THE KRISHNA OF PAINTING

Indian pictures of Krishna confront us with a series of difficult

problems. The most exalted expressions of the theme are mainly from

Kangra, a large Hindu state within the Punjab Hills.[66] It was here that

Krishna, the cowherd lover, was most fully celebrated. Pictures were

produced in large numbers and the Kangra style with its delicate

refinement exactly mirrored the enraptured poetry of the later cult. This

painting was due entirely to a particular Kangra ruler, Raja Sansar Chand

(1775-1823)--his delight in painting causing him to spare no cost in

re-creating the Krishna idyll in exquisite terms. Elsewhere, however,

conditions varied. At the end of the sixteenth century, it was not a Hindu

but a Muslim ruler who commissioned the greatest illustrations of the

story. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Hindu patrons were the

rule but in certain states it was junior members of the ruling family

rather than the Raja himself who worshipped Krishna. Sometimes it was not

the ruling family but members of the merchant community who sponsored the

artists and, occasionally, it was even a pious lady or devout princess who

served as patron. Such differences of stimulus had vital effects and, as a

consequence, while the cult of Krishna came increasingly to enthrall the

northern half of India, its expression in art was the reverse of neat and

orderly. Where a patron was so imbued with love for Krishna that adoration

of the cowherd lover preceded all, the intensity of his feeling itself

evoked a new style. There then resulted the Indian equivalent of pictures

by El Greco, Grunewald or Altdorfer--paintings in which the artist's own

religious emotions were the direct occasion of a new manner. In other

cases, the patron might adhere to Krishna, pay him nominal respect or take

a moderate pleasure in his story but not evince a burning enthusiasm. In

such cases, paintings of Krishna would still be produced but the style

would merely repeat existing conventions. The pictures which resulted

would then resemble German paintings of the Danube or Cologne

schools--pictures in which the artist applied an already mature style to a

religious theme but did not originate a fresh mode of expression. Whether

the greatest art resulted from the first or second method was

problematical for the outcome depended as much on the nature of the styles

as on the artist's powers. In considering Indian pictures of Krishna,

then, we must be prepared for sudden fluctuations in expression and abrupt

differences of style and quality. Adoration of Krishna was to prove one of

the most vital elements in village and courtly life. It was to capture the

imagination of Rajput princes and to lead to some of the most intimate

revelations of the Indian mind. Yet in art its expression was to hover

between the crude and the sensitive, the savage and the exquisite. It was

to stimulate some of the most delicate Indian pictures ever painted and,

at the same time, some of the most forceful.

The first pictures of Krishna to be painted in India fall within this

second category. In about 1450, one version of the _Gita Govinda_ and two

of the _Balagopala Stuti_ were produced in Western India.[67] They were

doubtless made for middle-class patrons and were executed in Western India

for one important reason. Dwarka, the scene of Krishna's life as a prince,

and Prabhasa, the scene of the final slaughter, were both in Western

India. Both had already become centres of pilgrimage and although Jayadeva

had written his great poem far to the East, on the other side of India,

pilgrims had brought copies with them while journeying from Bengal on

visits to the sites. The _Gita Govinda_ of Jayadeva had become in fact as

much a Western Indian text as the _Balagopala Stuti_ of Bilvamangala. With

manuscript illustrations being already produced in Western India--but not,

so far as we know, elsewhere--it was not unnatural that the first

illustrated versions of these poems should be painted here. And it is

these circumstances which determined their style. Until the fifteenth

century the chief manuscripts illustrated in Western India were Jain

scriptures commissioned by members of the merchant community. Jainism had

originated in the sixth century B.C. as a parallel movement to Buddhism.

It had proved more accommodating to Hinduism, and when Buddhism had

collapsed in Western India in the ninth century A.D., Jainism had

continued as a local variant of Hinduism proper. Jain manuscripts had at

first consisted of long rectangular strips made of palm-leaves on which

the scriptures were written in heavy black letters. Each slip was roughly

three inches wide and ten long and into the text had been inserted lean

diagrammatic paintings either portraying Mahavira, the founder of the

cult, or illustrating episodes in his earthly career.

About 1400, palm-leaf was superseded by paper and from then onwards

manuscripts were given slightly larger pages. Owing partly to their

association with the same religious order and partly to their constant

duplication, Jain manuscripts had early conformed to a certain rigid type.

The painting was marked by lean and wiry outlines, brilliant red and blue

and above all by an air of savage ferocity expressed through the idiom of

faces shown three-quarter view with the farther eye detached and

projecting into space. This style was exercised almost exclusively on Jain

subjects and in the year 1400 it was the main style of painting in Western

India and Raj as than.

During the fifteenth century, this exclusive character gradually weakened.

There arose the idea that besides Jain scriptures, secular poetry might

also be illustrated and along with the growing devotion to Krishna as God

came the demand for illustrated versions of Krishna texts. The three texts

we have just mentioned are due to this tendency. All three are illustrated

in the prevailing Jain style with its spiky angular idioms and all three

have the same somewhat sinister air of barbarous frenzy. At the same time,

all disclose a partial loosening of the rigid wiry convention, a more

boisterous rhythm and a slightly softer treatment of trees and animals;

and, although no very close correlation is possible, the theme itself may

well have helped to precipitate these important changes.

Between 1450 and 1575, Western Indian painting continued to focus on Jain

themes, adulterated to only a very slight extent by subjects drawn from

poetry. It is possible that the Krishna story was also illustrated, but no

examples have survived; and it is not until the very end of the sixteenth

century that the Krishna theme again appears in painting and then in two

distinct forms. The first is represented by a group of three

manuscripts--two of them dated respectively 1598[68] and 1610[69] and

consisting of the tenth book of the _Bhagavata Purana_, the third being

yet another illustration of the _Gita Govinda[70]_. All three sets of

illustrations are in a closely similar style--a style which, while

possessing roots in Jain painting is now considerably laxer and more

sprawling. The faces are no longer shown three-quarter view, the detached

obtruding eye has gone and in place of the early sharpness there is now a

certain slovenly crudity. We do not know for whom these manuscripts were

made nor even in what particular part of Western India or Rajasthan they

were executed. They were clearly not produced in any great centre of

painting and can hardly have been commissioned by a prince or merchant of

much aesthetic sensibility. They prove, however, that a demand for

illustrated versions of the Krishna story was persisting and suggest that

even prosperous traders may perhaps have acted as patrons.

