[3] These gifts consisted, in the first case, of the clock,
manufactured in Madrid, which the Japanese described as
a “self-sounding bell,” and copied with such success that
Japanese clocks subsequently became famous as articles of
commerce.
Besides this, the viceregal gifts consisted of the royal
portraits already mentioned; of a water-proof coat, two
saddles, a roll of paper, two barrels of Spanish wine, two
sets of the implements used in falconry, and a roll of
ribbon with gold braid, such as was used in Spain to adorn
gala shoes.
When Viscaino entered the second time, he was received on a lower
platform, and the emperor with what is described as “greater
severity” bowed his head only at the captain general’s entrance and
exit, being apparently absorbed in examining the royal portraits just
received.
When the friars offered their gifts, they were spoken to with great
friendliness by the emperor, who asked them many questions. A message
was sent to the ambassador, who was waiting outside, telling him that
the emperor had been pleased to see him, that he was to go back to
his lodgings, and that the emperor would speak to him later on--a
promise which was never fulfilled.
The following days were spent in an interchange of visits with
court officials. One of the ladies of the imperial palace, a devout
Christian convert named Julia, went to visit the ambassador and
hear mass at his residence. Her example was followed by a number of
Christian Japanese, who were received with much affection by the
Franciscan friars. Many other Japanese also came and expressed their
desire to be taught the Catholic religion and to be baptized.
Meanwhile General Viscaino was preparing petitions to the emperor,
which were worded as follows:--
“Sebastian Viscaino, Captain General of Phillip, King of
Spain, says:--
“That he carries an order from his king and the viceroy of New
Spain to make a survey of all the ports of this kingdom from
Nagasaki to its northernmost limits, providing your Imperial
Majesty grants the permission to do so. He is to make charts
and take soundings, so that if obliged to take shelter from
storms, Spanish vessels on their way from Luzon to New Spain
may know which are the best ports to enter, and may not be
wrecked and lost as heretofore. Viscaino begs, as mercy, that
a Japanese official be sent to accompany him, and to obtain
ships and provisions for him everywhere at moderate prices.
He ends with the promise that when the survey map is made, he
will send one copy to the emperor and another to his lord and
king.”
In a second petition Viscaino requests permission to build a ship,
so that when he returns to New Spain in the vessel in which he came,
he could fill the new one with Japanese products, which he wished
to take home as presents. He begs that the emperor will aid him
by issuing an order that wood, carpenters, blacksmiths and other
necessary workmen be supplied to him at reasonable rates such as are
paid by his Imperial Majesty. He also asks that a Japanese official
be placed in charge of the building of the vessel, and adds that he
would gratefully receive this favor in the name of his king, for
whom the ship was intended, and that he would return in it to Japan
in the following year, with a view to promoting the friendship and
commercial treaty already existing.
In the third remarkable petition Viscaino makes the false assertion
that he had come to Japan for the sole purpose of bringing thither
the Japanese vassals of his Imperial Majesty, and of returning the
money lent to Rodrigo de Vivero. He claims that he had no other
interests or merchandise, but admits that he has some stuffs and
cloths, which he was obliged to sell in Japan in order to provide
food for his men and to build the ship mentioned in the previous
petition. He complains that when he attempted to sell the stuffs in
the Port of Uraga, he was prevented from doing so by some Japanese
courtiers, who stated that his Majesty needed said stuffs for his
personal use. If this is the case, he says, “the whole ship’s cargo
and its men are at the emperor’s disposal. If not, then will his
Majesty please send an order, so that now, and whenever he may
return to this land from New Spain or Luzon, General Viscaino can
sell such stuffs free from duty or taxation.” It would be well, he
adds, to settle once and for all time what was to be done, so that
one could know whether to return another time to Japan and whether
peace and amity are to continue. Viscaino closes his note by stating
“that in New Spain the Japanese merchants were allowed to sell their
merchandise without paying duties or taxes of any kind.”
The imperial message brought to Viscaino, after four days, stated
that the orders had been given, and that he would be permitted to
build a ship wherever he chose to do so--that the material and
workmen would be furnished him at very moderate prices, and that the
concessions to survey the ports and to sell stuffs free of taxation
would be granted him. Not satisfied with this, Viscaino sent his
expression of thanks, somewhat contradictorily adding, “that he
wished to inform the emperor that the principal business for which he
had come to Japan was to find out whether his Majesty intended to be
friends with the Dutch and allow them to enter his realm. If so, the
Spanish king would not like his vassals to come to Japan to trade,
and the peace begun could not be continued, for many reasons which he
would explain, if permitted to do so, to his Majesty and the council.”
