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MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY REEVE, C.B., D.C.L
BY
JOHN KNOX LAUGHTON, M.A.
HONORARY FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE PROFESSOR OF
MODERN HISTORY IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II.
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME
PORTRAIT OF HENRY REEVE AET. 68.
_From a Photograph taken by_ RUPERT POTTER, Esq.
XIII. THE WAR IN ITALY (1859-60)
XIV. LITERATURE AND POLITICS (1860-3)
XV. LAW AND LITERATURE (1863-7)
XVI. CHURCH POLITICS (1868-9)
XVII. THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR (1869-71)
XVIII. THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS (1871-4)
XIX. FOXHOLES (1874-9)
XX. OUTRAGE AND DISLOYALTY (1880-2)
XXI. THE FRENCH ROYALISTS (1883-5)
XXII. RETIREMENT (1886-9)
XXIII. THE ONE MORE CHANGE (1890-5)
LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY REEVE
CHAPTER XIII
THE WAR IN ITALY
How far the murderous attempt of Orsini, on January 14th, 1858, was
connected with the political relations of France and Italy it is as yet
impossible to say. It was, and still is, very commonly believed that in
his youth Louis Napoleon had been affiliated to one or other of the secret
societies of Italy, that he was still pledged to this, was bound to obey
its orders, and that Orsini was an agent to remind him that the attainment
of high rank, far from releasing him from the bond, rendered it more
stringent, as giving him greater power and facility for carrying out the
orders he received. The independence of Italy was aimed at; and it had
been intimated to the Emperor that Orsini's was only the first of similar
messages which, if action was not taken, would be followed by a second,
with greater care to ensure its delivery.
All this may or may not have been mere gossip. What is certain is that,
during the latter months of 1858, secret negotiations had been going on
between the Emperor and Victor Emanuel, the King of Sardinia, or rather his
minister, Cavour; and that an agreement had been come to that Austria was
to be attacked and driven out of Italy. Accordingly, on January 1st, 1859,
at his New Year's reception of the foreign ministers, Louis Napoleon took
the opportunity of addressing some remarks to the Austrian Ambassador
which, to France and to all Europe, appeared threatening.
Similarly, at Turin, it was allowed to appear that war was intended; and on
both sides preparations were hurried on. In France, as in Austria, these
were on a very extensive scale. A large fleet of transports was collected
at Marseilles; troops were massed on the frontier of Savoy; and, on the
part of the Austrians, 200,000 men were assembled in readiness for action.
On April 23rd Francis Joseph, without--it was said--the knowledge of his
responsible ministers, sent an ultimatum to Turin, requiring an answer
within three days: at the expiration of that time the Austrians would cross
the frontier. The allies utilised the delay to complete their preparations;
and before the three days had ended the advance of the Franco-Sardinian
army had begun.
The campaign proved disastrous to the Austrians, whose half-drilled and
badly-fed troops and obsolete artillery were commanded by an utterly
incompetent general. They were defeated at Palestro on May 31st; at Magenta
on June 4th; and again at Solferino on June 24th. Nothing, it appeared to
the Italians and the lookers-on, could prevent the successful and decisive
issue; the Austrians would be compelled to quit Italy. Suddenly Louis
Napoleon announced that he had come to an agreement with the Emperor of
Austria and that peace was agreed on. The disappointment and rage of the
Italians were very great; but, as Louis Napoleon was resolved, and as
Victor Emanuel could not continue the war without his assistance, he was
obliged to consent, and peace was concluded at Villafranca on July 11th.
For the next eighteen months much of the correspondence refers to the
inception and result of this short war, mixed, of course, with more
personal matters, and at the beginning, with news as to the state of
Tocqueville's health, which was giving his friends the liveliest anxiety.
The Journal for the year opens with:--
_January 6th_.--We went to Bowood. It was the first time Christine went
there. The party consisted of the Flahaults, Cheneys, Strzelecki, the
Clarendons, Twisletons,[Footnote: The Hon. Edward Twisleton, chief
commissioner of the poor laws in Ireland. He married, in 1852, Ellen,
daughter of the Hon. Edward Dwight, of Massachusetts, U.S.A.; and died, at
the age of sixty-five, in 1874.] and Leslies. What agreeable people! For a
wonder we shot there on the 10th, and killed 140 head.
_January 12th_.--We had a dinner at home--Trevelyan, just appointed
governor of Madras, Phinn, Baron Martin, Huddleston, W. Harcourt, Merivale,
and Henry Brougham.
_From Lord Brougham_
_Cannes, January 3rd_.--I grieve to say Tocqueville has been worse. His
doctor dined here t'other day and T.'s brother came for him at ten o'clock.
I have as bad an opinion of the case as possible.
_Cannes, January 9th_. The Italian affair is very naturally cause of
anxiety, but I feel assured this, for the present, will pass away. I find
there is a strong feeling getting up of the Austrian army being as good as
the finances are bad, but the French finances are not likely to be very
much better. However, though the present alarm will pass away, what a sad
thing for the peace of the world to depend, not on the general opinion
and feeling, but on the caprice, or the jobbing, or the blunders of a
few individuals! Who can be quite sure that Morny's stockjobbing has had
nothing to do with the late most silly conversation? [Footnote: Presumably,
the sinister remark addressed to the Austrian Ambassador on New Year's
Day.] L. N. himself is quite clear of all such blame. He tries all he can
to prevent M. and others from their pillaging, but he never can succeed.
However, it is to the risk of more blunders that I look as placing peace in
greatest jeopardy. I don't believe L. N. or any one of them would, _if they
knew it_, run the risk of a general war (and the least war means a general
war); but they may any day get into a scrape without intending it, for they
have not the security of free discussion to warn them.
_From Lord Hatherton_
_Teddesley, January 12th_.--Do me the kindness to write me one line to tell
me what you know of the state of M. de Tocqueville. Is it dangerous? There
is no man out of this kingdom who possesses so much of my admiration and
regard.
This general lull after the late Reform agitation is very natural. There
are four parties waiting each other's moves; three, at least, exclusive of
Bright's, which is the least. There are the present Government, the late
Government, and the country--which, as I read it, has little in common with
any of them, but is at present without a leader. Any very powerful man, who
had been living by, would now have had a great field before him.
I attended the day before yesterday a very remarkable meeting of the
Birmingham and Midland Institute at Birmingham. Lord Ward [Footnote:
Created Earl of Dudley in 1860.] in the chair. The report, and all the
officials and speakers, especially those from the town, complained of the
indifference of the artisans, mechanics, and labourers of that town to
instruction and education generally. It seems, on the showing of Bright's
friends, that these fellows, the noisiest of their class about Reform, are
the most ignorant and the least desirous of improving themselves. Such is
the report of Bright's own friends. Mr. Ryland, the vice-president and
real manager of the institution, who is also Bright's friend there, is the
loudest in his complaints of this body. Ryland further told me that
he believed there was not a workman in the town who, if consulted
individually, would express his approval of all Bright's principles. Mr.
Ryland is a solicitor.
I am all anxiety to see your January number.
_To the Marquis of Lansdowne_
62 Rutland Gate, January 25th.
My dear Lord Lansdowne,--I have omitted, but not from forgetfulness, to
express to you the very high gratification Mrs. Reeve and myself derived
from your most kind reception of us at Bowood, and I am sure we shall
always retain the liveliest recollection of this most agreeable visit. But,
in truth, I waited till something should occur which might have the good
fortune to interest you, and I think the accounts I continue to receive
from France, on the present threatening aspect of affairs, may be of that
nature. M. Guizot says to me, in a letter of the 23rd inst.:--
'Jusqu'à ces jours derniers je n'y voulais pas croire. J'essaye encore d'en
douter; mais c'est difficile. Ce sera un exemple de plus des guerres faites
par embarras de ne pas les faire bien plus que par volonté de les faire.
Je suis porté à croire que l'Empereur Napoléon serait charmé de ne plus
entendre parler de l'Italie; mais pour cela il faudrait qu'il n'y eût plus
d'assassins italiens, plus de Roi de Sardaigne, plus de cousins à marier,
plus de brouillons révolutionnaires à contenter. Aujourd'hui, et malgré
toutes les paroles contraires, il me paraît probable que ces causes de
guerre prévaudront sur la modération naturelle, sur le goût du repos
voluptueux, sur l'avis des conseillers officiels, et sur le sentiment
évident du public. Que fera l'Allemagne? Le tiendra-t-elle unie? Là est la
question. L'Angleterre y peut certainement beaucoup. Je ne vois plus que là
une chance pour le maintien de la paix.'
These words are so remarkable, coming from a man whose disposition is ever
so much more sanguine than desponding, that I have quoted them at length.
We have all been greatly touched by the close of Mr. Hallam's most
honourable, useful, and I may say illustrious life. [Footnote: He died on
January 21st, 1859.] It so chanced that my sister-in-law, Helen Richardson,
who has been to him a second daughter for the last few years, came up from
Scotland on Thursday [January 20th]. On Friday she went down with Mrs.
Cator to see him. He perfectly knew her, and seemed charmed to see her
again; but before she left his bed-side the light flickered in the socket,
and he expired a short time afterwards in their presence, conscious and
without pain to the last. I thought the notice of him in the 'Times' of
Monday very pleasing, and was inclined to attribute it to David Dundas, but
I know not whether I am right....
I remain always
Your obliged and faithful
H. REEVE.
_From Lord Clarendon_
_The Grove, January 26th_.--I am much obliged to you for M. Guizot's
letter, [Footnote: Apparently that of January 23rd, quoted in the previous
letter to Lord Lansdowne.] which Miladi and I have read with interest, as
one always does everything he writes. I showed it to G. Lewis and C. C. G.,
feeling sure you would have no objection. It is impossible not to agree in
his gloomy view of things. It must be owned that the position the Emperor
has made for himself is one of extreme difficulty. His _idée dominante_
has been how to pacify Italian conspirators by bringing away his army
from Rome, without having the Pope's throat cut or letting in an Austrian
garrison there; and he determined that driving the Austrians out of Italy
was the indispensable preliminary step. He was urged to do this and to
think it easy both by Russia and Sardinia; and we may be sure that the
Sardinians would not have committed themselves as they have done, and
incurred such inconvenient expense, if they had not received promises of
active support. How would it be possible then for L. N. to recede? Cavour
would show him up, and fresh daggers and grenades would be prepared for
him. I look upon war, therefore, as certain. We have only to hope that
Austria may continue to act prudently, and not furnish the cause of quarrel
which her enemies are looking for, and which might turn against her those
who, for decency's sake, wish to remain neutral; and next, that Germany may
be united by a sense of common danger. This may tend to limit the area of
the war; but altogether it is a deplorable _gâchis_, out of which L. N. can
no more see his way than anyone else.