The second type is obviously the product of far more sophisticated

influences. It is once again a copy of the _Gita Govinda_ and was probably

executed in about 1590 in or near Jaunpur in Eastern India. As early as

1465, a manuscript of the leading Jain scripture, the _Kalpasutra_, had

been executed at Jaunpur for a wealthy merchant.[71] Its style was

basically Western Indian, yet being executed in an area so far to the

east, it also possessed certain novelties of manner. The heads were more

squarely shaped, the eyes larger in proportion to the face, the ladies'

drapery fanning out in great angular swirls. The bodies' contours were

also delineated with exquisitely sharp precision. The court at the time

was that of Hussain Shah, a member of the marauding Muslim dynasties which

since the twelfth century had enveloped Northern India; and it is possibly

due to persistent Muslim influence that painting revived in the last two

decades of the sixteenth century. Illustrated versions of passionate love

poetry were executed[72] and as part of the same vogue for poetic romance,

the _Gita Govinda_ may once again have been illustrated.[73] Between the

style of these later pictures and that of the Jain text of 1465, there are

such clear affinities that the same local tradition is obviously

responsible. Yet the new group of paintings has a distinctive elegance all

its own. As in the previous group, the detached projecting eye has gone.

Each situation is treated with a slashing boldness. There is no longer a

sense of cramping detail and the flat red backgrounds of Western Indian

painting infuse the settings with hot passion. But it is the treatment of

the feminine form which charges the pictures with sophisticated charm. The

large breasts, the sweeping dip in the back, the proud curve of the

haunches, the agitated jutting-out of the skirts, all these convey an air

of vivid sensual charm. That Radha and Krishna should be portrayed in so

civilized a manner is evidence of the power which the Krishna story had

come to exercise on courtly minds. Krishna is portrayed not as God but as

the most elegant of lovers, Radha and the cowgirls as the very embodiment

of fashionable women.

Jaunpur painting does not seem to have survived the sixteenth century and

for our next illustrations of the theme, we must turn to the school of

painting fostered by the Mughals. During the sixteenth century at least

three Muslim states other than Jaunpur itself had possessed schools of

painting--Malwa in Central India and Bijapur and Ahmadnagar in the Deccan.

Their styles can best be regarded as Indian offshoots of a Persian mode of

painting which was current in the Persian province of Shiraz in about the

year 1500. In this style, known as Turkman, the flat figures of previous

Persian painting were set in landscapes of rich and glowing herbage,

plants and trees being rendered with wild and primitive vigour. In each

case the style was probably brought to India by Persian artists who

communicated it to Indian painters or themselves adjusted it to local

conditions. And it is this process which was repeated but on an altogether

grander scale by the Muslim dynasty of the Mughals. Under the emperor

Akbar (1556-1605), the Mughals absorbed the greater part of Northern

India, concentrating in one imperial court more power and wealth than had

probably been amassed at any previous time in India. Among Akbar's

cultural institutions was a great imperial library for which a colony of

artists was employed in illustrating manuscripts in Persian. The founders

of this colony were Persian and it is once again a local style of Persian

painting which forms the starting point. This style is no longer the

Turkman style of Shiraz but a later style--a local version of Safavid

painting as current in Khurasan. With its lively and delicate naturalism

it not only corresponded to certain predilections of the emperor Akbar

himself, but seems also to have appealed to Indian artists recruited to

the colony. Its representational finesse made it an ideal medium for

transcribing the Indian scene and the appearance at the court of European

miniatures, themselves highly naturalistic, stimulated this character

still further. The result was the sudden rise in India, between 1570 and

1605, of a huge new school of painting, exquisitely representational in

manner and committed to a new kind of Indian naturalism. Such a school,

the creation of an alien Muslim dynasty, would at first sight seem

unlikely to produce illustrations of Hindu religion. Its main function was

to illustrate works of literature, science and contemporary history--a

function which resulted in such grandiose productions as the _Akbarnama_

or Annals of Akbar, now preserved in the Victoria and Albert Museum.[74]

None the less there are two ways in which Mughal painting, as developed

under Akbar, contributed to the Krishna story. Akbar, although a Muslim by

birth, was keenly interested in all religions and in his dealings with the

Rajputs had shown himself markedly tolerant. He desired to minimise the

hatred of Muslims for Hindus and believing it to arise from mutual

ignorance, ordained that certain Hindu texts should be translated into

Persian and thus rendered more accessible. The texts chosen were the two

epics, the _Ramayana_ and the _Mahabharata_, and of these Persian

abridgements were duly prepared. The abridgement of the _Mahabharata_,

known as the _Razmnama_, was probably completed in 1588 but illustrated

copies, including the great folios now in the palace library at Jaipur,

were probably not completed before 1595. As part of the project, its

appendix, the _Harivansa_ was also summarized and a separate volume with

fourteen illustrations all concerned with Krishna is part of the great

version now at Jaipur.[75] In these illustrations, it is Krishna the

prince who is chiefly shown, all the pictures illustrating his career

after he has left the cowherds. There is no attempt to stress his romantic

qualities or to present him as a lover. He appears rather as the great

fighter, the slayer of demons. Such a portrayal is what we might perhaps

expect from a Mughal edition. None the less the paintings are remarkable

interpretations, investing Krishna with an air of effortless composure,

and exalting his princely grace. The style is notable for its use of

smoothly flowing outlines and gentle shading, and although there is no

direct connection, it is these characteristics which were later to be

embodied in the Hindu art of the Punjab Hills.

