A short time ago, I made an excursion with Abeken and Bonomi to the more

distant Pyramids of Lischt and Meidûm. The last especially interested

me extremely, as it has solved in a general manner some enigmas in the

structure of the Pyramids, which had long occupied my mind.[14] As an

exception to the general rule, it lies almost in the lower plain, in the

immediate neighbourhood of Bahr Jussuf, and is only just removed out of

reach of the inundation; but it rises up so high and stately from the

flat surface of the surrounding country, that it attracts notice even

from a great distance. Its square, sharp-angled tower-like centre, which

diminishes slightly at the summit, namely, at an angle of 74°, rises

from an envelopment of rubbish, which surrounds it almost half-way up,

to the height of 120 feet. Another hundred feet higher, there succeeds a

platform, from which rises a more slender tower of moderate height, in

the same angle, which again, in the centre of its flat upper surface,

bears the remains of a third elevation. The walls of the principal tower

are for the most part smoothly polished, but have stripes at intervals

that have been left rough, the cause of which are first appeared almost

inexplicable; but on more minute examination, I also found in the

interior of the half-destroyed building which surrounds the base, some

rising walls that were smooth, and having the same angle as the tower; in

front of these, again lay other walls, which followed one upon another

like scales. At length it occurred to me that the whole building had

proceeded from a small Pyramid, which had been erected in stages of about

forty feet high, and then first increased and heightened simultaneously

on all sides, by superimposed coverings of stone, from fifteen to twenty

feet in breadth, till at length the great steps were filled up so as to

form one common flat side, giving the usual pyramidal form to the whole.

This gradual growth explains the enormous magnitude of particular

Pyramids, beside so many other smaller ones. Each king began the building

of his Pyramid as soon as he ascended the throne; he only designed a

small one, to ensure himself a complete tomb, even were he destined to

be but a few years upon the throne. But with the advancing years of his

reign, he increased it by successive layers, till he thought that he was

near the termination of his life. If he died during the erection, then

the external covering was alone completed, and the monument of death

finally remained proportionate to the duration of the life of the king.

If, in the course of centuries, all the other conditions which determine

our calculations had equally remained, then, as by the rings of a tree,

we might even now have been able to calculate the years in the reigns of

particular kings, by the coatings of the Pyramids.

On the other hand, the great enigma of the bearded giant Sphinx still

remains unsolved! When, and by whom, was the colossal statue erected, and

what was its signification? We must leave the reply to more fortunate

successors. It is almost half-covered up with sand, and the granite

stele, above eleven feet high, which stands between the paws, and which

in itself forms the back wall of a small temple, which is here inserted,

was totally invisible. Even the immense excavations made by Caviglia, in

the year 1818, had long disappeared, so as not to leave a trace behind.

By means of between sixty to eighty persons labouring for whole days

together, we almost reached the base of the stele, a drawing of which I

caused immediately to be made, as well as an impression on paper, and

also a plaster cast, in order to set it up one day in Berlin. This stele,

on which the Sphinx is itself represented, was erected by TUTHMOSIS IV.,

and dates from the first year of his reign. Thus, he must have found

the Colossus already there. We are accustomed to regard the Sphinx, in

Egypt, as a portrait of the king, and generally indeed, for that of a

particular king, whose features it is said to represent; therefore, with

the single exception, as far as I am aware, of one female sphinx, which

represents the wife of King Horus, they are always andro-sphinxes. In the

hieroglyphic written character, the Sphinx is called NEB (the Lord), and

forms _e. g._ the middle syllable in the name of the King NECTANEBUS.

But what king does our Colossus represent? He stands in front of the

second Pyramid, that of Schafra (Chephren), not exactly in the axis, yet

parallel with the sides of the temple, which stands before it, and in

such a manner, as if the rock beside the Sphinx on the northern side was

intended as its counterpart. Sphinxes, rams, statues, and obelisks, used

besides always to stand in former times in pairs before the entrances

of the temples. But what a powerful impression would have been made on

the approaching worshipper by two such giant watchmen, between which the

ancient pathway led up to the Temple of Chephren. They would have been

worthy of that period of vast colossal monuments, and in due proportion

with the Pyramid which rises up behind. I cannot deny that this connexion

would be most satisfactory to me. What other motive would have induced

the Theban kings of the 18th Dynasty, who are alone to be thought of

in the New Monarchy, to adorn the Memphitic Field of Death with such a

wonder of the world, if entirely unconnected with what surrounds it. In

addition to this, upon the steles of Tuthmosis, the name of King CHEPHREN

is inscribed in a line, which farther on is almost entirely broken away;

a portion of his Name-Shield, unfortunately quite isolated, has been

still preserved, therefore undoubtedly it had some sort of reference to

the builder of the Pyramid which is situated behind it.