_From Lord Brougham_
_Cannes, January 26th_.--I must throw myself and the cause of law amendment
on your kindness, under a great evil which has befallen us. The 'Quarterly
Review,' under Mr. Elwin, was so favourably disposed to law reform as to
resolve upon inserting a full discussion of the subject on the occasion
of Sir E. Wilmot's volume on my 'Acts and Bills;' and Bellenden Ker had
undertaken it, and was, as a law reformer and as, under Cranworth, in
office as consolidation commissioner, certainly well qualified to do
the article. But he made such a mess of it; in fact, treating Eldon,
Ellenborough, &c., and other obstacles to law reform not introductory, but,
as I understand, making a whole article upon that. The consequence has been
that the whole has failed, and this most valuable opportunity been lost of
having the Tory journal's adhesion to law reform now. It is barely possible
they may take it up hereafter. But surely the natural place for this
statement is the 'Edinburgh Review,' and I should feel great comfort for
the good cause if I thought you would thus help us. The matter in Sir E.'s
book renders it very easy to show what has been done of late years.
Poor Tocqueville is one day a little better, another a little worse; but I
have little or no hope of his getting through it.
Shortly after this Lord Brougham made a flying visit to London. A note in
the Journal is:--
_February 26th_.--I dined at Lord Brougham's, and met Dr. Lushington, Lord
Glenelg, Lord Broughton; all--with our host--over 80.
But the state of Tocqueville's health continued, for Reeve, the most
engrossing personal consideration, and just at this time the deadly malady
took a favourable though delusive turn. Tocqueville--says M. de Beaumont
[Footnote: Gustave de Beaumont: _Oeuvres et Correspondance inédites
d'Alexis de Tocqueville_ (1861), tome i. p. 116.]--hoped for the best.
'How could he do otherwise when all around him was bursting into life? and
so he kept on his regular habits, his schemes, his work. He read, and
was read to; he wrote a great many letters, and devoured those which he
received in great numbers. There was not one of his friends who did not
receive at least one letter from him during the last month of his life.'
The following is his last letter to Reeve. The writing is painfully bad,
the letters often half formed, or crowded one on top of another; even the
orthography is imperfect; but the words and ideas flow in full volume.
Cannes. le 25 février.
Cher Reeve,--Il y a un siècle que je ne vous ai écrit. Je n'étais pas libre
de le faire. Le mois de janvier tout entier s'est passé au milieu de la
crise la plus douloureuse. Je ne crois pas qu'il y ait aucun mois de ma
vie qui mérite mieux que celui-là d'être marqué d'une croix noire dans
l'histoire de mon existence privée. Jetons dans l'oubli, s'il est possible,
des jours et surtout des nuits si cruels, et bornons-nous à demander à Dieu
de n'envoyer rien de semblable désormais, soit à moi, soit à mes amis.
Depuis trois semaines j'occupe février à réparer les méfaits de janvier. Je
vais aussi bien que possible: mes forces sont en grande partie revenues.
Les bronches semblent en voie de guérison rapide. Ainsi n'en parlons plus.
I have just been reading an excellent article on the Catacombs, in the
'Edinburgh Review.' It is a subject which has always interested me, but
very likely I should not have begun with this particular article if I had
not known it was by you. Circourt wrote to me about it, and so deprived me
of the pleasure of finding it out for myself, which I think I could have
done. But, in any case, the article is exceedingly interesting ... Though I
have been enjoying myself in following you underground, what is now going
on on the earth's surface calls for close attention. I am here hard by one
of the old military roads which have led into Italy from time immemorial,
as at this day. I hear that great preparations are being made all along
the valley of the Rhone and the neighbouring country. What I am sure of,
because it is taking place under my very eyes, is, that the railway from
Marseilles to Toulon is being pushed forward at an unheard of rate. It is
the only link wanting to complete the chain of communication between Brest,
Cherbourg, Paris, and Toulon. There was no expectation of this railway
being finished before the middle of summer; but now it is understood that
it will be ready within a few days--an instance of doing the impossible.
Such efforts presuppose some great object which it is desired to accomplish
at once.
I am told, perhaps incorrectly, that Prussia has decided to remain
neutral--at first, at any rate; and, by the same authority, that Russia
will be neutral, but in a spirit friendly to France. This would be very
serious; for Russia gives nothing for nothing. If it is so, the Emperor's
project would appear less silly. It would explain how an ambitious prince,
whose throne is tottering, who is bound to excite the admiration of France
and to gratify the national vanity, [Footnote: Fleury, one of the most
faithful and attached of the Emperor's followers wrote in words almost
identical (_Souvenirs_, tom. i. p. 330): 'C'était par une série de faits
grandioses par des spectacles flattant l'orgueil et les instincts du pays,
que Napoleon III allait, pendant de longues années, non seulement occuper,
réjouir la France, mais encore fixer l'attention, l'étonnement et bien
souvent l'admiration du monde.'] who is stopped by no scruples, might find
it an excellent opportunity for bringing on a personal war--if I may say
so; for driving the Germans across the Alps and naming himself the Dictator
of Italy. It is true that no great material advantage can result from it;
but L. N. is sufficiently well acquainted with France to know that the
glitter of such a course would probably content her. All this would be easy
to understand if Maria Theresa reigned at Vienna, Frederic at Berlin, and
Mme. de Pompadour at Versailles; in a word, if we were in the eighteenth
instead of the nineteenth century. But being, as we are, in the nineteenth
century, the designs which are ascribed to the Emperor are to be condemned
as in the highest degree treasonable to humanity and to France. Kings can
no longer claim to be guided only by their personal interests and passions;
and now--when it is agreed that England cannot remain neutral in a war
between France and a great Continental Power; when it is admitted that
a Continental war, however short, would surely awaken the hatred of all
princes and all neighbouring people, and would end in a coalition against
France--now, I say, to plunge into such an adventure would be not only the
most silly, but the most wicked thing which a Frenchman could do.
La longueur un peu désordonnée de cette lettre, mon cher ami, vous prouvera
mieux que tout ce que je pourrais dire les progrès de ma santé. Je vais
écrire à Mme Grote. Rappelez-nous, je vous prie, tout particulièrement au
souvenir de Lady Theresa et de Sir C. Lewis. J'espère que Lord Hatherton
ne m'a pas oublié. Mille et mille amitiés à tous les Senior. Je n'ai pas
besoin d'en dire autant pour Mme et Mile Reeve. Tout à vous de coeur, A. T.
Reeve replied immediately:--
_62 Rutland Gate, 1 mars_.--Votre lettre me fait le plus sensible plaisir.
Les nouvelles indirectes de votre santé qui me sont parvenues de temps en
temps m'avaient excessivement préoccupé. J'ai su que le mois de janvier
avait été mauvais, et quoique j'eusse bien des fois l'envie de prendre la
plume, elle m'est tombée des mains lorsque j'ai réfléchi que j'ignorais
malheureusement dans quel état de corps et d'esprit ma lettre pourrait
vous trouver. Pendant tout l'hiver j'ai reçu par lettre et de bouche une
infinité de demandes sur votre état. Vous ne sauriez croire à quel point
tous vos amis d'Angleterre, qui sont encore plus nombreux que ceux dont
vous avez une connaissance personnelle, m'ont témoigné pour vous d'intérêt,
de considération et d'affection. Aussi votre convalescence est une bonne
nouvelle pour nous tous--les Lewis, les Hatherton, les Grote, Knight-Bruce
et tant d'autres. Je me permets cependant de dire que le sentiment que j'ai
eu toutes les fois que je me suis transporté par la pensée à votre chambre
de malade est bien autrement profond. Mon amitié pour vous est une des
affections les plus vives qu'il m'ait été donné de conserver. Je n'ai rien
de plus cher. Et l'idée que vous souffriez tant de mal, sans qu'il me
fût possible de vous offrir le moindre soulagement, m'à été extremement
pénible. Pour un malade la lecture de mes 'Catacombes' ne me paraît pas
excessivement gai, mais je reconnais là votre aimable souvenir de l'auteur.
Bref, vous êtes en convalescence. Le soleil printanier, même dans nos
climats, luit d'un éclat extraordinaire. Déjà au mois de février les
arbustes poussaient des feuilles. Dieu veuille que cette douce chaleur de
l'année vous rende bientôt à la santé et à la Normandie.
There is no doubt that the state of public affairs is more serious than it
has been since 1851. [Footnote: _Sc._ in France, before the _Coup d'état_.]
The meaning of what has lately been going on in public, and of the secret
plots which have been hatching for a long time, is very clear. As to
France, I say nothing; for, after all, she has the chances of success,
which will smooth away many apparent difficulties. But the peace of Europe
depends on Germany and on England. Shall we succeed in maintaining it? The
attitude of England is, I think, good. Without any hostile demonstration,
she has shown very clearly that she will be no party to any breach of the
treaties. Lord Cowley's mission to Vienna has been arranged between him
and the Emperor, but I have no faith in it. It is merely a device to make
people think he is acting in agreement with the English Cabinet, and so
conceal a scheme to which the English Cabinet is totally opposed. Opinion
here is unanimous against French intervention in Italy. Unfortunately, we
are in a very bad position at home. The Cabinet is deplorably weak, and it
has just lost two of its principal members. The Reform Bill, brought in
yesterday, raises more questions than it answers; but it will probably
serve to give prominence to the dissensions in the Liberal party. 'Tis
a real misfortune; for a disunited party cannot assert any influence in
Europe.
Lord Brougham is returning to Cannes, though with little inclination to
stay among such grave causes of anxiety. So long as France is free to act
by sea, the road to Italy does not lie through Var, but in the ports of
Toulon and Marseilles. Shall you soon be hearing the guns of the second
Marengo?
The action of England at this important crisis was curious, but
characteristic. The destinies of Europe were shaking in the balance; the
fortunes of France, of Italy, of Austria, probably also of Prussia, and
very possibly of Russia, were at stake; so the English Government thought
it a suitable opportunity to tinker the constitution and introduce a Reform
Bill--which nobody seems to have wanted--mainly, it would seem, to 'dish'
the Whigs. It was, however, they themselves who were dished. Mr. Henley,
the President of the Board of Trade, resigned on January 27th. So also did
Mr. S. H. Walpole, [Footnote: Mr. Walpole died, at the age of 92, on May
22nd, 1898.] the Home Secretary, who wrote to Lord Derby: 'I cannot help
saying that the measure which the Cabinet are prepared to recommend is one
which we should all of us have stoutly opposed if either Lord Palmerston
or Lord John Russell had ventured to bring it forward.' None the less,
the Bill was introduced on February 28th. On the second reading it was
negatived; a dissolution and a general election followed; and on the
meeting of Parliament, in June the Ministry were defeated on an amendment
to the Address, and resigned.