Such interest by the Emperor may well have spurred Hindu members of the

court to have other texts illustrated for, ten to fifteen years later, in

perhaps 1615, a manuscript of the _Gita Govinda_ was produced, its

illustrations possessing a certain fairy-like refinement.[76] Krishna in a

flowing dhoti wanders in meadows gay with feathered trees while Radha and

her confidante appear in Mughal garb. Romance is hardly evident for it is

the scene itself with its rustic prettiness which is chiefly stressed. Yet

the patron by whom this version was commissioned may well have felt that

it was sensitively rendered and within its minor compass expressed to

some extent the magical enchantment distilled by the verses. That the

Emperor's stimulus survived his death is plain; for in about the year

1620, two manuscripts of the _Bhagavata Purana_ appeared--both in a style

of awkward crudity in which the idioms of Akbar's school of artists were

consciously aped.[77] The manuscripts in question are at Bikaner and it is

possible that one or two inferior Mughal artists, deprived of work at the

central court, travelled out to this northerly Rajput state, daring the

desert, and there produced these vapid works. It is likely that in the

early years of the seventeenth century, many areas of India possessed no

artists whatsoever and if a Hindu ruler was to copy Mughal fashion, the

only artists available to him might be those of an inferior rank. And

although exact data are wanting, such circumstances may well explain

another document of Krishna, the first illustrated version of Keshav Das's

_Rasika Priya_.[78] As we have seen, this poem was composed at Orchha in

Bundelkhand in 1591, at a time when both poet and court were in close

association with Akbar. Yet the version in question shows the same

poverty-stricken manner with its crude aping of imperial idioms and utter

lack of sensitive expression. There is no evidence that at this time

Bundelkhand possessed its own school of painting and in consequence the

most likely explanation is that yet another inferior artist trained in the

early Mughal manner, migrated to the court and there produced this crude

prosaic version. In none of these provincial Mughal pictures is there any

feeling for Krishna as God or even as a character. The figures have a

wooden doll-like stiffness, parodying by their evident jerkiness the

exquisite emotions intended by the poet and we can only assume that

impressed by the imperial example minor rulers or nobles encouraged

struggling practitioners but in an atmosphere far removed from that of the

great emperor.

Such paintings in a broken-down Akbari manner characterize the period 1615

to 1630. From then onwards Mughal painting, as it developed under the

emperor Shah Jahan, concentrated on more courtly themes. The early

interest in dramatic action disappeared and the demand for costly

manuscripts, sumptuously illustrated, withered up. Under Aurangzeb,

tolerant understanding gave way to a vicious proselytism and it was only

in remote centres such as Bikaner that later Mughal artists exercised

their style on Krishna themes. It is significant that at Bikaner their

leader was a Muslim, Ruknuddin, and that his chief work was a series of

pictures illustrating the _Rasika Priya_.[79] His figures have a shallow

prettiness of manner, stamping them once again as products of a style

which, in its earliest phases, was admirably suited to recording dramatic

action but which had little relevance to either religion or romance. For

these a more poetic and symbolic manner was necessary and such a style

appeared in the city of Udaipur in the Rajput State of Mewar.

Painting at Udaipur is inseparably associated with the influence of two

great rulers--Rana Jagat Singh (1628-1652) and Rana Raj Singh (1652-1681)

As early as 1605 pictures had been produced at the State's former capital,

Chawand--the artist being a Muhammadan named Nasiruddin. His style was

obviously quite independent of any Mughal influence and it is rather to

the separate tradition of painting which had grown up in Malwa that we

must look for its salient qualities--a tensely rhythmical line, a

flamboyant use of strong emphatic colours, vigorous simplifications and

boldly primitive idioms for plants and trees. It is this style which

thirty or forty years later comes to luxuriant maturity in a series of

illustrations executed at Udaipur.[80] Although the artists responsible

included a Muslim, Shahabaddin, and a Hindu, Manohar, it is the Krishna

theme itself which seems to have evoked this marvellous efflorescence.

Rana Jagat Singh was clearly a devout worshipper whose faithful adhesion

to Rajput standards found exhilarating compensations in Krishna's role as

lover. Keshav Das's _Rasika Priya_ achieved the greatest popularity at his

court--its blend of reverent devotion and ecstatic passion fulfilling some

of the deepest Rajput needs. Between the years 1645 and 1660 there

accordingly occurred a systematic production not only of pictures

illustrating this great poetic text but of the various books in the

_Bhagavata Purana_ most closely connected with Krishna's career. Krishna

is shown as a Rajput princeling dressed in fashionable garb, threading his

way among the cowgirls, pursuing his amorous inclinations and practising

with artless guile the seductive graces of a courtly lover. Each picture

has a passionate intensity--its rich browns and reds, greens and blues

endowing its characters with glowing fervour, while Krishna and the

cowgirls, with their sharp robust forms and great intent eyes, display a

brusque vitality and an eager rapturous vigour. A certain simplification

of structure--each picture possessing one or more rectangular

compartments--enhances this effect while the addition of swirling trees

studded with flowers imbues each wild encounter with a surging vegetative

rhythm. Krishna is no longer the tepid well-groomed youth of Mughal

tradition, but a vigorous Rajput noble expressing with decorous vehemence

all the violent longings denied expression by the Rajput moral code. Such

pictures have a lyrical splendour, a certain wild elation quite distinct

from previous Indian painting and we can only explain these new stylistic

qualities by reference to the cult of Krishna himself. The realization

that Krishna was adorable, that his practice of romantic love was a

sublime revelation of Godhead and that in his worship lay release is the

motive force behind these pictures and the result is a new style

transcending in its rhythmical assurance and glowing ardour all previous

achievements.

Such an outburst of painting could hardly leave other areas unaffected and

in the closing quarter of the seventeenth century, not only Bundi, the

Rajput State immediately adjoining Udaipur to the east, but Malwa, the

wild hilly area farther south east, witnessed a renaissance of painting.