On the other hand, indeed, the question arises: If King Chephren was

represented here, why does not the image bear his name? It is rather

designated as HAREM-CHU (Horus in the Horizon), that is, as the image of

the Sun-god, the emblem of all kings, and also HARMACHIS in one of the

Greek inscriptions which have been found in front of the Sphinx. It does

not appear to me altogether improbable that Pliny’s fable is founded on

this, who makes a King Amasis (Armasis) be buried in the Sphinx;[15] for

we surely cannot suppose it was a real sepulchre. Another consideration

to be borne in mind is that I have not in general met with the image of

the Sphinx in that oldest period of the builders of the Pyramids; yet too

much stress need not be laid on this; the form of the Sphinx is not often

found, even in inscriptions or representations, in the New Monarchy. In

short, the true Œdipus is still wanting for this king of all sphinxes.

He who can clear away the inexhaustible sand-flood which is again burying

that very field of tombs, and who can expose to view the base of the

Sphinx, the ancient pathway to the temple, and the surrounding hills,

might soon venture to decide this question.

The enigmas of history are in this land associated with many enigmas and

wonders in nature, which I must not leave wholly unnoticed. I must at

least describe to you the most recent.

I had descended into a mummy-pit with Abeken, that we might open some

sarcophagi we had discovered, and I was not a little astonished, on

stepping out, to find myself in an actual snow-storm of locusts, which

almost darkening the sky, moved above our heads in hundreds of thousands

from the desert in the south-west towards the valley. I fancied it was

a single flight, and in haste called the others out of the tombs, that

they might witness the Egyptian wonder before it had passed away. But

the flight continued, indeed the workmen said, it had even begun an hour

previously. We now observed for the first time, that the whole country,

far and wide, was covered with locusts. I sent a servant into the desert

to find out the breadth of the flight. He ran for about a quarter of an

hour, then returned, and said that still as far as he had been able to

see, he could discover no termination. I rode home, still in the midst

of the storm of locusts. They fell down in heaps on the border of the

fruitful plain; and so it lasted the whole day through, till evening,

and so on the next, from morning till night, to the third, indeed to

the sixth day, and even longer, but in less numerous flights. The day

before yesterday, a storm of rain seems for the first time to have beaten

down the rear-guard, and destroyed them in the desert. The Arabs make

great smoking fires in their fields, they rattle and scream all day

long to protect their crops from the unexpected invasion. But it will

avail them little. These millions of graminivorous winged insects cover

even the adjacent sandy plain like a new living vegetation, to such a

degree, that scarcely anything is to be seen of the ground; and when

they swarm up from any point, they fall down again on whatever is in

the immediate neighbourhood; exhausted by their long journey, in their

eagerness they fill their hollow stomachs, and, as if conscious of their

enormous numbers, they appear to have lost even all fear of their natural

enemies, man, animals, smoke, and noise. But what is most wonderful to

me, is their origin from the naked desert, and the instinct which has

led them from some oasis across the inhospitable sandy sea, to the rich

pastures of the Nile valley. The last time that this land-plague of

Egypt exhibited itself to a similar extent was above fourteen years ago.

The people say that it is sent by the comet which we have observed in

the south-west for the last twelve days, and which now, in the hours of

evening, since it is no longer outshone by the moon, again stretches its

magnificent tail of fire across the heavens. The zodiacal light, which is

so rarely seen in the north, has also been visible of late almost every

evening.

I have only now been enabled completely to conclude my account with

Gizeh, and to combine the historical results. I have every reason to

rejoice over it; the 4th and 5th Dynasties are completed, with the

exception of one king. I have just received the somewhat illegible

drawing of a stone which has been built into a wall in the village of

Abusir, representing a series of kings of the 4th and 5th Dynasties upon

their thrones, and, as it appears, in chronological order. I intend to

ride there myself to see the original.