But though the want of confidence appeared to be based on the question of
the Reform Bill, there is no doubt that there was a widespread mistrust of
the foreign policy of the Government. For some years past, perhaps ever
since Mr. Gladstone's celebrated Neapolitan letters in 1851, successive
waves of sentiment in favour of Italian independence and unity had passed
over the country; and Lord Derby, or Lord Malmesbury, had perhaps fancied
that this sentiment might be invoked in their defence. They had not,
indeed, taken any overt action, but there was a general idea that they were
inclined to favour the designs of Italy and of France. Now, to favour the
cause of Italian independence was one thing; to favour the ambitious and
grasping schemes of France was another; and the leaders of the Liberal
party were not slow to denounce the Government, which--as they alleged--was
ready to plunge the country into war for the sake of currying favour with
the master of the insolent colonels of 1858.
Reeve's own view of the questions at issue may be gathered from the letters
which he wrote to the 'Times,' [Footnote: January 19th, _The Policy of
France in Italy_; April 28th, _The Policy of France_, both under the
signature of 'Senex.'] and more fully, more carefully expressed in the
article 'Austria, France, and Italy' in the 'Edinburgh Review' of April.
In this he distinctly combats 'what is termed the principle of
"nationalities"' as unhistorical. The theory is, he says, 'of modern growth
and uncertain application;' and he goes on to show in detail that it is not
applicable to any one of the Great Powers of Europe.
'Of all the sovereigns now filling a throne, Queen Victoria is undoubtedly
the ruler of the largest number of subject races, alien populations, and
discordant tongues. In the vast circumference of her dominions every form
of religion is professed, every code of law is administered, and her empire
is tesselated with every variety of the human species.... But above and
around them all stands that majestic edifice, raised by the valour and
authority of England, which connects these scattered dependencies with one
great Whole infinitely more powerful, more civilised, and more free than
any separate fragment could be; and it is to the subordination of national
or provincial independence that the true citizenship of these realms owes
its existence.... It is the glory of England to have constituted such an
empire, and to govern it, in the main, on just and tolerant principles, as
long as her imperial rights are not assailed; when they are assailed, the
people of England have never shown much forbearance in the defence of them.
Such being the fact, it is utterly repugnant to the first principles of our
own policy, and to every page in our history, to lend encouragement to that
separation of nationalities from other empires which we fiercely resist
when it threatens to dismember our own.'
He then goes on to speak of the administration of such nationalities, and
continues:--'The spirit of the Austrian Government in the Italian provinces
we heartily deplore. All things considered, it would have been better for
Austria herself if England and the other Powers had not insisted in 1815
on her resuming the government of Lombardy, or if the Lombardo-Venetian
kingdom had been erected into a distinct State; but that consideration is
utterly insufficient to justify a deliberate breach of the public law of
Europe.'
And he adds a note:--'We believe that we are strictly correct in stating
that the Emperor Francis, foreseeing the difficulties his Government would
have to encounter in Lombardy, and anxious to avoid causes of future
dissension with France, expressed his strong disinclination to resume that
province; but it was pressed upon him by the other Powers, and especially
by the Prince Regent of England, as the only effectual mode of excluding
the influence of France from Northern Italy.'
The argument, throughout, is that the attack on Austria about to be made by
France and Sardinia was an unprovoked aggression, a violation of European
treaties; on the part of Sardinia, for lust of territory, and on the part
of France, for a desire to remodel the map of Europe, to annex Savoy--
which was to be the price of her assistance--and to carry out the ideas
'conceived at the time of his early connexion with the Italian patriots in
the movement of 1831.'
_From Lord Hatherton_
_Teddesley, March 5th._--I have been from home two days....Pray excuse my
not having thanked you before for your kind announcement of Tocqueville's
convalescence. But the same day brought me a letter from a friend of
Tocqueville's brother, ... telling me the accounts were very unpromising. I
hope and believe yours is the more reliable account.
I have not a doubt that L. Napoleon means war, and will not be baulked of
it. It is a disagreeable thing for England to know that, if he succeed,
he will have acquired some valuable experience in the embarkation and
disembarkation of an armament of 45,000 men, with as many more to follow
it; and that if they are not wanted in the Mediterranean, they may be
used elsewhere, while we are totally unprepared; and I fear, through the
weakness of our Government, from the nature of our institutions, for
purposes of defence in times of peace, are likely to remain so.
_From Count Zamoyski_
Paris, March 29th.
My dear friend, I am not surprised at your regret; my own is very keen.
Throughout his whole life Sigismond Krasinski was obliged to conceal his
true self. Out of regard for his father, who was always a pitiful courtier
of success, he denied himself the liberty of saying what he thought,
acknowledging what he wrote, or showing to whom he was attached. I was one
of those whom he supported by his zealous co-operation. You knew him as a
poet; he had become a politician, and seemed destined to exercise a
great influence. His loss is irreparable. To me he was a friend and a
brother-in-arms.
His widow, his two sons--of twelve and thirteen, and his daughter, of
seven, are here. She is occupied in collecting all her husband's writings,
with the intention of publishing all that is of value. She thinks, and
rightly, that a judicious selection of his letters would be especially
interesting as containing the secret of his life--a secret which he guarded
so carefully. If, therefore, you will send me what you have, or bring them
when you come here in a month's time, you will oblige both his widow and
friends. His sons had never been separated from him--which will assure you
that their early education has been well cared for. Their mother proposes
that they should continue their studies here, attending a college, and
having lessons in Polish history and literature, which can be had here
better than in Poland.
So it is settled that we are to have a congress! But what will it do? What
can be done in such a matter in so short a time? The 'Moniteur' has rightly
pointed out that it is necessary to 'study the questions.' For that, time
is especially wanted. It would need something like a council sitting
through years, reigns, wars, to bring about salutary and lasting results.
I am told that nowadays everything must go by steam--this, as well as the
rest. To which, I answer that the result will be nothing but water mixed
with blood....
I am sorry to see the English Press more and more unjust to the Emperor
Napoleon. It is really silly to keep on schooling France--not the
Emperor--for preferring an imperial to a parliamentary government. If
the English had the institutions which in France seem to be but the
concomitants of despotism, they would educe from them a large amount of
political liberty. But if the French--like the woman in Molière prefer
being governed, it would be wise for the English peers to accept the fact;
and instead of sneering at and irritating France whenever she wishes to
do some good, to get out of the beaten track, to conquer hearts, not
territories, it would be better honestly to co-operate with her, and thus
attain valuable results--a profitable success, and the deliverance
of France from the fatal support of Russia, which she accepts as a
_pis-aller_, but which in the long run can only be to her hurt. More than
all others, the English Press, which is so proud--which has good reason to
be proud--should assist in the 'study of the questions;' should anticipate
the negotiations; should elevate and elucidate them by judicious
suggestions, basing everything on a firm alliance of the Western Powers.
But alas! where is the English statesman, where is even the great writer or
the newspaper capable of inaugurating such a policy? For lack of these, we
see England vying with France in courtesy to Russia--in anxiety to please
her. But to this the Emperor Napoleon does at least add his theory of
nationalities, which is sufficient to reassure us on the score of his
flirtation with Russia; does the English Government or the English press do
anything of a similar nature? Alas! Alas! England is certainly great,
but it is selfishly for herself. Will she never be able to offer other
nations--whatever the circumstances may be--anything but insults, or her
own institutions as patterns.
Pardon de ce bavardage et mille amitiés--avec tous mes compliments pour
Mesdames Reeve.
L. ZAMOYSKI.
Je joins un mot de la Ctsse. K. pour vous, reçu à l'instant.
_From the Countess Krasinska_
_Paris, 29 mars._--Le Comte Zamoyski a bien voulu me communiquer votre
lettre, monsieur, et j'ai été bien sincèrement touchée du souvenir
d'affection que vous conservez à un ami qui n'a cessé non plus, je puis
vous le garantir, de vous porter un sentiment inaltérable et sincère. Bien
souvent, en me parlant des jours de sa jeunesse, mon mari me parlait de
cette amitié qui vous unissait et qui en a été un des meilleurs rayons. Il
m'avait aussi parlé des manuscrits que vous aurez, et je vous avoue que
vous allez au-devant de mes désirs et de ma prière en voulant bien les
communiquer. Je tiens infiniment à recueillir tout ce qui a échappé à ce
grand coeur et à cette vaillante plume, et je commence un travail qui ne
sera sans doute complet que dans quelques années. Je vous serai donc on ne
peut plus reconnaissante si vous vouliez bien confier entre mes mains ce
que vous possédez, soit en copie, soit original, comme vous le voudrez,
m'engageant à vous remettre ce précieux dépôt dès que nous en aurons fait
usage, et dès que vous le réclamerez.
J'espère lorsque vous viendrez à Paris que je pourrai vous présenter,
monsieur, les deux fils de Sigismond et sa petite fille, et vous demander
pour les enfants un peu de ce coeur que vous aviez pour le père.
_From Lord Brougham_
_Cannes, April 9th_.--I fear I have but a bad account to give of poor
Tocqueville; he has been worse again, and to-day he received the Communion.
Dr. Maure has just told me he hardly thought he could live over the month,
but he (Dr. M.) has always been much more desponding than the other
physician. One great evil has befallen him. Beaumont, who had really been
a nurse to him these three weeks, is suddenly called away to Paris by
the telegraph, owing to some illness in his own family, and this is an
irreparable loss to Tocqueville.
We are all here in great anxiety about peace and war. Cavour, whose
conduct--and that of his master--is as bad as possible, has no doubt
received strong assurances of support from L. N. and his vile cousin; and
the war party at Turin are exulting, considering that the Congress can do
nothing to prevent the outbreak with Austria, upon which they reckon for
certain, and, I fear, with some reason. The utter want of good faith in L.
N. becomes daily more manifest.... Yet, though even the military men are
crying out against the war, and all other parties, without any exception,
are against him, one sees nothing that can effectually shake him, unless he
were to be defeated in the war he has been endeavouring to bring about. The
whole prospects are as gloomy as possible for the friends of freedom and of
peace.
_From Lord Brougham_
_Cannes, April 10th_.--Many thanks for your letter, which gives me
information much beyond what my other letters give, but far from agreeable
either as to home or foreign affairs. This destruction (I fear I must call
it) of the Liberal party by the personal vanity, which they call by the
higher name of ambition, of two persons is truly deplorable; and the
conduct of the Government in dissolving is such as can hardly be exceeded
in folly. We shall have an increased split, I fear, of the Liberals, and a
weaker Government than ever. I grieve to say that matters look as ill
for peace in this country and Italy as ever. The conduct of Cavour is
abominable.
I grieve to give you a worse account than ever of Tocqueville. Dr. Maure
had condemned him from the first, but Dr. Sève had sanguine hopes, at
least, of a long time being given. But I have just seen him, and he now
says it is an affair of days. So all is nearly over. Mme. T. is also very
ill, and Beaumont being forced to leave them is most vexatious.