At Bundi, the style was obviously a direct development from that of

Udaipur itself--the idioms for human figures and faces as well as the

glowing colours being clearly based on Udaipur originals. At the same

time, a kind of sumptuous luxuriance, a predilection for greens and

oranges in brilliant juxtaposition, a delight in natural profusion and the

use of recessions, shading and round volumes give each picture a

distinctive aura.[81] In Malwa, on the other hand, the earlier tradition

seems to have undergone a new resuscitation. Following various wars in

Middle India, the former Muslim kingdom had been divided into fiefs--some

being awarded to Rajput nobles of loyalty and valour. The result was yet

another style of painting--comparable in certain ways to that of Bundi and

Udaipur yet markedly original in its total effect. In place of tightly

geometrical compositions, Malwa artists preferred a more fluid grouping,

their straining luxuriant trees blending with swaying creepers to create a

soft meandering rhythm and only the human figures, with their sharply cut

veils and taut intense faces, expressing the prevailing cult of frenzied

passion.[82] Such schools of painting reflected the Rajput need for

passionate romance rather than any specially strong adhesion to Krishna,

the divine lover. Although one copy of the _Rasika Priya_ and one of the

_Bhagavata Purana_ were executed at both these centres, their chief

subjects were the _ragas_ and _raginis_ (the thirty-six modes of Indian

music) _nayakas_ and _nayikas_ (the ideal lovers) and _barahmasas_ (the

twelve months) while in the case of Malwa, there was the added theme of

Sanskrit love-poetry. Krishna the god was rarely celebrated and it was

rather as 'the best of lovers' that he was sometimes introduced into

pictures. In a Bundi series depicting the twelve months, courtly lovers

are shown sitting in a balcony watching a series of rustic incidents

proceeding below. The lover, however, is not an ordinary prince but

Krishna himself, his blue skin and royal halo leaving no possible doubt as

to his real identity.[83] Similarly in paintings illustrating the

character and personality of musical modes, Krishna was often introduced

as the perfect embodiment of passionate loving. None of the poems

accompanying the modes make any allusion to him. Indeed, their prime

purpose is to woo the presiding genius of the melody and suggest the

visual scene most likely to evoke its spirit. The musical mode, _Bhairava

Raga_, for example, was actually associated with Siva, yet because the

character of the music suggested furious passion the central figure of the

lover dallying with a lady was depicted as Krishna.[84] In _Hindola Raga_,

a mode connected with swinging, a similar result ensued. Swinging in

Indian sentiment was normally associated with the rains and these in turn

evoked 'memory and desire.' The character of the music was therefore

visualized as that of a young prince swinging in the rain--his very

movements symbolizing the act of love. Since Krishna, however, was the

perfect lover, nothing was easier than to portray _Hindola Raga_ as

Krishna himself. _Hindola_ might be invoked in the poem, but it was

Krishna who appeared seated on the swing.[85] An exactly similar process

occurred in the case of _Megh Mallar Raga_. This was connected with the

rainy season, yet because rain and storm were symbolic of sex, _Megh

Mallar_ was portrayed not as a separate figure, but as Krishna once again

dancing in the rain with ladies accompanying him. Even feminine modes of

music suffered the same kind of transformation. _Vasanta Ragini_, 'the

music of springtime,' was normally apostrophized as a lovely lady, yet

because springtime suggested lovers, she was shown in painting as if she

were Krishna dancing with a vase of flowers, holding a wand in his hand or

celebrating the spring fertility festival. The mode, _Pancham Ragini_, was

also feminine in character and was conceived of as a beauty enjoying her

lover's advances. The lady herself was portrayed, yet once again Krishna

was introduced, this time as her lover. In all these cases the celebration

of Krishna was incidental to the main theme and only in one instance--a

Malwa _Rasika Priya_--is there a trace of undisguised adoration. In this

lovely series,[86] Krishna's enchantment is perfectly suggested by the

flowering trees which wave above him, the style acquiring an even more

intense lyricism on account of its divine subject.

During the eighteenth century, painting in Rajasthan became increasingly

secular, even artists of Udaipur devoting themselves almost exclusively to

scenes of court life. The Ranas and the Mewar nobility were depicted

hunting in the local landscape, watching elephant fights or moving in

procession. Similar fashions prevailed in Jodhpur, Jaisalmer, Bikaner,

Bundi and Kotah. Only, in fact, in two Rajasthan States and then for only

brief periods was there any major celebration of the Krishna theme. At

Kishangarh, a small State midway between Ajmer and Jaipur, a series of

intensely poetic paintings were produced between the years 1750 and

1760--the prime stimulus being the delight of Raja Sawant Singh in

Krishna's romance.[87] Born in 1699, Sawant Singh had ascended the throne

in 1748 and given all his time to three activities, the rapturous

re-living of Krishna's romance with Radha, the composition of ecstatic

poems and the daily worship of Krishna as lover god. So great was his

devotion that in 1757 he abandoned the throne and taking with him his

favourite maid of honour, the beautiful poetess, Bani Thani, retired to

Brindaban where he died in 1764. Sawant Singh's delight seems to have been

shared by a local artist, Nihal Chand, for under the Raja's direction he

produced a number of pictures in which Radha and Krishna sustained the

leading roles. The pictures were mainly illustrations of Sawant Singh's

own poems--the lovers being portrayed at moments of blissful wonder,

drifting on a lake in a scarlet boat, watching fireworks cascading down

the sky or gently dallying in a marble pavilion.

Here is Love's enchanted zone

Here Time and the Firmament stand still

Here the Bride and Bridegroom

Never can grow old.

Here the fountains never cease to play

And the night is ever young.[88]

Nihal Chand's style was eminently fitted to express this mood of sensitive

adoration. Originally trained in the later Mughal style, he was able to

render appearances with exquisite delicacy but was also acutely aware of

rhythmical elegance. And it is this which constantly characterized his

work, his greatest achievement being the creation of a local manner for

portraying Radha and Krishna.[89] Radha was endowed with great arched

eyebrows and long eyes--the end of the eye being tilted so as to join the

downward sweeping line of the eyebrow while Krishna was given a slender

receding forehead and narrow waist. Each was made to seem the acme of

elegance and the result was a conception of Krishna and his love as the

very embodiment of aristocratic breeding.

The same sense of aristocratic loveliness is conveyed by a scene of

dancing figures almost life size in the palace library at Jaipur.[90]

Painted under Raja Pratap Singh (1779-1803) the picture shows ladies of

the palace impersonating Radha and Krishna dancing together attended by

girl musicians.[91] Against a pale green background, the figures, dressed

in greenish yellow, pale greyish blue and the purest white, posture with

calm assured grace, while the pure tones and exquisite line-work invest

the scene with gay and luminous clarity. We do not know the circumstances

in which this great picture was painted but the existence of another

large-scale picture portraying the circular dance--the lines of cowgirls

revolving like flowers, with Radha and Krishna swaying in their

midst--suggests that the Krishna theme had once again inflamed a Rajput

ruler's imagination.[92]

Such groups of paintings are, at most, exquisite exceptions and it is

rather in the Rajput states of the Punjab Hills--an area remote and quite

distinct from Rajasthan--that the theme of Krishna the divine lover

received its most enraptured expression in the eighteenth century. Until

the second half of the seventeenth century this stretch of country

bordering the Western Himalayas seems to have had no kind of painting

whatsoever. In 1678, however, Raja Kirpal Pal inherited the tiny state of

Basohli and almost immediately a new artistic urge became apparent.