LETTER VIII.

_Saqâra, the 13th April, 1843._

I hasten to communicate to you an event which I should not like you to

hear for the first time from other quarters, perhaps with alterations

and exaggerations. Our camp, a few days ago, was attacked and plundered

during the night by an armed band; yet none of our party were seriously

injured, and nothing that is irreparable was lost. The affair therefore,

is over, and the consequences may only prove a useful lesson to us. But I

must first go back several days in my journal.

On the 3rd of April, his R.H. Prince Albert (of Prussia) returned to

Cairo from Upper Egypt. The following day I visited the city, and laid

before the prince a portion of our labours, in which he especially took

a lively interest as he had already seen more of this land of wonders

than we ourselves, and the field of Pyramids alone he had still left

unvisited. On his first arrival in Cairo, I was absent on an excursion of

several days to the Faiûm, with Abeken and Bonomi. The prince returned

at the very time of the celebration of some of the chief festivals of

the Mahometans, which, had he not been there, I should probably have

neglected to attend. On the 6th, the entrance of the returning caravan

of pilgrims from Mecca was welcomed by a solemn festival, and, some days

later, the birthday of the Prophet, “MULID E’ NEBBI,” was celebrated,

one of the most original feasts of the entire East. The principal actors

in it are dervishes, who spend the day in processions, and perform

their horribly extatic dances, called _sikrs_, in the evening, in tents

illuminated by coloured lamps, which are erected in the avenues of

the Ezbekîeh. Between thirty and forty of this religious sect place

themselves in a circle, and, keeping time, begin first slowly, then

gradually more vehemently, to throw the upper part of their bodies, which

are naked, backwards and forwards into the most violent distortions, like

people who are possessed. At the same time, they ejaculate in a rhythm,

with a loud screaming voice, their Prophet’s saying, LA ILAHA ILL’ ALLAH

(“There is no God but Allah”), which, gradually stammered out lower and

more feebly, is finally almost rattled in the throat, till at length,

their strength being entirely exhausted, some fall down, others withdraw

reeling, and the broken circle is, after a short pause, replaced by

another.

What a fearful, barbarous worship, which the astonished multitude,

great and small, people of condition and those of inferior rank,

contemplate with seriousness or in stupid veneration, and in which they

themselves not unfrequently take an active part. The god who is appealed

to is evidently much less the object of adoration than the appealing,

raptured saints themselves; for the crazy and the simple, or men and

women who are physically disordered in other ways, are very generally

held sacred by the Mahometans, and are treated with great reverence. It

is the demoniacal force in nature, acting without being comprehended,

and therefore regarded with fear, which is worshipped by the natural

man wherever he perceives it, because he feels that it is connected

with, yet not under the control of his mental faculties; first, in the

mighty elements, then in the wonderful instincts of animals—to us dark,

yet subject to a law; finally, in the still more exciting, extatic, or

generally abnormal psychological conditions of his own race. We must

indeed, regard the Egyptian worship of animals—in as far as it was not

merely a symbolic embodiment of deeper and more refined ideas—as resting

on the same basis of a universal worship of nature; and the adoration

paid to men with disordered intellects, which appears occasionally in

other nations also, may be considered as a remarkable offset from that

tendency. Whether such conditions really exist at the present time, or

whether, as among the dervishes, it is produced artificially, and is

intentionally cherished, will not be detected by the multitude; and

besides, for the individual case, it is indifferent. An uncomfortable

feeling of fear creeps over us in such a neighbourhood, and we feel it

necessary to avoid uttering any expressions, or even to give a sign of

disgust, or to betray that we see through it, lest we should direct the

brutal outbursts on ourselves.