_From Lord Clarendon_
_G. C., April 10th_.--Do you chance to have a proof-sheet of that part of
your article which treats of the rights of Austria to Lombardy and Venice
and her reversionary rights to the other States, and, if so, will you lend
it to me? You have made the whole case so clear that I should like to read
it over again, as it may be necessary to say something on the subject in
the House of Lords when Malmesbury makes his statement, and I see that
the 'Edinburgh Review' will not be out till Friday, otherwise I would not
trouble you.
_G. C., April 13th_.--Many thanks for the proof-sheets, and Schwarzenberg's
despatch and Duvergier's letter, which I enclose. I was kept at home by a
slight attack of gout yesterday, and did not see Malmesbury, but on Monday
he told me that he had hopes of being able to announce a disarming of the
three would-be belligerent Powers. Until he makes that statement I shall
not believe in its probability. Palmerston and Lord John seem well aware
that any encouragement to war would be most unpopular at home, and I don't
expect that there will be much discussion on Friday.
_From the Duc d'Aumale_
Orleans House, April 11th.
On my return from Claremont I find your letter. With my brothers I had just
been deploring the great loss sustained by the Liberal party. [Footnote:
The death of Tocqueville was prematurely announced a week before it
actually took place.] Of all the men of mark in our deliberative
assemblies, M. de Tocqueville was certainly the most stainless. He had the
rare advantage of not being obnoxious to any of the parties existing in
France, by which I mean all self-respecting parties, such as will be taken
into account on the day when France shall become herself again. He would
certainly have been one of the most important members of the first free
government in our country. Even as things are, he was one of our public
characters whose voice carried most weight, and who was best fitted to
enlighten the minds of others. God has taken him from us before his time.
Forgive me for retaining so much selfishness and party spirit before the
coffin of so good and amiable a man; for regretting his public more than
his private virtues.
_From M. Guizot_
_Paris, April 15th_.--... France does not understand, approve, or wish
for an Italian war now any more than she did six months ago. I persist in
thinking that in his inmost soul, and of his own judgement, the Emperor
Napoleon would also be glad to be rid of it, provided it should be quite
clear that it is not of his free will that he backs out of his promise, and
that, in remaining at peace, he is yielding to imperious necessity, to the
interest, will, and influence of Europe. On Europe, therefore, the matter
depends; and, in this, Europe is England, for Prussia will follow England.
It is, therefore, towards you that all of us who are friends of peace and
good sense now turn our eyes. Do not fall a prey to the disease which has
mastered all the politicians of the time. Do not be afraid to take the
initiative, to incur the responsibility; decide and act according to your
own opinion, instead of waiting for circumstances to decide and act for
you. On this condition alone the peace of Europe will be saved; without
it, it will not. And of this be sure: that if war does break out, we shall
feel, no doubt, that you have been wanting in the foresight and resolution
which would have prevented it....
_From Lord Brougham_
[_Cannes_] _April 17th_.--Poor Tocqueville died this morning, not at
Hyères, as the papers which announced his death a week ago say, but at a
house a mile from Cannes. His two brothers were with him; and his poor wife
is so ill that she will not long survive him.
People in high quarters in England seem bent on believing that the Congress
will do wonders. I don't expect it. There is such bad faith in the man
on whom it really all turns, and he is in such a state, by the universal
opinion of France and of Europe being against him, that I should not be
surprised at any desperate act to regain the place he has lost. You may
naturally suppose the preparations which, chiefly naval, are going on must
mean something, and he seems resolved that no restraint on them shall be
imposed when others agree to disarm. Why should he not agree to stop, and
not to add to his means--as everyone that comes from Marseilles tells us he
is doing, though gradually? The reason he will suffer no restriction to be
imposed is that the army would regard this as a concession, and he won't
risk any offence in that quarter. The worst of it is that they--the
officers--though just as averse to an Austrian war as the country at large,
would by no means dislike a dash at England, and I cannot get out of my
mind the risk there is of his making that attempt when we are unprepared.
The perfidy would be overlooked in the success, though temporary. And in
the midst of all this we have Malmesbury at the F. O. and Derby premier!
_From Lord Clarendon_
_G.G., April 19th_. I am delighted you approved of what I said last
night,[Footnote: In the House of Lords.] and much obliged to you for
letting me know it. I thought Derby's speech excellent, though perhaps a
trifle too bellicose in the latter part for John Bull, who always wants a
little preparation before he is taken over rough ground. He is under the
strict neutrality delusion just now, and has not yet thought of realising
his rôle in a European war.
Your article is attracting great attention, and seems to be working a great
deal of good. Where did you get the information contained in the note to p.
566? [Footnote: See _ante_, p. 13.] I meant to have used it, and to have
appealed to Aberdeen to confirm the statement, but thought it prudent to
ask him beforehand whether he agreed.
The article on 'Austria, France, and Italy,' in the April number of the
Review brought Reeve the following letter from Mr. Edward Cheney, till then
a mere acquaintance, though between the two a friendship quickly sprang up
which was broken only by death. Mr. Cheney had lived for several years in
Italy, and his letters--always interesting, frequently amusing--commonly
relate to Italian affairs; but he was a well-read, accomplished, and
large-minded man, and in his judgement on literary questions Reeve had
great confidence.
Audley Square, April 20th.
My dear sir,--At the risk of appearing intrusive, and perhaps impertinent,
I cannot resist my strong inclination to express the great satisfaction
with which I have read the article in the last number of the 'Edinburgh
Review' on the Italian question. I do not presume to attribute the
authorship to yourself, though the clearness of the style, the closeness of
the reasoning, and the candour of the deductions would naturally lead me
to that conclusion; but, in truth, its merits are far beyond its technical
excellencies, and I rejoice peculiarly on its appearance at a moment when
public attention is concentrated on the affairs of the Italian peninsula,
and when the public, too, has so much need of enlightenment. A man who
writes as the author of that article has done confers an incalculable
benefit on his countrymen; and, as one not altogether incompetent to form a
judgement on the subject, I beg to offer him my congratulations.
I have lived many years in Italy, am minutely acquainted with every part
of it. I have many friends and intimates amongst its natives. I admire the
country, and like its people; and, while doing justice to many of their
excellent and amiable qualities, I cannot be blind to the fact that most of
the misfortunes which have befallen them are attributable mainly to
their want of constancy, their want of ambition, and--the word must be
spoken--their want of courage. They are now on the eve of another and more
serious revolution; they are rushing with reckless indifference upon a
danger the extent of which they cannot realise to themselves, but which
must inevitably overwhelm them. A European war must be the consequence, a
war in which England must ultimately take a part; and the man who calmly
and dispassionately endeavours to open the eyes of his countrymen to the
truth, and who, regardless of passing obloquy, dares to assert it, is their
real benefactor; and though, at the first moment, he may share the fate
of those who tell unwelcome truths, justice will ultimately be done him,
though not, perhaps, till the cry of regret is raised that his warning and
advice were both neglected. I would conclude my letter with another apology
for having thus far intruded on your valuable time; but you yourself will
be able to suggest my best excuse in the deep interest which we both take
in the subject.
Believe me, my dear Sir,
Very sincerely yours,
EDWARD CHENEY.
_From M. Guizot_
_Paris, April 21st_.--J'ai reçu et lu votre article il y a déjà plusieurs
jours, et je l'ai trouvé excellent. Il est impossible de mieux résumer les
faits, de mieux établir les droits et de faire mieux pressentir la bonne
politique. Lord Derby et Lord Clarendon vous ont donné pleinement raison.
Ils ont gardé, l'un et l'autre, chacun dans sa position, une juste mesure,
tout en parlant avec une grande franchise. L'effet est grand ici.
The question is how to get clear of this imbroglio, the handiwork of a
lot of mischief-makers, who are at once timid and rash, obstinate and
unenterprising, conscious of their weakness, yet persisting in their folly.
We are waiting impatiently for the decisive answers from Turin and Vienna;
and then the congress; and then your elections; and then--what? I have
passed the best part of my life in doing, and am not yet accustomed to
waiting without knowing what for....
_From Lord Brougham_
[_Cannes_] _April 21st_.--I am extremely obliged to you for sending the
article, which I have read with the greatest satisfaction. There are one or
two things of minor importance on which I differ. The matter of Genoa as
connected with Piedmont, I need not say, is not one of these. Indeed, it
might have been put stronger, and without reference to Lord W. Bentinck;
for, if I rightly recollect, when I, in 1817, attacked Castlereagh on the
misdeeds of the congress in 1815, I put the surrender of Genoa to Piedmont
in the very front of the charges against the congress--independent of Lord
W. B.'s proclamation, and on the ground of the Genoese hatred of Piedmont.
I again referred to this the first night of the session.
I broke through my rule of never attending funerals yesterday. The last
time I broke it was my dear friend Follett; this time it was Tocqueville. I
should have been the only member of the Institute, but Ampere had set out
from Rome on receiving T.'s letter, and arrived the day after his death. He
is carried to Tocqueville--near Cherbourg, as you know; one of his brothers
and a nephew accompany it. Mme. T. is not nearly so ill as was believed. It
is bronchitis, not lungs; so she expects to go by slow journeys in a few
days.
_April 22nd_.--Since I wrote yesterday I have received an account which,
whether true or not, shows the opinion they have in Italy of our great
ally. A man who had stood his friend and prevented the King of Holland from
disinheriting him, has lately been at Paris, and was kindly received by
him. So far is certain, and his kindness to those who befriended him
formerly is a good quality he really possesses. But it is added that he
told him to tell his nation not to be disheartened by the congress, because
care would be taken to make proposals which must be rejected, and that he
was as ready as ever. I really believe there is nothing too base in the
way of perfidy he would scruple to do, if his resolution was fixed and it
appeared clearly to be his interest. There has, however, been a change in
him of late, as to determination. He is more easily swayed by others than
he was, and he falters more when left alone. Altogether, it is a cruel
calamity for the world to have such a person to depend upon. I wish someone
would show how much he appeals to the multitude--the mere _mob_. He is
still a socialist in practice; and if anyone will read the Robespierre
papers, he will see that there is a deliberate design to make the poor--the
persons without property--rule. One man whom I afterwards knew (Julien de
Paris), and who had been a philanthropist _exalté_, states, in one of his
reports to the Committee of Public Safety, that those who have no property
are the great majority, and therefore must govern. There could be no
greater service to France than a full exposition of these principles--the
ones which L. N. adopts; and at the same time a full account of the
abominable character of the first Napoleon, of which the materials are
abundant in the correspondence with Joseph, [Footnote: _Mémoires et
Correspondance politique et militaire du roi Joseph_ (6 tom. 8vo.
1854).] and also in the printed, but unpublished, vols. of his whole
correspondence.