Pictures were produced on a scale comparable to that of Udaipur thirty

years earlier and at the same time a local style of great emotional

intensity makes its sudden appearance.[93] This new Basohli style, with

its flat planes of brilliant green, brown, red, blue and orange, its

savage profiles and great intense eyes has obvious connections with

Udaipur paintings of the 1650-60 period. And although exact historical

proof is still wanting, the most likely explanation is that under Rana Raj

Singh some Udaipur artists were persuaded to migrate to Basohli. We know

that Rajput rulers in the Punjab Hills were often connected by marriage

with Rajput families in Rajasthan and it is therefore possible that during

a visit to Udaipur, Raja Kirpal Pal recruited his atelier. Udaipur

painting, however, can hardly have been the only source for even in its

earliest examples Basohli painting has a smooth polish, a savage

sophistication and a command of shading which suggests the influence of

the Mughal style of Delhi. We must assume, in fact, a series of influences

determined to a great extent by Raja Kirpal Pal's political contacts, his

private journeys and individual taste, but perhaps above all by an urge to

express his feelings for Krishna in a novel and personal manner. The

result is not only a new style but a special choice of subject-matter. The

_Rasika Priya_ and the _Bhagavata Purana_, the texts so greatly favoured

at Udaipur, were discarded and in their place Basohli artists produced a

series of isolated scenes from Krishna's life--the child Krishna stealing

butter,[94] Krishna the gallant robbing the cowgirls or exacting toll,

Krishna extinguishing the forest-fire,[95] Krishna the violent lover

devouring Radha with hungry eyes. Their greatest achievements, however,

were two versions of Bhanu Datta's _Rasamanjari_, one of them completed in

1695,[96] shortly after Raja Kirpal Pal's death, the other almost

certainly fifteen years earlier.[97] The text in question is a treatise on

poetics illustrating how romantic situations should best be treated in

Sanskrit poetry--the conduct of mature mistresses, experienced lovers, sly

go-betweens, clowns or jokers being all subjected to analysis.[98] The

subject of the text is secular romantic poetry and Krishna himself is

never mentioned. None the less, in producing their illustrations, the

artists made Krishna the central figure and we can only conclude that

eschewing the obvious _Rasika Priya_, Raja Kirpal Pal had directed his

artists to do for Sanskrit what Keshav Das had done for Hindi poetry--to

celebrate Krishna as the most varied and skilled of lovers and as a

corollary show him in a whole variety of romantic and poetic situations.

As a result Krishna was portrayed in a number of highly conflicting

roles--as husband, rake, seducer, paramour and gallant.

In one picture he is 'a gallant whose word cannot be trusted' and we see

him in the act of delicately disengaging a lady's dress and gazing at her

with passion-haunted eyes. The poem on the reverse runs as follows:

Showing her a beautiful girdle

Drawing on a fair panel with red chalk

Putting a bracelet on her wrists

And laying a necklace on her breasts

Winning the confidence of the fawn-eyed lady of fair brows

He slyly loosens the knot of her skirt

Below the girdle-stead, with naughty hand.[99]

In another picture, he appears as 'a gallant well versed in the ways of

courtesans,' the dreaded seducer of inexperienced girls. He is now shown

approaching a formal pavilion, set in a lonely field. Inside the pavilion

is the lovely object of his attack, sitting with a companion, knowing that

willy-nilly she must shortly yield yet timidly making show of maidenly

reserve.

His swollen heart

Knows neither shame nor pity

Nor any fear of anger

How can such a tender bud as I

Be cast into his hands today?[100]

In yet a third picture, he is portrayed standing outside a house while the

lady, the subject of his passions, sits within. He is once again 'a false

gallant,' his amorous intentions being shown by the orange, a conventional

symbol for the breasts, poised lightly in his hand. As the lady turns to

greet him, she puts a dot in the circle which she has just drawn on the

wall--a gesture which once again contains a hint of sex. On the picture's

reverse the poem records a _conversation galante_.

'Beloved, what are you doing

With a golden orange in your hand?'

So said the moon-faced one

Placing a dot

On the bright circles

Painted in the house. [101]

In other pictures, a clown or jester appears, introducing a witty joking

element into the scene and thus presenting Krishna's attitude to love as

all-inclusive.

From 1693, the year of Raja Kirpal's death, painting at Basohli

concentrated mainly on portraying rulers and on illustrating _ragas_ and

_raginis_--the poems which interpreted the moods and spirit of music. The

style maintained its fierce intensity but there was now a gradual rounding

of faces and figures, leading to a slight softening of the former brusque

vigour. Devotion to Krishna does not seem to have bulked quite so largely

in the minds of later Basohli rulers, although the cult itself may well

have continued to exert a strong emotional appeal. In 1730, a Basohli

princess, the lady Manaku, commissioned a set of illustrations to the

_Gita Govinda_ and Krishna's power to enchant not only the male but also

the female mind was once again demonstrated.[102]

This series of illustrations is in some ways a turning point in Indian

painting for not only was it to serve as a model and inspiration to later

artists but its production brings to a close the most creative phase in

Basohli art. After 1730, painting continued to be practised there but no

longer with the same fervour. Basohli artists seem to have carried the

style to other states--to Guler, Jammu, Chamba, Kulu, Nurpur and

Bilaspur--but it is not until 1770 that the Krishna theme again comes into

prominence. In about this year, artists from Guler migrated to the distant

Garhwal, a large and straggling state at the far south of the Punjab

Hills, taking with them a style of exquisite naturalism which had

gradually reached maturity under the Guler ruler, Raja Govardhan

Singh.[103] During his reign, a family of Kashmiri Brahmans skilled in the

Mughal technique had joined his court and had there absorbed a new

romantic outlook. On at least three occasions they had illustrated scenes

from the _Bhagavata Purana_--Nanda celebrating Krishna's birth,[104]

Krishna rescuing Nanda from the python which had started to devour his

foot,[105] and finally the game of blind man's bluff[106]--but their chief

subject had been the tender enchantments of courtly love. Ladies were

portrayed longing for their lovers. The greatest emphasis was placed on

elegance of pose. Fierce distortions were gradually discarded and the whole

purpose of painting was to dwell on exquisite figures and to suggest a rapt

devotion to the needs of love.