The festival, which lasts nine days, closes with a peculiar ceremony

called DOSEH, the Trampling, but which I could not bear to look at. The

sheikh of the Saadîeh dervishes rides to the chief sheikh of all the

dervishes in Egypt, El Bekri. On the way thither, a great number of these

holy people, and others who do not consider themselves inferior to

them in piety, throw themselves flat on the ground, face downwards, and

in such a manner that the feet of one always lies close to the head of

another. The sheikh then rides over this living carpet of human bodies,

and his horse is obliged to be led on each side by a servant, to compel

it to make this march, unnatural even to the animal. Each body receives

two treads from the horse; the greater number spring up again unhurt, but

whoever comes away seriously, or, as sometimes occurs, mortally injured,

has, besides, this disgrace, that it is believed that on the previous day

he had either misunderstood or neglected to say the proper prayers and

charm-formularies, which were alone able to protect him.

On the 7th April, Erbkam and I accompanied the prince to the Pyramids,

first of all to those of Gizeh. The Pyramid of Cheops was ascended, and

the interior was visited. In order to exhibit the beautiful tomb of

Prince Merhet, I caused it to be re-opened. We next proceeded to our camp

at Saqâra.

Here we heard that during the previous night a daring robbery had been

committed in Abeken’s tent. He was sleeping in it, on his return from

Cairo, beside a burning light, when his full portmanteau, pistols, and

other objects lying near, were purloined. It was only while the thief

was making his retreat that a noise was heard by the slumbering guards,

composing the night-watch, immediately behind the tent; the darkness,

however, hindered all pursuit.

After the prince had also seen the most beautiful tomb of Saqâra, we

rode across the plain to Mitrahinneh, to visit the mounds of ruins at

Memphis, and the half-buried colossal granite statue of Ramses Miamun

(Sesostris)[16], the face of which is still preserved almost without a

blemish. It was late in the evening before we again reached Cairo, after

a day’s journey of sixteen hours, hardly interrupted even by short

pauses for repose; but the unusual exertion seemed rather to heighten

than to depress the prince’s cheerful enjoyment in travelling.

The following day we visited the mosques of the city, which are

remarkable, partly by their splendour, and in part, also, are peculiarly

interesting for the history of architecture in the middle ages, as

the earliest general application of the pointed arch is here visible.

The questions which relate to this most characteristic department of

architecture, the so-called gothic style, interested me so deeply a few

years ago, that even here I could not forbear following my old pursuit.

The pointed arch is found in the oldest mosques, even as far back as the

ninth century. Upon the conquest of Sicily by the Arabs, the new form

of arch was transported to that island, where, in the eleventh century,

it was found by the Normans, the next conquerors, and was still more

generally adopted. Without entering into further details, it seems to

me scarcely possible to indicate any historical connexion of the Norman

pointed arch of Palermo with our style of pointed arch of the twelfth

and thirteenth centuries. The acceptance of such a connexion would be

still more difficult for the explanation of the rows of pointed arches

to be found already much earlier in Germany, which are sporadic, but

still according to rule; those, for example, in the cathedral of Naumburg

as early as the eleventh century, and in Memleben even in the tenth.

Theorists do not indeed admit this yet, but I am still waiting for a

refutation of the argument I have brought forward.[17]

The Nilometer on the island of Roda, which we visited after the mosques,

also contains a series of pointed arches, belonging to the original

building, which dates as far back as the ninth century, proved by the

Cufic inscriptions, which have been carefully examined by those who are

learned in these matters.

Egypt, however, does not only lay claim to the oldest application,

therefore, perhaps to the invention, of the _pointed arch_, but also to

that of the _round arch_. Near the Pyramids there are a number of tombs

having stone vaulted roofs, whose single blocks exhibit the correct

concentric cut. These belong to the 26th Manethonic Dynasty of the

Psammetici, that is, to the seventh and sixth centuries before Christ,

and are therefore coeval with the _Cloaca Maxima_ and the _Carcer

Mamertinus_ in Rome. But we have also found tombs with vaulted roofs made

of Nile mud bricks, which go back as far as the time of the Pyramids.

Now, contrary to the opinion of others, I deny that the brick arch, whose

single bricks with their parallel surfaces, are only made concentric by

the wedge of cement, presupposes a more intimate acquaintance with the

actual principle of the arch, and more especially with its qualities of

support; and, as a proof of this, we never meet with a concentric joined

arch before the time of the Psammetici, but frequently an apparently real

arch, in like manner cut out of horizontal layers of stone. But wherever

the brick arch was very ancient, we may there most naturally place the

development of the concentric stone arch, which is met with at a later

period at that very place, contemporaneous at least with its appearance

in other countries.