[_Cannes_] _May 4th_--I suppose some folks will now have discovered what
reliance there is to be placed on a capricious and absolute man. It was
clear from the first that he had resolved upon this Italian speculation,
and that as soon as he could mitigate the universal feeling and opinion
against him, he would have his way. The congress, whether suggested by him
through Russia or not, was only one means of delay till all was ready, and
one way of putting Austria in the wrong, or making an outcry against her
as if she was--for really, except in the clumsy way of doing it, I can see
nothing to blame in her refusal. She is treated as the aggressor. Now all
she has done, or could do, was in her own defence, and nothing in the world
can be more absurd than pretending that she is the cause of the war. If
she beat the allies ever so much, she does not gain one inch of territory,
while their real object is to strip her. As for L. N. considering himself
aggrieved by her breaking off the negotiation and beginning to defend
herself, it can only be on the supposition that he has a right to interfere
on behalf of the Italians. Indeed, the same thing may be said of Sardinia.
It is considered that she is aggrieved if the other Italian States are
aggrieved; and now comes this rising in Tuscany and the smaller duchies to
embarrass one party and so far help the other. But there is no reason to
believe that any rising in Lombardy will take place.
The unaccountable part of it is the Austrians delaying their attack. It
seemed clear that their plan would be to march upon Turin before the French
could get up, and yet they have suffered 40,000 men to be landed at Genoa,
and a considerable force to cross by Mont Cenis, without doing anything.
Can it be that the sudden notice to Piedmont was an act of the Emperor
without his ministers being consulted, and that they are less prepared than
was supposed? Bunsen's son, who is in the Prussian mission at Turin, wrote
ten days ago that the Government was ready to remove to Genoa, expecting
the Austrians to come before the French arrived, and knowing Turin to be
indefensible. It now seems that there must be a battle before Turin can
be taken. All the road from Paris to Marseilles has been encumbered with
troops, and all the steamers have been taken by the Government, and
more men will be sent if wanted. The usual effect of a war has
been perceived--namely, making the multitude rally round the
Government--consequently there is less outcry against the war than there
was, except amongst thinking people and those who are suffering from the
suspension of all trade. The Emperor himself will probably join the army
when they are prepared for an advantageous movement. He is playing a game
that may be desperate. This Russian alliance is denied, but substantially
it is true, and I have little doubt that some undertaking is effected to
give leave to Russia in Turkey, on condition that she does something for
Poland (one of L. N.'s hobbies) and helps some Italian arrangement for the
cousin.
The next letter is endorsed by Reeve--'An affectionate record of a long
friendship. I have inserted it in the copy of his Journals.'
_From Mr. C. C. Greville_
_May 6th_.--I will not delay to thank you warmly for your kind note. Your
accession to the P. C. office gave me a friendship which I need not say
how much I have valued through so many years of happy intercourse, which I
rejoice at knowing has never been for an instant clouded or interrupted,
and which will, I hope, last the same as long as I last myself. It is
always painful to do anything for the last time, and I cannot without
emotion take leave of an office where I have experienced for so many years
so much kindness, consideration, and goodwill. I have told Hamilton that
I hope still to be considered as _amicus curiae_, and to be applied to on
every occasion when I can be of use to the office, or my personal services
can be employed to promote the interest of any member of it. Between you
and me there has been, I think, as much as possible between any two
people, the 'idem velle, idem nolle et idem sentire de republicâ,' and in
consequence the 'firma amicitia.' God bless you, and believe me always,
Yours most sincerely and faithfully, C. C. G.
_From Lord Brougham_
[_Cannes_] _May 18th_.--I really begin to feel anxious about the peace of
Europe, and not without some alarm as to our own position. There can be
no doubt that for the present (if not more permanently) this man [the
Emperor], working on the French feeling, has got the mob, military and
civil, with him. The war has ceased to be unpopular, and all reckon upon
victory. If they succeed, he will, for a while, be satisfied with the
gratification of his vanity and the strengthening of his power; but soon
after he will be pushed by his unruly supporters, and will try a deeper
game. Of this they are as much convinced in Germany as of his existence,
and even Prussia will not persist holding back. If she does, and if the
Russian alliance continues, she will be destroyed as soon as Austria is
weakened. I, therefore, expect to see Prussia take timely precautions. They
are prepared at Frankfort to split with her if she does not.
I am now satisfied that the Austrians intended only a _razzia_ to
Turin, and then to carry on only a defensive contest; and having been
prevented--partly by the floods, and partly by our untimely intermeddling,
and partly by their old error of having one head at Vienna, and another
with the army--they have now given up the _razzia_, and will act on the
defensive. This will not prevent them taking advantage of any opportunity
of attacking, should they be able to do so with a certainty of success; but
for any such dash I look rather to the French than to them. Certainly the
Man is in a great difficulty if the Austrians steadily pursue this plan;
for the expectations are wound up to a high pitch in France--especially in
Paris and the great towns--of his doing something speedily, and the French
nature is not to wait with calmness and patience. Even in this remote
quarter, the thousands of fine troops passing raises a great feeling for
the war.
_To Lord Brougham
C. O., May 21st_.--To the very best of my belief, the Queen's Speech will
not be delivered till June 7th, but I speak without authority.... I have
the greatest doubt whether it will be possible to unite all those sections
of the H. of C. which are not to be regarded as Lord Derby's supporters, in
a direct adverse vote--on the address or otherwise; and if the attempt is
made--as it probably will be I think it will fail. [Footnote: The attempt
was made, and did not fail. The Ministry was defeated on the amendment to
the address by 323 to 310.] The Government say they have 307 men on whom
they can rely, and a fair chance that fifteen or twenty more men will not
consent to take part in an active, offensive campaign. Indeed the country
gentlemen say pretty generally that they will not attempt to turn the
Government out, until they are satisfied that a more stable Government can
be formed. But how is this possible when the numbers are--on one side a
compact body of more than 300, and--on the other side, a divided body of
350? What we hope, therefore, is this: that John Russell and the Radicals
will take a course on the subject of Reform which will be resisted by
the moderate Liberals; and that the result will be a fusion between the
moderate Liberals and the large Conservative phalanx. For it is clear that
without some degree of support from the Conservatives, no other government
can be carried on. As for any lasting or sincere union between Lord
Palmerston and Lord John, it is quite hopeless, [Footnote: The event
falsified this forecast. In the Ministry which Palmerston now formed Lord
John was Foreign Secretary, and continued so till Palmerston's death in
1865.] and the desire to keep the latter out of office is so general and
intense, that it is probable he would fail to make a Cabinet, even if
the Queen sent for him--which she will certainly not do until the last
extremity. On the other hand, there is the great objection to Palmerston
that he holds language about the Italians and the French--to whom he is
entirely devoted--which is quite at variance with the convictions of every
man of sense in the country. There can be very little doubt that the
war will spread. The whole of Germany is burning with ardour to support
Austria; and if the French gain a battle on the Po, nothing will prevent
the whole strength of Germany from coming to the rescue. [Footnote: Louis
Napoleon's fear of this is a sufficient explanation of his ambiguous policy
after Solferino.] The position of France is, in reality, most critical, for
all her best troops are in Italy, and she would have great difficulty in
placing 100,000 men on the Rhine, where she may have to confront half a
million of combatants.
Hortensius' [Footnote: William Forsyth, Q.C., for many years standing
counsel to the India Office. As the author, among other works, of
_Hortensius_, and residing, as he still resides, at 61 Rutland Gate,
Lord Brougham, in writing to Reeve, invariably refers to him as either
'Hortensius' or 'your neighbour.' In 1872 he published _Letters from
Lord Brougham to William Forsyth_, with some facsimiles to show his
'extraordinary hand.' 'I think,' wrote Mr. Forsyth, 'the hieroglyphics will
puzzle most readers;' but the samples he has given are as copper-plate
compared with some of the letters to Reeve of about the same date.]
appointment was, I believe, purely an act of Lord Stanley's, and I dare say
your kindness in mentioning his name had due effect. Hortensius applied, by
letter, for the appointment, and about three weeks after came a letter to
say he was appointed.
_From Lord Brougham_
[_Cannes_] _May 24th_. I have been reading over again your excellent
article on the subject of the day, and I may say of the place; and the more
I reflect on it, I come the nearer to your view in all respects. Really the
more we consider this abominable man's conduct (and his accomplice Cavour
is quite as bad, though not so foolish), the greater indignation we feel
at the unprovoked breach of the peace. The audacity of the pretence from a
despot and usurper exceeds precedent. What can be said too of Russia, which
keeps her hold of Poland only ten years longer than the settlement of
1815! It really would be important, now that the attempt has been made to
represent [the first] Napoleon as the friend of oppressed nationalities,
that we should direct men's attention a little more to the enormities
in that man's whole history. Party motives arising out of our English
divisions to a certain degree prevented the real truth from being generally
felt respecting him. There was the usual exaggeration on both sides. One
party painted the devil blacker than he was, crediting to him crimes which
he never committed. The other, because their adversaries thus painted him,
would allow nothing against him, and exaggerated his merits--though it were
difficult to overrate his capacity, and his military genius especially. But
the more his moral guilt is examined the blacker it will appear, and the
late publication, which you call candid, I believe has been true and full
owing to careless superintendence. When I say publication I mean printing,
for it is not really published, though copies are freely given. The
publication of Joseph's memoirs is also full of important matter.
Now from these and the existing materials, a full and plain account of the
man ought to be prepared, [Footnote: This is what M. Lanfrey began to do,
and was going on with at the time of his lamented death, at the age of
forty-nine, in 1877.] and you may rely on it that great effect against the
present man would be produced; for he ostentatiously connects his policy
with the former one's, and there is the greatest care taken to suppress
attacks on Napoleon I. in the periodical publications--at least in the
newspapers. But if the English and German and Belgian press are full of the
facts, and repeatedly lay them before the world, no policy of the French
press can long keep the truth from reaching the public. However, I am drawn
away from what I had intended to mention--the present state of the public
mind on the war question in this country. The giddy and warlike nature of
the people, and his going to the army, has produced an effect not only in
removing the unpopularity of the war, but in raising a warlike spirit--at
least for the present. If victory comes, this will be increased. It is
probable he may for the present be satisfied with the strength which he
will derive from it; but the army will probably join with the mob in
wishing for further proceedings, and then we shall find that Germany will
be attacked, and I must even say that we shall do well to be prepared in
England. I believe, however, that the Austrians in Italy will make it a
lingering affair by defensive operations, and this will exhaust the French
patience. The lies of the Sardinian press, and indeed official accounts,
make it impossible to tell how far they have at the beginning suffered a
check. But I plainly perceive that, if something brilliant is not done, L.
N. will be shaken.
* * * * *
_From Count Zamoyski_
_Paris, May 28th_. May is passing and your plans are not yet realised; we
still await your arrival. Mme. Krasinska is leaving Paris for Warsaw, and
has charged me to forward you the enclosed, in which she gives you the
address of the person here who is ready to receive the papers you have
promised her, which both she and the friends of the deceased await with
lively interest.