It is this suavely delicate art which now appears in Garhwal. Among the

Guler painters was a master-artist and although his first Garhwal pictures

are concerned with passionate romance, devotion to Krishna quickly

becomes apparent.[107] The great Alaknanda River which roared through

Srinagar, the capital, had a special fascination for him and just as

Leonardo da Vinci evinced at one time a passionate interest in springing

curls, the Guler artist found a special excitement in winding eddies and

dashing water. The result was a sudden new interpretation of the Krishna

theme. In two pictures where Krishna is shown quelling the snake

Kaliya,[108] all the Guler qualities of elegant naturalism are abundantly

present. Each figure has a smooth suavity and in every face there appears

a look of calm adoration. It is the swirling, curling water, however,

which gives the pictures their special Garhwal quality. The play of water

evokes a melody of line and the result is a sense of upsurging joy. A

similar religious exaltation marks other pictures by this master. At some

time he appears to have been commissioned to illustrate the tale of Sudama

the poor Brahman whose tattered hovel is changed by Krishna into a golden

palace. He was evidently assisted by a weaker painter but in the pictures

which are clearly his own work, the same quality of lyrical incantation

appears. As Sudama journeys to Dwarka Krishna's golden city, his heart

swoons with adoration, the hills, trees and ocean appear to dance about

him and once again, the linear music of the composition engenders a

feeling of supreme ecstasy.[109] We do not know which member of the Garhwal

court acted as his patron--it is even possible that it was not the ruler

himself but his consort, the Guler princess whom he had married in about

the year 1770. What, at any rate, is clear is that at least one lively

adorer of Krishna existed at the Garhwal court and that until the Gurkha

invasions of 1803, there were other painters, besides the master-artist,

who were similarly encouraged to interpret the Krishna theme.[110] Their

style was clearly influenced by that of the master but in their use of

slender leafless branches and towering spikes of blossom, they developed a

special Garhwal imagery designed to suggest the slender beauty of

love-enchanted girls. After the expulsion of the Gurkhas in 1816, a new

Raja revived Garhwal painting. Krishna the lover was once again portrayed

and until the middle of the nineteenth century, pictures continued to be

produced blending the delights of courtly passion with adoration of God.

It was in the state of Kangra, however, that the greatest developments

occurred. In 1775, the young Sansar Chand became Raja, and despite his

extreme youth, quickly acquired mastery of the Kangra court. It is

unlikely that artists were immediately summoned, but certainly by 1780 a

flourishing school of painters had come into existence.[111] As at Garhwal,

the artists of Kangra came originally from Guler and thus a similar

phenomenon arises--the Guler manner providing the basis for yet a second

great style. Sansar Chand was obviously quite exceptional, for not only

was he successful in politics and war, but from his early manhood was

devoted to Krishna as lover god. And it is this all-absorbing interest

which explains the vast expansion of painting which now occurred. Under

Sansar Chand's stimulus artists began to portray every situation involving

Krishna, the cowherd. He was shown as a baby crying for the moon, being

washed by his foster-mother, Yasoda, or mischievously breaking pitchers

full of curds. He would be painted strolling with the cowherds, playing on

his flute, or bringing the cattle home at evening. But the main theme to

which the artists constantly returned was his main cowgirl love. Radha

would be shown standing with Krishna in the forest, gazing trustfully into

his eyes, seeking shelter with him from the rain or sitting with him by a

stream.[112] Sometimes she and the cowgirls were shown celebrating the

spring festival of Holi, Krishna syringing them with tinted water while

they themselves strove to return his onslaughts by throwing red

powder.[113] Often the scene would shift from the forest to the village,

and Krishna would then be shown gazing at Radha as she dried herself after

bathing or squatted in a courtyard cooking food. At other times he

appeared assisting her at her toilet, helping her to dress her hair or

applying a beauty mark to her forehead. If the scene was night itself,

Radha would be shown sitting in her chamber, while far away across the

courtyards and gardens would loom the small figure of Krishna waiting

lonely on a bed. Occasionally the lovers would be portrayed expressing

their rapture by means of simple gestures. Krishna's arm would be shown

placed lovingly around Radha's shoulders, or Radha herself would be

portrayed hiding her head on Krishna's breast.[114] In all these pictures,

the style had an innocent and exquisite clarity, suggesting by its simple

unaffected naturalism the artists' delight in Krishna's character, their

appreciation of the feminine mind, their sense of sex as inherently noble

and their association of romance with God himself.

It is in a series of illustrations to certain texts, however, that Kangra

painting reaches its greatest heights. Among the many artists employed by

Sansar Chand, a certain Purkhu was notable for his 'remarkable clearness

of tone and delicacy of handling,'[115] and though none of his pictures are

signed it is these qualities which characterize one of the two most famous

sets of illustrations executed in Kangra. The subject was the tenth book

of the _Bhagavata Purana_ and the scenes illustrated ranged from Krishna's

birth and adventures with demons to his frolics with the cowgirls and

final slaughter of Kansa. Purkhu's style--if Purkhu is indeed the master

responsible--is remarkable for its luminous clarity, its faint suggestions

of modelling, and above all for its natural use of rhythm. In every

scene,[116] cowherds appear engaged in different tasks, yet throughout

there is a sense of oneness with Krishna himself. Krishna is shown

delighting all by his simple friendliness and dignified charm and the

style itself endows each scene with gentle harmony.