On the following morning I was intending to accompany the prince into the

interesting institute of M. Lieder, when Erbkam arrived unexpectedly from

our camp. He reported that during the previous night, between two and

three in the morning, a number of shots had been suddenly fired in the

immediate neighbourhood of our tents, and that at the same time a body of

more than twenty people had broken into the camp. Our encampment is on a

narrow flat space in front of the rock-tombs, which are excavated about

half-way up the precipitous sides of the Libyan valley, and the great

accumulation of rubbish has formed a broad terrace before them. It was

only accessible on one side, by a cleft, which passes our terrace from

above, downwards. It was from this point that the attack was made. They

first fell upon the tent in which we all take our meals, and which also

serves the purpose of a drawing-room, which soon fell down. Then followed

the other great tent, in which Erbkam, Frey, Ernest Weidenbach, and

Franke, were sleeping. This was also torn down, and covered its inmates,

who, in the general confusion, extricated themselves with difficulty

from the ropes and canvas. Besides all this, the arms had been taken the

day before into one tent, for the reception of the prince, and had been

arranged and secured to the central pole, so that no one had them at

hand. The watchmen—cowardly fellows—who knew that by the orders of the

police here, they would incur punishment, were anything of the sort to

befal us, even should they not be to blame, had immediately run off on

all sides, uttering loud cries, and have not yet returned. The robbers

now laid hold of the chests and boxes which stood nearest to them, rolled

whatever they could seize down the hill, and soon disappeared across the

plain. Their muskets were evidently not loaded with ball, for no one had

been wounded by them; they had, however, attained their object, which was

to increase the confusion. E. Weidenbach, and some of our servants, had

alone been wounded in the head and shoulders, though not dangerously, by

the butt-ends of their muskets, or by bludgeons. The purloined articles

must, however, have bitterly disappointed the expectation of the robbers,

for the great trunks scarcely contained anything but European clothes,

and other things, which no Arab can use. A number of coloured sketches

are most to be regretted—the Sunday studies, up to the present time, of

the very able artist Frey.

We know besides, very well, from whence this attack has proceeded. We

dwell on the frontier of the territory of Abusir, an Arab village which

has been long under evil report, situated between Kafr el Batran, at the

foot of the Pyramids of Gizeh, and Saqâra. By ARABS (Arab. pl. ʾUrbân)

I mean, according to the custom of this country, those inhabitants who,

as we are informed, only settled at a later period in the Nile valley,

and having obtained certain privileges, founded some villages here. They

are distinguished by their free origin, and their more manly character,

from the FELLAHS (Fellahʿ, pl. Fellahʿîn), the original peasants of

the land, who, enervated by their centuries of bondage, have reached a

low point of degradation, and who were not, besides, able to withstand

the encroachment of Islam. The name of BEDOUIN (Bedaui, pl. Bedauîn)

belongs alone to the ever free son of the Desert, who only roves about

the borders of the inhabited country. In the vicinity of the Pyramids

there are now a number of Arab villages. To these, also, belong the three

places I have mentioned. Since our place of encampment was within the

territory of the Sheikh of Abusir, a young, handsome, and enterprising

man, he had a certain claim to supply us with the necessary number of

well-paid watchmen. I, however, preferred to place ourselves under the

protection of the more trustworthy, and more powerful Sheikh of Saqâra,

whom I had known before, and within whose district the principal field

of our labours is situated. This determination deprived the people of

Abusir of a reward, and us of their friendship, as I had already observed

for some time past, without vexing myself any further about it. They had

manifestly taken the opportunity at the present time, when I was absent

in Cairo with several servants, to execute this prank. The footmarks were

traced through the plain to Abusir, and a little clever boy probably

served as a spy, the grandson of an old Turk from the Mameluke times, the

only friend in Abusir, with whom we sometimes exchanged visits. It must

have been also by means of this boy, who often came to our camp, that

the first theft was committed in Abeken’s tent, with which he was well

acquainted.

The attack was a serious affair, and its consequences might be important,

if it remained unpunished. I went immediately with M. von Wagner to

Scherif Pascha, the minister, whose business it was to find out the

offenders.

Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the peninsula of Sinai · 第 5 / 53 段