Having written thus much on the matter in hand, Zamoyski turned again to
politics and the discussion at some length of the situation in Italy, out
of which many of the Poles fondly hoped their freedom was to come. The
English mistrust of Napoleon, he argued, was as injudicious as unfounded,
and could do nothing but harm by forcing France into the arms of Russia.
One of the many wild suggestions afloat at the time amounted to little less
than a complete remodelling of the map of Europe. Austria, deprived of her
Italian provinces, was to be compensated on the lower Danube; as a balance
to which, Russia was to occupy Constantinople, and, to mark her friendship
to France--who was entering on the war for an _idée_--would restore
freedom to Poland. And there were some who believed it. Zamoyski was
clearer-headed; but his mind also was warped by sense of wrong, and his
fancy was as wild as the other. If England, he urged, will not act in
concert with France, let her at least emulate the noble example France is
setting. She is preparing to free Italy; let England, as her part in the
generous rivalry, free Poland. Russia is still England's enemy. This is
England's opportunity. And he seems to have persuaded himself that, if
she did not avail herself of it, she would be a recreant to the cause of
liberty and humanity. It is very curious.
_From the Countess Krasinska_
_Paris, 26 mai_.--Je vous remercie infiniment, Monsieur, de votre bonne
lettre et de tout ce que vous voulez bien me dire de celui que nous ne
cesserons pas de regretter, et qui m'a bien et bien souvent parlé de vous
et des années de jeunesse passées avec vous dans une étroite et sincère
amitié. Ce souvenir a été constant dans son coeur! Je regrette infiniment
aussi que les évènements politiques vous aient empêché de venir à Paris,
comme vous vous le proposiez. Je suis obligée de partir pour Varsovie, et
crains de vous manquer si vous venez bientôt ici. Dans tous les cas, si
vous vouliez bien confier vos précieux manuscrits [Footnote: If sent to
M. Okrynski, the letters were returned; for they were afterwards given to
Sigismond's grandson, the present Count Adam Krasinski (_see post_. p.
389).] à M. Victor Okrynski, Rue de la Pépinière 66, je vous en serai bien
reconnaissante. C'est chez lui que je laisse en dépôt ce que nous avons
rassemblé jusqu'ici.
It would seem from the following note that Lord Macaulay had spoken to
Reeve of Dr. Thomas Campbell's "Diary of a Visit to England in 1775; by
an Irishman;" a small book--little more than a pamphlet--which had been
published at Sydney in 1854. It had struck Reeve that such a "Diary"
might be the text for an interesting article in the "Review;" and the
correspondence respecting it derives a peculiar value from its near
approach to the close of Macaulay's labours.
_From Lord Macaulay_
Holly Lodge, Kensington, June 1st.
Dear Reeve,--Before you determine anything about Dr. T. Campbell's Diary,
you had better read it. I have lent my copy, which is probably the only
copy in England, and do not expect to get it back till next week. When it
comes, I will send it to you, and we will then talk further. Ever yours
truly, MACAULAY.
_From M. Guizot_
_Val Richer, June 11th_.--... On the Continent, it seems to me, there is
now only one question--Will Austria remain obstinate? If she does, if she
is determined to fight on, although beaten; not to give up her Italian
possessions, although she has lost them in Italy, and to impose on
the conquerors of Milan the necessity of being also the conquerors of
Vienna--in that case the actual beginning of the war is a trifle; we are
advancing towards a general war and European chaos. The mere continuance of
the struggle will be quite sufficient to make it impossible for anyone--for
Lord Derby as much as for Lord Palmerston--to stop it or to foresee
where it will lead. Has Austria the will and the strength to prolong the
struggle? Or will she be alarmed and intimidated by her first defeats, and
be persuaded to make such concessions as will give, if not Italy herself,
at least her patrons for the time being, a decent pretext to declare
themselves satisfied, and to retreat in triumph? I repeat this seems to me
the only question. If I were to judge by the reports that reach me from
Germany, no doubt is there felt. Austria, both emperor and country, are
said to be perfectly determined to fight to the last extremity, being
convinced that in their extreme peril, and when, in their persons, European
order is endangered, they will find allies and a chance of safety. But I
do not put much faith in rumours which promise a somewhat heroic firmness.
Great things are apt to come to nothing nowadays, and it may well be that
the Italian question will fall through, and all this noise end in some
transaction which will be neither a true nor lasting solution. Italy has
long been the scene of events that end thus....
_From Lord Clarendon_
_G.C., June 13th_.--You have always taken such a kind and friendly concern
in my affairs that I think you will like to know how I stand. Palmerston,
by the Queen's desire, insisted on my returning to the F.O., and I felt
that, though most unwilling to accept the offer, I had no sufficient plea
for declining it. But when Palmerston very properly placed any office at
the disposal of Lord John, he claimed the F.O. as his right. I gladly
recognised that right and the superiority of his claims to my own.
I was most warmly pressed by Palmerston and my former colleagues to take
any other office; but for that I saw no necessity, and I was sure I should
best consult the public taste by making way for some one who had not been
in Palmerston's former Government. The Queen sent for me, and very kindly
tried to shake my determination; but it had not been lightly taken, and she
did not succeed. So I am still free, and great is my happiness thereat.
_From Lord Macaulay_
_June 27th_.--If I were to renew my connexion with the "Edinburgh Review"
after an interval of fifteen years, I should wish my first article to be
rather more striking than an article on Campbell's Diary can easily be. You
will, no doubt, do the thing as well as it can be done.
Some other hand, therefore, supplied the article on "A Visit to England in
1775" which appeared in the October number of the "Review."
_To Madame de Tocqueville_ 62 Rutland Gate, June 30th.
Dear Madame de Tocqueville, [Footnote: Mme. de Tocqueville was an
Englishwoman, and the correspondence was naturally in English.] I reproach
myself exceedingly for having delayed so long to express to you, or,
rather, to endeavour to express to you, how strongly Mrs. Reeve and myself
participate in that sympathy and sorrow which your irreparable loss
has inspired to the whole world, but most of all to those to whom the
friendship of your husband was one of the blessings of life. I cannot
accustom myself to the thought that the intercourse I had the happiness to
maintain with him for twenty-five years is really at an end; and that
the events of the world in which he took so constant and enlightened an
interest are still rolling onwards, while his pure intelligence has passed
to some higher and nobler sphere. We now look back, indeed, with a pleasure
that heightens our regret, to those delightful days we spent at Tocqueville
in 1856, and to his visit to England in 1857. Nothing, indeed, was wanting,
either to his fame or to the love he inspired those who knew him; and to
both these sacred recollections our thoughts will be directed as long as we
survive. What, then, must be the loss and the void to you, who lived, as
it were, _in_ that light? I dare not think of it, were it not that your
thoughts will rise to that source which has consolation for all earthly
sorrows. I have heard of you, and seen your admirable letters to Mrs. Grote
and Mrs. Merivale, which assure me of the resignation and piety that still
support you. Mrs. Reeve and Hopie desire to join in the cordial expression
of their affectionate regard; and I remain Your most faithful servant,
H. REEVE.
The Journal here notes:--
In August I left town for Ambleside and Abington, to shoot. Thence I went
to the George R. Smiths', at Relugas; near Forres. Shot there, and then
crossed the Moray Firth to Skibo and Uppat. Then I went on to Langwell, in
Caithness, which the Duke of Portland had lent the Speaker (E. Denison),
and spent some days with him. Returned to town by sea from Aberdeen.
Shooting in September at Chorleywood and Stetchworth--the latter
first-rate; then to Roxburghshire; afterwards to Raith.
_To Lord Brougham_
_Relugas, near Forres, August 26th._--Your very kind note of the 23rd has
followed me here, where I am spending a few days on my way to Sutherland.
Towards the latter end of October I shall be returning to England, with
Mrs. Reeve and my daughter, and if you are still at Brougham at that time,
and disposed to receive us for a day or two in this patriarchal fashion, it
will give us the greatest pleasure to come.
Louis Napoleon's amnesty appears to me to be the most judicious act of his
reign, and, if he would only follow it up by giving a more legal character
to his administration, I think he would soon rally many persons to himself.
All that the French seem at this time to require is that the Government
should observe the laws it enforces on other people--a very moderate
request.
I will endeavour to find out about the Chancery Evidence Commission. It
is a monstrous absurdity that your name should not appear in a commission
destined, if anything, to give effect to the principles you have so long
and constantly advocated.
_C.O., September 26th_.--I sincerely hope that, whatever day the Edinburgh
banquet takes place, I may have the honour of attending it. I shall
probably be at Raith at the time. Considering what you have been, for more
than half a century, to the "Edinburgh Review," and the connexion which was
thus so long maintained between yourself and Edinburgh, I am most anxious,
as the humble representative of that journal at the present time, to
do anything in my power to contribute to a mark of respect paid you in
Edinburgh; and I should have gladly attended the dinner, even if I had not
been, as I probably shall be, within easy reach of it.
_From Lord Brougham_
_Brougham, September 27th_.--Many thanks for your great kindness about
the Edinburgh dinner, which I look forward to with some dismay; for the
requisition, which was signed by the heads of all parties, and in very
kind terms, makes it impossible not to attend, and, beside the plagues
incidental to all such proceedings, I have the excessive suffering from
the blanks by which I shall be surrounded. To go no further than what you
allude to, it may possibly be October 25th, and certainly not later than
26th; and that is the anniversary of the "Edinburgh Review" fifty-seven
years ago. Then Jeffrey, Horner, Smith, Allen, Murray, Playfair,
Thomson--all gone; and of later years, Cockburn, your father, Eyre. It
is really a sad thing. And then, beside our set, there were A. Thomson,
Moncreiff, T. Campbell, Cranstoun, Clerk, D. Stewart, W. Scott--all, except
Horner, Playfair, and Scott, D. Stewart and A. Thomson, T. Campbell, alive
in 1834, when I was last in Edinburgh. I must struggle the best I can, but
this feeling nearly overpowers me.
I send you by this post a Paris paper I have just received, evidently sent
on account of the article marked, which is so far gratifying that it is by
a very eminent man, who signs it; but I chiefly value it on account of
the attack upon England for not having raised a monument, [footnote: Lord
Brougham was at this time greatly interested, and indeed excited, about a
proposed monument to Sir Isaac Newton. His letters frequently allude to
it.] and on account, also, of the statement that he was the greatest of all
men--which will not be very agreeable to our friends of the Institute.
The Journal records:--
Lord Brougham was elected Chancellor of the University of Edinburgh. I
attended a banquet given him there on October 26th. I then went from Raith
to Brougham and Appleby, High Legh, and Teddesley, shooting at all
these places, and at Crewe likewise, where I began to shoot with a new
breech-loading gun. I must have shot thirty-five or forty days this year,
and paid a great number of visits in country houses. We did not go abroad.