Purkhu was clearly one of the greatest artists ever to practise in the

Punjab Hills, but it is a certain Kushala who is supposed to have been

Sansar Chand's special favourite. We do not know which pictures are by his

hand but there exist two series of illustrations of such distinctive

quality that Kushala may well have been responsible.[117] One is a series

of paintings illustrating part of Bihari's _Sat Sai_--the seven-hundred

poems in which he extolled Krishna's love-making.[118] The other is yet

another version of the _Gita Govinda_ where Krishna is shown consorting

with the cowgirls in blissful abandon.[119] In both these series, the

inherent loveliness of Radha and the cowgirls is expressed by supple

flowing line, a flair for natural posture and the inclusion of poetic

images. The scarlet of a cowgirl's skirt is echoed by the redness of a

gathering storm, the insertion of Krishna into the background suggesting

the passionate nature of their imminent embraces.[120] In a similar way,

the forest itself is 'threaded with phases of passion' and slender trees

in flower parallel the slim romantic girls who long for Krishna's love.

One other Kangra master remains to be mentioned. Besides the pictures

already noted, there exists a further series illustrating the tenth book

of the _Bhagavata Purana_. The artist's identity is once again uncertain,

but just as the Garhwal master was fascinated by the swirl of curling

water, the Kangra artist in question delighted in the blonde pallor of

the Indian moon.[121] Each incident in the text is rendered as if in

moonlight--a full moon riding in the sky, its pale reflection shining in

water, the countryside itself bathed throughout in frosty whiteness. As a

result the figures of Radha and the cowgirls seem imbued with pallid

glamour, their love for Krishna with an almost unearthly radiance.

Kangra painting continued throughout the nineteenth century but it was

only during Sansar Chand's own reign (1775-1823) that the style achieved

great lyrical glory. Similarly it was only towards the end of the

eighteenth century that other states in the Punjab Hills developed their

own interpretations of the great impassioned theme. At Nurpur, Chamba,

Kulu and Bilaspur[122] pictures of Krishna had temporary vogues and at all

these places artists created new modes of expression. None of the local

styles, however, possessed the same prestige as that of Kangra and all

were subsequently obliterated by the general Kangra manner. By the

mid-nineteenth century, the Rajput order in the Punjab Hills foundered

before the British and while lesser nobles and merchants continued to

purchase pictures of Krishna the cult as a whole declined in princely

favour. Only in Eastern India and then mainly in the villages did delight

in Krishna continue to evoke new painting. From the twelfth century

onwards Bengal had constantly celebrated the loves of Krishna--the poets

Jayadeva, Chandi Das and Vidyapati being all natives of this part of

India. Hymns to Krishna were sung in the villages and as part of this

fervid adhesion, local manuscripts of the _Bhagavata Purana_ and the _Gita

Govinda_ were often produced. Such manuscripts were normally not

illustrated but were preserved between wooden covers, on which scenes of

Krishna dancing with the cowgirls or with male devotees were painted.[123]

Book covers of this kind were produced in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries and the resulting pictures have something of the savage elation

associated with the Basohli style and its derivatives. During the

nineteenth century, painted book-covers ceased to be produced but three

other kinds of painting continued to celebrate the Krishna theme. Frescoes

of Hindu gods and goddesses including Krishna were often executed on the

mud walls of village houses in Mithila, the birthplace of the poet

Vidyapati, and the style of painting with its brilliant colours and

brusque distortions testified to the great excitement still engendered by

Krishna's name.[124] At Kalighat near Calcutta, a special type of

water-colour picture was mass-produced for sale to pilgrims and although

the stock subjects included almost every Hindu god, many incidents from

Krishna's life were boldly portrayed.[125] The style with its curving

sumptuous forms is more a clue to general Bengali interests than to any

special attitudes to Krishna, but the pictures, strangely parallel in

style to the work of the modern artist Fernand Léger, have a robust gaiety

and bounding vigour, not inappropriate to the Krishna theme. The third

type of painting is the work of professional village minstrels known as

_jadupatuas_. As a means of livelihood, _jadupatuas_ travel from village

to village in West Bengal, entertaining the people by singing ballads and

illustrating their songs with long painted scrolls. As each ballad

proceeds, the scroll is slowly unwound, one scene leading to another until

the whole is concluded. Among the ballads thus intoned, the romance of

Krishna is among the most common and the style of painting with its crude

exuberance suggests the strength of popular devotion.[126]

There remains one last form of painting. During the twentieth century, the

modern movement in Indian art has produced at least four major

artists--Rabindranath Tagore, Amrita Sher-Gil, Jamini Roy and George Keyt.

Of these four, the first two did not illustrate the Krishna theme. Jamini

Roy, on the other hand, has often painted Krishna as flute-player and

dancer.[127] It would be unrealistic to suggest that these pictures spring

from a lively sense of Krishna as God--Jamini Roy has, in fact, resorted

to themes of Christ with equal, if not greater, frequency but has shown no

signs of becoming a Christian. It is rather that in painting these

pictures, he has treated Krishna as a symbol of rural vitality, a figure

whose boisterous career among the cowherds is an exact reflection of his

own attitudes and enthusiasms. To Jamini Roy, the Bengali village with its

sense of rude health is infinitely to be preferred to a city such as

Calcutta with its artificiality and disease and in a style of bold

simplifications, he has constantly celebrated the natural vigour and

inherent dignity of simple unsophisticated men.

Such pictures stress a comparatively unimportant side of Krishna's

character and it is rather in the paintings of George Keyt that Krishna

the lover is proudly portrayed. Born in Ceylon of mixed ancestry, Keyt

has, for many years, been acutely responsive to Indian poetry. In 1947,

he published the translation of the _Gita Govinda,_ excerpts from which

have been quoted in the text, and throughout his career his work has been

distinguished by a poet's delight in feminine form and sensuous rapture.

To Keyt such a delight is a vital component of adult minds and in the

romance of Radha and Krishna he found a subject subtly expressive of his

own most intimate beliefs. His paintings and line-drawings of Radha,

Krishna and the cowgirls--at once modern yet vitally Indian in

spirit--have the same qualities as those in the _Gita Govinda_.[128] Radha

and Krishna are shown luxuriating in each other's elegance, a certain

ineffable tenderness characterizing their gestures and movements. Their

love is gentle rather than brusque, an air of glamorous wonder broods

above them and we meet once more that blend of romantic sensuality and

loving innocence which is perhaps the chief Indian contribution to

cultured living. It is this quality which gives to Indian paintings of

Krishna and his loves their incomparable fervour, and makes them enduring

expressions of Indian religion.

