je m'en rapporte à votre amitié, et j'espère qu'elle n'a pas été
trop indulgente. Je suis d'ailleurs fort heureux d'avoir quelquefois, par
votre intermédiaire, des relations avec Lord Salisbury, pour le caractère
et le talent duquel j'ai toujours eu une si haute estime, et que j'aime
d'ailleurs toujours à considérer comme mon proche voisin de campagne.
The success of the Conservatives in the towns, their defeat in the country,
is the very opposite of what is taking place here; so that we foreigners
must exercise great reserve in giving an opinion on the political situation
created in England by these last elections. It is, however, evident
that there, as everywhere else, the old parties are in process of
disintegration, and that, in a new social state, in presence of new
problems, a new distribution of parties is called for. In the history of
all nations there are periods when the need of political progress renders
it necessary for the reformers to remain long in power; and if from time to
time they yield it to their adversaries, it should only be for long enough
to recover breath in climbing the long ascent. On the other hand, there
are also periods when the wearied people long for repose; when progress no
longer aims at completeness, but at change; when reforms are mere Utopian
fancies or appeals to evil passions; and when the partisans of the _status
quo_ ought to have the direction of affairs for as long a time as possible.
I believe that we are now entering on one of these periods. But it becomes
the duty of the Conservatives to defend existing institutions by taking the
initiative in such modifications as may be necessary. This is what, with a
true political insight, they have always done in England. The vote of the
counties does not affect the justice of your appreciation of the general
character of the elections. It is not a return to the old Tory party, but
rather the condemnation of the Radical programme; and from this point of
view they have an international importance which nothing can weaken. All
the same, this vote of the counties seems to me to render absolutely
necessary the modification of parties which the complete success of the
Ministry would have postponed. After the redistribution of seats, there
is need of a redistribution of persons and of political groupings. Either
Parliament will be controlled by the Irish Nationalists, and Ireland by Mr.
Parnell, or, in opposition to the Nationalists and the Radicals, there will
be formed a Government which will be Conservative in its respect for
the great social institutions, in its antagonism to the levelling and
centralising spirit, and withal Liberal in the manner in which it will
handle the agrarian question.
Judging by what I see here, where over three millions of rural proprietors
are 'a tower of strength' for the Conservatives, I am persuaded that in
England also the Conservatives have no greater interest--after the defeat
of the socialist and revolutionary plans of Mr. Chamberlain--than to work
vigorously at the formation of a numerous class of small landowners.
_Mutatis mutandis_, we have here also the corresponding phenomenon of the
transformation of parties. We are unquestionably entering on a period of
lassitude. The Conservatives have gained one hundred and twenty seats at
the last elections, for four principal reasons, all of which spring from
the faults of their adversaries.
1. The Tonkin expedition.
2. The waste of the national and municipal finances.
3. The aggravation of the agricultural and industrial crises by the gross
errors in the conclusion of treaties of commerce and the establishment of
transit tariffs.
4. The war on the clergy, foreshadowing the separation of Church and State.
To these particular reasons must be added the general dissatisfaction with
an administration at once weak and corrupt, which is not in accord with
those instincts which a thousand years of monarchy have impressed on our
manners and tone of thought.
The moderate Republicans have been beaten because they allied themselves
with the Radicals, and because they themselves have not shown the governing
qualities which could gain the confidence of the country. If the check
has not been still greater, it is because the country has a horror of all
change; because the interest of the Government is exceedingly strong;
because the electors do not care to vote for the opposition candidate, who
cannot do anything for them; and lastly, because, at the second _tour de
scrutin_, the Government, in the most shameless manner, brought pressure to
bear on all who are directly or indirectly dependent on it, the number of
whom is very great.
We have then two hundred Conservatives deputies, who represent three and a
half millions of electors. Three-fourths of these are Monarchists more or
less avowed; one-fourth represents the Bonapartist element, and among these
last are many with whom I have well-established personal relations. It is
not, however, the part of this large minority to set forth any opinions as
to the form of the Government, nor even to cause obstruction; still less to
ally itself with the Radicals for the vain satisfaction of overturning the
Ministry. Its aim must always be to promote the passing of Conservative
laws, and by every possible means to oppose such Radical measures as will
be proposed to the Chamber. It is for this that it has been elected. If it
fulfils its task aright, when the dissolution comes--and this cannot be
far off--it will reap the fruits of its policy. It will have merited
the country's confidence, which the Radicals will have lost; and,
notwithstanding the pressure, perhaps even the violence of the Government,
the current of public opinion will be so strong that it will send a
Conservative majority to the Palais Bourbon. Under the influence of this
current we may hope to see the collective or individual conversion of
the moderate Republicans, which must lead to the reconstruction of the
Conservative party and to placing the direction of it in the hands of the
Monarchists. For, though by temperament these moderate Republicans ought
to be the last to come to us, the Radical danger must bring them; they are
bound to come; their place is marked in our ranks. They will never go to
Bonapartism: on the contrary, they will one day enable us to rid ourselves
of the _intransigeunt_ element which forms a disturbing minority in the
party.
This will be the work of to-morrow. To-day, the principal task which I
recommend to my friends is the reconstitution, or rather the creation, of
the 'active list' of the Conservative array. We have the model in Belgium.
People are beginning to understand that the Conservatives cannot remain for
ever on the sufferance of the Government. No Government shall he stable
but that which they can support. For this they must form a compact and
well-organised party. Encouraged by the results of the elections, every one
has set to work with new ardour. My only trouble at present is the utter
inexperience of the Conservative minority. It is made up of men almost all
of whom are new to Parliament, are unacquainted with each other, and as
yet are without a leader. I reckon, however, that such blunders as it may
commit will be balanced and amended by those of its opponents.
Je tennine sur cette pensée consolante, et je vous prie de me croire.
Votre bien affectionné,
PHILIPPE COMTE DE PARIS.
It is interesting to compare with this another view of the French elections
and of the probable course of events, taken from a very different
standpoint.
_From the Due de Broglie_
8 _novembre_.--Vous avez vu le rèsultat de nos élections, qui ont été plus
heureuses pour la cause générale du parti conservateur que pour ce qui me
regarde particulièrement. Si nous ne vivions pas dans un temps oú toutes
les prévisions sont trompées par une certaine inertie générale qui amortit
toutes les passions et ralentit le cours naturel des événements, je
croirais qu'une crise violente est assez prochaine, les éléments extrêmes
se trouvant réums et rapprochés dans l'Assemblée nouvelle, de manière à
former un mélange explosible comme la chimie redoute d'en amener. De part
ni d'autre, d'ailleurs, il n'y a d'homme en état de diriger les événements;
ils iront done probablement tout seuls, commes des chevaux qui n'ont pas de
cocher, ce qui est le moyen à peu près sûr d'aller dans le fossé.