Lord Macaulay had meantime received some further particulars as to the MS.
of the 'Visit to England,' and sent them to Reeve with the following:--
Holly Lodge, November 11th.
My dear sir,--I have just received the enclosed letter, which may, perhaps,
interest you. It might be worth while to put a short note at the end of the
next number of the 'Edinburgh Review.'
Very truly yours,
MACAULAY.
_Endorsed_--Lord Macaulay. His last note to me. He died December 27th
[really 28th].
The note referred to appeared in the number for January 1860, with the
sympathetic remark: 'This very note was, in fact, his last contribution to
these pages, made within a short time of his death.'
_To Lord Brougham_
62 _Rutland Gate, December 29th._--I communicated to Mrs. Austin your very
kind intention of writing some notice of Mr. Austin in the 'Law Review,'
and she has sent me the enclosed paper--very striking, I think it,
especially considering the state of physical exhaustion and mental grief in
which she lies. Nothing can equal her devotion to his memory. She has, I
think, omitted to state that one portion of the lectures delivered by Mr.
Austin at the London University were published by Murray in 1832, under the
title of 'The Province of Jurisprudence Determined' You are aware that
this book retains a very high position, and, as John Austin never would
republish it in his lifetime, copies of the volume fetch seven or eight
guineas. I hope now it will appear again, with additions, as all the drafts
of his lectures are in existence, most carefully elaborated by himself.
Hortensius has written a very nice article for the 'Edinburgh' on the
progress of legal reform and on your bills. I hope you will like it. The
Review will be out on January 14th.
I forgot to say just now that, as Mrs. Austin and I have no copy of the
enclosed paper about her husband, we should be much obliged to you to
preserve and return it to us.
The pamphlet 'Le Pape et le Congrès' has certainly astonished the world. My
Catholic friends call it the pamphlet of the Emperor Julian; and certainly,
considering what the Pope has done for him, and he has done for the Pope,
it is an act of apostasy. To engage in a contest with Rome is, however,
still no small enterprise, and I question if the Emperor has strength of
purpose to carry it through. The Popes protested, in their day, against the
Treaty of Westphalia and the Treaty of Vienna; _multo magis_, will they
protest against the decisions of the Congress of Paris? It must be
acknowledged that matters look more favourably than they did for our own
policy and influence in the Congress.
_From Lord Brougham
Cannes, January 1st_, 1860.--First of all accept for yourself and Mrs.
R. all the good wishes of the season from all here. Next, let me say how
gratified I am with the very interesting, and, in the circumstances,
extraordinary communication of Mrs. A. It is of the utmost importance, and
confirms me in the design I had newly formed, of making my account follow
this. It could be made for the next number of the 'Law Review;' in the
present number giving a short notice, lamenting the great loss, and
announcing a full article for next number. I had intimated the probability
of this to Francis--the editor--and what I have received this morning
from you strongly confirms me. There will, therefore, be only a general
statement this time. Really I feel the deepest interest in the subject,
when I regard the strong and stern virtues of the man, beside his great
talents and learning.
Poor Macaulay, I would give as a foil--of course, only to yourself,
privately. He had great abilities; and though I widely differed with him in
his views of history--which I, being of the science school, thought should
be different from an anecdote book, yet I admit the great merits of his
work, and especially of his essays. But I much objected to his running away
from our death-struggle in 1834, though his defence was that his sisters
would have to go out in the world as milliners if he stayed to fight with
us. I had myself made such sacrifices that I felt entitled to complain.
However, I pass over that on the ground he gave. But, then, what is to be
said of two sessions in the House of Lords without one word of help to the
Liberal cause, or indeed to any cause? What but that it was owing to the
fear of making a speech which would be thought a failure--that is, would
be injurious to his former speeches. Now, such a consideration as this J.
Austin was wholly incapable of allowing even to cross his mind. He acted on
what he conceived were just principles, and sacrificed to them all regard
for himself. How differently did those men act of whose set Macaulay
was!--his father, Stephen, H. Thornton, &c. However, his loss is a very
melancholy one, because he goes out of the world in full possession of his
faculties, and in more than just appreciation of his merits.
The Journal for 1860 begins:--
The new year opened at Chevening on a visit to Lord Stanhope. The party
consisted of the Morleys, Hayward, Goldwin Smith, and afterwards the
Grotes.
I went to Chevening again in 1862; and for a third time, with Christine, in
1885; the host changed, but the same hospitality.
We sent a round-robin to the Dean of Westminster, begging that Macaulay
might be buried in the Abbey. He was buried there on January 9th. I was
there. The same day we started for Paris by Southampton. Saw the Circourts,
Rauzans, Guizots, &c.
Charles Greville had introduced me to Fould, then minister of finance. On
Sunday, January 15th, Fould told me of the conclusion of the treaty of
commerce with England, and the same evening we all dined at M. Chevalier's,
with Cobden, Lavergne, Passy, Parieu, and Wolowski--the promoters and
authors of the treaty. The next day (16th) I dined with Fould at a state
dinner; Metternichs, Bassanos, Auber, Ste.-Beuve, Bourqueney. I took down
Mrs. Baring. Lord Brougham was also in Paris.
Albert Pourtalès, my old fellow-pupil at Geneva, was now Prussian
ambassador; saw a good deal of him. This was a very interesting visit to
Paris.
In some very rough notes, Reeve jotted down the particulars he learned at
this time. They amount to this: That between January 16th and 21st, 1859,
a treaty was signed between France and Sardinia, by the 5th, 6th, and 7th
articles of which Savoy was to be ceded to France when Lombardy and Venetia
were conquered and given to Piedmont. Nice was to be ceded when Piedmont
got the rest--of what, is not stated--presumably, of Italy. This treaty
was known only to the Emperor, Niel, and Pietri, in France, and in Sardinia
to the King and Cavour. It was afterwards made known to Villa-Marina, on
condition that he should seem to know nothing about it.
On July 8th, 1859, when the Emperor returned to Valeggio from Villafranca,
he told the King of Sardinia that peace was made. The King said he would
not accept it, and would continue the war on his own account. The Emperor
shrugged his shoulders and said 'Vous êtes fou.' Afterwards, however, in
telling the story to the Queen of Holland, he declared that he only said
'Vous êtes absurde.'
It appears to have been in conversation with Pourtalès, on January 17th,
that Reeve picked up this curious story. During the past few years many
State papers at Berlin had been stolen: amongst others, a letter from the
Tsar to the King of Prussia, written in the summer of 1855, to the effect
that Sebastopol could not hold out another month. This was sent to Paris
by Moustier just in time to revive the drooping spirits of the French
Government, after the repulse of June 18th.
Supposing this to be true--as Reeve certainly believed it to be--it was
only paying off Prussia in her own coin; for at least under Frederick
II.--the Prussian agents had shown a remarkable skill in obtaining secret
intelligence, either by purchase or by theft. In one case, in 1755, ten
important papers and the key of the cipher were stolen from the Count de
Broglie, the French ambassador, by his colleague and intimate friend, Count
Maltzahn, the Prussian ambassador, who obtained access to his rooms in his
absence. 'There is no doubt,' wrote De Broglie, 'that we are indebted for
this to the King of Prussia. I am quite sure that Maltzahn would not have
done it without an express order.' [Footnote: Le Secret du Roi, par le Duc
de Broglie, tom. i., p. 131]
_From Mr. C. C. Greville
January 15._--I am very glad to hear that Fould has responded with such
alacrity, and I shall be most anxious to hear from you again after your
interview and dinner with him. I told him in my letter that you had been
acquainted with the Emperor when he resided in England, and I hope he will
report your arrival to H.M., and that you will be summoned to the imperial
presence; it would be very interesting to have a conversation with the
great man himself, and you might enlighten his mind, and correct some
of the erroneous impressions he is likely to have formed from Cobden's
conversation.
So far as I understand the line taken by our Cabinet, they are acting
properly enough. I suppose France will want our support for the annexation
of Savoy, and Palmerston will be for giving that, or doing anything else to
obtain the transference of the revolted states and provinces to Piedmont;
the aggrandisement of Sardinia and the humiliation of Austria being his
darling objects, for which he will sacrifice every other consideration,
unless he is kept in check, and baffled by the majority of the Cabinet. In
the beginning of this week there was very near being a split amongst them,
which might have broken up the Government; but I conclude matters were
adjusted, though I do not know exactly how. P., J. R., and Gladstone go
together, and are for going much further in Italian affairs than the
majority of the Cabinet will consent to; and, as the latter know very well
that their views will be supported by public opinion, I trust they will get
the better of this triple alliance. As Austria appears to have admitted her
inability to draw the sword again, the Pope seems to be left without any
resource; but it does not follow that Austria will consent to such an
aggrandisement of the King of Sardinia as France may be willing to consent
to, and, as we shall, I suppose, earnestly advocate. She would probably
more easily consent to the promotion of a new North Italian kingdom; and I
much doubt if Tuscany really wishes for annexation to Piedmont. She would
probably much prefer the promotion of a fresh state, of which Florence
would be the capital, and Tuscany the most influential member. How
impossible it is to form any opinion as to the tortuous, ever-shifting
policy of L. N.! The only thing we ought never to lose sight of is to keep
quite clear of him, and to be always on our guard. If the natural limits
of France are to be extended again to the Alps, how long will it be before
they are extended to the Rhine also?
I went to see Mrs. Austin yesterday, and found her very well and in very
fair spirits; very anxious to talk about him, and much gratified at the
letters she has received from various friends, bearing testimony to his
great merits and high qualities, particularly one from Sir William Erle.
Brougham is writing a notice of him for the 'Law Magazine.' She seems very
unsettled in her plans, and says she changes her mind continually. Lady
Gordon is better, and Mrs. Austin is going to Ventnor, to her, in a short
time. She means to be much occupied with the papers he has left, which
appear to be all about law, and it is very doubtful whether they will, if
published, be very interesting to the world in general.
The Journal notes:--
We returned to London on January 23rd. Parliament opened next day. London
dinners began. Dined at Thackeray's, Milman's, Galton's, Lansdowne House.
_From Lord Clarendon_
_The Grove, February 2nd._--I am much obliged to you for De la Rive's
_brochure_ [Footnote: Le Droit de la Suisse, by William de la Rive, son of
the celebrated physicist, Auguste] which is written with great force and
spirit; he makes out an excellent European case for the slice of Savoy he
claims for Switzerland, and he manages to gives an agreeable impression of
those unpleasant people, the Swiss. It is a valuable work at this moment;
for the annexation of Savoy to France is a serious affair, not only because
it makes Italy French, but because it is the first step towards the
_remaniement de la carte_.