[Footnote 66: Plates 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11, 13-17, 21 and 36.]

[Footnote 67: M.R. Mazumdar, 'The Gujarati School of Painting,' _Journal of

the Indian Society of Oriental Art_, 1942, Vol. X, plates 3 and 4.]

[Footnote 68: Collection Maharaja of Jaipur, Pothikhana, Jaipur.]

[Footnote 69: Collection Maharaja of Jodhpur, Pustakaprakash, Jodhpur

Fort.]

[Footnote 70: Plate 22. Collection N.C. Mehta, Bombay. For reproductions of

2 and 3, see Karl Khandalavala, 'Leaves from Rajasthan,' _Marg_, Vol. IV,

No. 3. Figs. 8 and 10.]

[Footnote 71: Moti Chandra, _Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India_

(Ahmedabad, 1949), Figs. 99-105.]

[Footnote 72: Khandalavala, op. cit., Fig. 14; _The Art of India and

Pakistan_, Pls. 81 and 82.]

[Footnote 73: Plates 23 and 24.]

[Footnote 74: For reproductions, see E. Wellesz, _Akbar's Religious Thought

reflected in Mogul Painting_ (London, 1952), Pls. 1-37.]

[Footnote 75: Reproduced Hendley, _Memorials, The Razm Namah_; see also

Plates 1 and 2 below.]

[Footnote 76: _The Art of India and Pakistan_, Plate 88.]

[Footnote 77: H. Goetz, _The Art and Architecture of Bikaner State_

(Oxford, 1950), Fig. 91.]

[Footnote 78: Coomaraswamy, _Boston Catalogue, VI, Mughal Painting_,

Plates 8-19.]

[Footnote 79: Goetz, op. cit., Figs. 78 and 93.]

[Footnote 80: Plate 29. See also B. Gray, _Treasures of Indian Miniatures

from the Bikaner Palace Collection_ (Oxford, 1951), Plate 6.]

[Footnote 81: Plates 28 and 32. See also Archer, _Indian Painting_, Plate

7.]

[Footnote 82: _The Art of India and Pakistan_, Plate 85.]

[Footnote 83: Plate 32.]

[Footnote 84: Plate 34.]

[Footnote 85: Plate 33.]

[Footnote 86: Bharat Kala Bhawan, Banaras.]

[Footnote 87: Eric Dickinson, 'The Way of Pleasure: the Kishangarh

Paintings', 2 _Marg_, Vol. III, No. 4, 29-35.]

[Footnote 88: Ibid., 31.]

[Footnote 89: Plate 39.]

[Footnote 90: For cartoons of this picture, see A.K. Coomaraswamy, _Indian

Drawings_ (London, 1912), Vol. II, Plate 2 and _Rajput Painting_, Vol. II,

Plates 9 and 10.]

[Footnote 91: Note 22.]

[Footnote 92: Gangoly, _Masterpieces of Rajput Painting_, Plate 10.]

[Footnote 93: Plates 4, 10, 26, 27, 30 and 31. _The Art of India and

Pakistan_, Plates 100-102.]

[Footnote 94: Plate 4.]

[Footnote 95: Plate 10.]

[Footnote 96: Archer, _Indian Painting in the Punjab Hills_, Fig. 6.]

[Footnote 97: Plate 30. Coomaraswamy, _Boston Catalogue, V, Rajput

Painting_, Plates 92-95.]

[Footnote 98: Note 23.]

[Footnote 99: Coomaraswamy, _Boston Catalogue, V, Rajput Painting, 171_.]

[Footnote 100: Ibid., 172.]

[Footnote 101: Ibid., 173.]

[Footnote 102: Plates 26 and 27. _The Art of India and Pakistan_, Plate

102.]

[Footnote 103: Archer, _Garhwal Painting_, 1-4.]

[Footnote 104: Gangoly, op. cit., Plate 35.]

[Footnote 105: Archer, _Indian Painting in the Punjab Hills_, Fig. 23.]

[Footnote 106: Mehta, _Studies in Indian Painting_, Plate 21.]

[Footnote 107: Plates 19, 20 and 35.]

[Footnote 108: Coomaraswamy, _Rajput Painting_, Plates 53 and 54.]

[Footnote 109: Archer, _Garhwal Painting_, Plate 1.]

[Footnote 110: Plates 7, 12 and 25.]

[Footnote 111: Archer, _Kangra Painting_, 2-5.]

[Footnote 112: Ibid., Plate 2.]

[Footnote 113: Ibid., Plate 1.]

[Footnote 114: Ibid., Plate 2.]

[Footnote 115: B.H. Baden Powell, _Handbook of the Manufactures and Arts

of the Punjab_ (Lahore, 1872), 355. Purkhu must now, most probably, be

connected with the first of the two Kangra masters described in _Kangra

Painting_ (p. 4)--Plates 3 and 4 being examples of his work.]

[Footnote 116: Plates 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11 and 16.]

[Footnote 117: Archer, _Kangra Painting_, Plates 1 and 2; also p. 4 where

the second of the two Kangra masters is described.]

[Footnote 118: Plate 36; Mehta, op. cit., Plates 25 and 26.]

[Footnote 119: Plate 21.]

[Footnote 120: Mehta, op. cit., Plate 22.]

[Footnote 121: Plates 13-15.]

[Footnote 122: Plate 18.]

[Footnote 123: _The Art of India and Pakistan_, Plate 79]

[Footnote 124: W.G. Archer, 'Maithil Painting,' _Marg_, Vol. III, No. 2.]

[Footnote 125: W.G. Archer, _Bazaar Paintings of Calcutta_ (London, 1953),

Plates 8, 9, 14, 19, 30, 31 and 41.]

[Footnote 126: Ajit Mookerjee, _Art of India_, (Calcutta, 1952) Fig. 94.]

[Footnote 127: B. Dey and J. Irwin, 'Jamini Roy,' _Journal of the Indian

Society of Oriental Art_ (1944), Vol. XII, Plate 6.]

[Footnote 128: For reproductions of Keyt's work, see Martin Russell,

_George Keyt_ (Bombay, 1950), Plates 1-101.]

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