When we made our first convention with France, on going to war together
with Russia, I thought it would be prudent to put in a clause that neither
Power should get any benefit for itself from the war. The Emperor accepted
the proposal cheerfully; said it was a grand precedent, &c. &c.; but when I
read over the convention with Walewski, prior to signature, the clause was
omitted, and I had it restored. In the case of Savoy, we must admit that
our policy makes objection on our part not only difficult but absurd. We
have been telling the Italians that they were justified in expelling their
rulers and electing a new sovereign, and that treaties could not be
pleaded against accomplished facts; and how can we remonstrate against the
annexation of Savoy to France, if V. Emanuel releases the Savoyards from
their allegiance, and they elect L. Nap. for their sovereign?
_To Lord Brougham_
62 _Rutland Gate, March 5th._ Since my visit to Paris I have never had a
doubt that Louis Napoleon was pursuing, and pursuing actively, a scheme for
the annexation of Savoy, and that nothing which this country can say--for
doing is out of the question--will have any effect in preventing it. The
King of Sardinia is the dog and the shadow. He drops his bone to clutch a
phantom of Italian empire, which will dissolve as he approaches it. The
most amusing part of it is that the policy of his imprudent friends here
(J. R. and so on) has urged him on to pursue the shadow without remembering
what it would cost in substance.
The Reform Bill is considered so very mild a production that I begin, for
the first time, to think it will pass. Even the Tories could conceive
nothing so moderate, and they had better close with the bargain. I have
no doubt it will be rather favourable to the Conservatives than to the
Radicals. For example, where there are to be three seats, in the large
towns, the Conservative minority will probably carry one out of the three.
_March 14th._--Your volume of scientific tracts arrived just after I had
sent off my last letter. I am very much indebted to you for it, and I shall
probably have occasion to refer to your learned paper on the cells of bees
in the review I am going to publish of Mr. Darwin's book. As for Newton, I
should be glad to give my vote in favour of a monument whenever a suitable
opportunity occurs. It is very embarrassing to know where to place
monuments to men illustrious in letters and science. Westminster Abbey
is crowded, and can take no more statues. We are going to put up a mural
monument to Hallam there; and, by the way, if you had been in England, you
were invited to be on the committee; I still hope you will give your name.
Events have taken a prodigiously lucky turn for the Government, and I think
it is long since we had any administration so strong as Lord Palmerston now
is. Gladstone's triumph is complete on all points, and people are so weary
of J. R. and his Reform Bill that I think all parties are ready to swallow
this last dose, _de guerre lasse_. Then will follow the dissolution in the
autumn, and we may expect a strong Liberal majority.
The affair of Savoy will pass off quietly enough if he leaves the
neutralised territories to Switzerland; but if not, it will become serious
enough, for it is expressly provided by the final act of the Congress of
Vienna that, if Sardinia evacuates those districts, no other Power
but Switzerland shall move troops into them, and this arrangement was
subsequently confirmed by a very formal declaration of all the Powers....
Mrs. Austin is making arrangements for a new edition of her husband's
lectures, with considerable additions.
The Journal has here:--
_March 15th._--Dinner at home. The Due d'Aumale, Lavradio, Lady Stanhope,
Lady Molesworth, Lady William and Arthur Russell, Lord Kingsdown, the Lord
Advocate, Professor Owen, Colonel Hamilton, and Colonel Greathed.
_From Lord Clarendon_
_[Sunday] March 18th._--If you happen to be passing Grosvenor Crescent way
on Tuesday or Wednesday, about twelve o'clock, will you look in upon me,
and we will have a talk about the awful fix in which Europe in general and
England in particular are now placed?
By reason of his connexion with Geneva, Reeve had all along necessarily
felt the keenest interest in the negotiations between France and Sardinia,
which he had discussed in an article on 'France, Savoy, and Switzerland'
for the April number of the 'Edinburgh Review.' He had possibly already
intended to visit the 'debateable land' as soon as the Review was sent to
press, or very possibly the advisability of doing so was suggested in this
interview with Lord Clarendon. At any rate, on April 4th he started for
Paris, and, after seeing his friend Pourtales, went on to Geneva in company
with Sir Robert and Lady Emily Peel. By the 12th he was back in Paris,
where, on the 15th, he had long interviews with Fould and Thouvenel,
the minister of foreign affairs, the minutes of which he wrote out at
considerable length, and two days afterwards read them to Lord Palmerston.
He reported to Palmerston that Thouvenel was willing to make 'a reasonable
adjustment of the Swiss frontier,' which he believed meant 'an extension
of the Swiss territory to the Fort de l'Ecluse and Saleve.' Palmerston,
however, refused the overture, saying, 'We shall shame them out of it.'
'So,' added Reeve, in relating the affair, 'neither he nor the Swiss got
anything at all.'
_From Lord Brougham_
_Cannes, April 20th._--I hope my account of J. Austin will appear in the
'Law Magazine and Review.' It is written _con amore_, though very far from
such an article as I could have wished to make it. The letter of Mrs.
Austin was invaluable, and I inserted her very words in more instances than
one; but your mention of the effect produced by the publication now out
of print was still more valuable. I only trust that it may all be printed
correctly, for it must be too late for me to have proofs.
The roguery of L. N. and Cavour exceeds all belief; but they have cheated
one another, and have probably overreached themselves. The _lies_ they
tell about the Nice vote are unheard of even in the time of Napoleon I. We
believe here that thousands of Piedmontese having no residence were sent to
vote. However, there is a real majority, though nothing like the unanimity
pretended. In Savoy there is entire unanimity. I suppose Normanby believes
the Tuscans have not voted for their annexation; but he believes whatever
anybody writes to him from Florence.
_To Lord Brougham_
_C. O., May 16th._--I cannot remember any passage in Macaulay's writings
which can be called an attack on Henry V. In the Introduction to the
'History of England' there is a passage in which he speaks of the French
wars of the English kings, and speculates on the results which might have
ensued if the conquests of Henry V. had not been lost by Henry VI. Perhaps
this is what Lord Glenelg meant; but I am writing from the office, where I
have not the books to refer to.
I don't know what sort of monument the Lord Chief Baron proposes to erect.
To put Macaulay on a level with Newton and Bacon would be absurd. His mind
was essentially what the geologists would call 'a tertiary formation;'
theirs were 'protogenic.' But I think some monument to Macaulay may very
fitly be placed in Trinity Chapel. We meet on Tuesday to consider what is
to be done for Hallam in Westminster Abbey; but there will certainly be no
statue, probably a slab and bust only.
I hope you are coming up for the debate in the Lords on Monday,[Footnote:
On the repeal of the paper duty, a Government measure, which was rejected
by the Lords.] which will be one of great interest. I cannot think there is
anything solid in the so-called constitutional objection--which is to be
urged on behalf of the Government--to the interference of the House of
Lords with a bill of this nature.
_From Lord Clarendon_
_Grosvenor Crescent, May 16th._--Many thanks for your letter and opinion of
Aix-la-Chapelle waters, which seem exactly to fit my case, but I should be
very reluctant to go there just now, as the inconvenience of it would be
great. I shall try change of air next week, and, if that won't do, why
_alors, comme alors,_ as the life I am now leading is intolerable. The gout
came again very sharply last night, but not, I am sure, owing to your most
agreeable dinner, which could only do good. I have not passed three such
pleasant hours for a long while.
I have seen one or two peers to-day sorely puzzled as to the vote they
shall give on Monday. My only doubt is about the damage it may do the House
of Lords; and I can't quite go Lyndhurst's [Footnote: In a closely reasoned
speech, rightly considered remarkable from a man of eighty-eight, Lord
Lyndhurst maintained that it was no unusual thing for the Lords to veto
bills for repealing taxes as well as bills for inflicting them, and quoted
numerous precedents. The bill was thrown out by 193 to 104.] length,
who says that if there is no precedent it is high time, and the proper
opportunity, to make one.
The Journal here records:--
Mr. Greville resigned the clerkship of the council in May; as Mr. Bathurst
could not carry on the business, he had to resign too [Footnote: This is
written on the blank page of the 'Chronology,' apparently from memory, and
the dates are somewhat confused. Greville resigned in May 1859. It was then
settled that there should be but one clerk; Bathurst acted by himself for a
twelvemonth, and resigned in May 1860.]. It was settled that there should
be but one clerk of the council. Lord Granville, I believe, wished to
appoint me, but some obstacle stood in the way. I never exactly knew what;
but if it was the Court, it is singular that I should have been so well
received at Balmoral. What I desired was that the registrarship of the P.
C. should become the second clerkship of the council, I offering to do my
share of the general business; but this they declined. On June 9th Arthur
Helps was appointed clerk of the council. I felt great irritation at the
manner in which I had been treated; but it certainly turned out very well
for me in the end, as I continued to hold an easier office, and eventually
obtained the same income, without the annoyance of attending the Court at
Balmoral, or Osborne, or elsewhere.
On May 15th we had to dinner Lord Clarendon, Prince Dolgoroukow (the
one who wrote the book [Footnote: _La Verité sur la Russie_, 1860. Cf.
_Edinburgh Review_, July 1860, p. 175.] on Russia), Lord Stanley, Sir R.
and Lady E. Peel, Hodgson, and Cornewall Legh.
On August 4th we made an expedition from Farnborough, with the Longmans, to
Selborne. Lunch with T. Bell. [Footnote: The editor of White's _Selborne_]
Walked to the Lithe and the Hanger. A charming day.
_From Lord Brougham_
_Brougham, August 5th._--I have been reading the last 'E. R.,' which is a
most excellent number. The ballot article [Footnote: 'Secret Voting and
Parliamentary Reform.'] is admirable, and will prove useful. I may send
you a few remarks on the G. Rose article. [Footnote: 'Diaries and
Correspondence of George Rose.'] But I am delighted with the showing up
of Miss Assing, [Footnote: 'Correspondence of Humboldt and Varnhagen von
Ense.' In editing this, Miss Assing had shown--according to the _Review_--a
singular want of taste and discretion.] only I don't think it is as much as
she deserves.
_To Lord Brougham_
_C. O., August 7th._--I have been making short country visits at several
places near London since the termination of my Judicial Committee labours,
or I should certainly have called to see you before you left Grafton
Street. Now I am starting on Saturday next for Aix-la-Chapelle, where I
propose to take a few baths. I return on the 25th, and shall proceed to
Aberdeenshire at the end of the month....
The victory of the Government last night was very decisive;[Footnote: On
the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the reduction of the duty
on paper.] and I am heartily glad of it, for the protectionist cry of the
paper-makers took one back before the Deluge.
I saw Mrs. Austin yesterday at Weybridge, and was glad to find her so well.
She desired to be remembered to you. She is very busy with J. Austin's
MSS.; but, in fact, they are in perfect order, and might be sent at once to
the press.
And then the Journal--
Later in August went to Aix. I went over to Bonn to see Bunsen, who was
dying, but full of enthusiasm for Italy. Came home on August 27th.