On the next day at the house of the emperor’s secretary, the latter
and the president of the council listened attentively to Viscaino’s
representations. He asked them, in the first place, for a written
acknowledgment that he had faithfully brought back the Japanese
who had gone to New Spain, and that they themselves had testified
that they had been well treated during their voyage. He added that
if any one had any complaint to make, he would certainly give him
satisfaction. He also wished a written acknowledgment of his having
paid all that was lent to Don Rodrigo de Vivero, and the proceeds of
the sale at Acapulco of the Japanese ship in which Vivero had made
the voyage to New Spain. He here volunteered to pay any debt that
might be found remaining due, and then asked for a return of the
bonds or bills which Vivero had left as guarantees for the payment of
the debt. The Japanese officials told him that they considered his
requests just ones, and that both of them would immediately report
to the emperor on the subject. After having thus emphasized the
faithfulness and honesty with which he had performed his mission,
Viscaino made an attack upon the Dutch, which was to cost him and
his countrymen dear. He accused certain Dutch traders who had made
a mercantile contract with the emperor a year previous, of being
pirates, who, after committing many robberies, had been pursued
and chastised by the governor of the Philippines. He affirmed that
they certainly would not be able to fulfill their contract with
the emperor, and asked “what friendship could the latter have with
people who were not only thieves, but were disobedient and in revolt
against their lord, the King of Spain!” He requested his auditors
to reflect upon what he had already written on this subject to the
emperor, and also requested an answer as to whether the Japanese
intended to tolerate Dutch trade or not. He expressed a wish not to
have to leave Japan without knowing the result of his embassy, so as
to report it to the King of Spain. Viscaino’s listeners expressed
great surprise at his accusations against the Dutch traders and
withdrew. On the following day they sent a message, saying that they
had reported all he had told them to the emperor; that as they knew
he intended to spend some time in Japan, an answer would be sent
him before his departure for New Spain; that he was to go in God’s
name to the Port of Uraga. On his return to that port, he found
that the emperor had cut off the free supply of food and lodgings
which had heretofore been given to Viscaino. Viscaino interprets
this act as a token of the displeasure the emperor was said to have
felt at the Spanish embassy having visited the court of his son, the
shogun, before his. He also accuses the emperor of an avarice which
was increasing with advancing years, and makes other derogatory
remarks concerning the aged monarch. A few days later the Spaniards
entered the domain of the shogun, who sought to make amends for his
father’s abrupt action, and attributed it to the influence of his
counsellors. Notwithstanding Viscaino’s report against the emperor,
he boasts further on of his embassy not having cost his king one
hundred pesos, or dollars--a fact, however, which he attributes to
the shogun’s generosity and to his own practical wisdom and industry,
which enabled him, as he said, “to make a quarter of a dollar of his
Majesty’s treasury appear like a million.”
A series of disappointments awaited the Spaniards at Uraga. Their
sale of stuffs did not yield as much as they expected, for being
unknown to them, the Japanese did not appreciate the real value of
the finest woolen cloths and friezes, and would not buy them. Then,
when the cost of building a vessel was estimated, it was found to
exceed by far the means at their command; so it was determined to
repair and strengthen the vessel they had come in, and to make the
survey of the ports in it alone. It was found necessary before
starting to apply to the shogun not only for credentials to the lords
and princes who resided in the north of Japan and were not on good
terms with the emperor, but also for the escort of a high official,
who, in the name of the shogun, was to oblige people to furnish the
necessary provisions and all assistance needed in making the survey.
The shogun, who was under the influence of Friar Luis Sotelo, and
showed a decided leaning towards Christianity, sent kindly messages
to Viscaino, and expressed the wish to see and speak with him at
length on his return concerning the friendly relations between his
country and the Spanish nation. He also sent word, through the
commander of the junks, that he had heard that Viscaino had given up
building the vessel for lack of means, and he deplored his father’s
parsimoniousness. He expressed the desire that the emperor’s license
to build the vessel be transferred to him, as he would like to carry
out the plan himself. Viscaino states that he gave him the imperial
permit on account of being under obligations to him, and as it was
important not to offend him on account of his friendliness towards
Christians. Viscaino caused, however, a document to be drawn, in
which he ventured to impose the following conditions upon the
shogun:--
“The ship was not to carry more than one hundred tons. It was
to be placed under his entire command; only two Japanese were
to go as stewards of the ship and of its cargo. Not a cent was
to be spent on the vessel by the Spaniards, but, on arrival
at Vera Cruz, if the viceroy desired to buy the ship, it was
to be given him at a moderate price. If not wanted, it was to
sail for Manila, or wherever the viceroy might command.”
It is needless to state that these conditions, which Viscaino
attempted to impose upon the Japanese ruler who was to defray the
entire expense of the building, were never fulfilled. What happened
will be told later on. While at Uraga, Viscaino had a memorable
interview with William Adams, the staunch partisan of his former
employers, the Dutch, for whom, in 1611, he had obtained permission
to establish a ship-building factory at Firando. Two Dutchmen had
arrived at Uraga while Viscaino was there, carrying many presents for
the emperor, who through William Adams’ influence received them very
well, and gave them all the permits and grants they asked for. In
their name Adams went to see the Spanish general, and demanded from
him an explanation as to “why he had told the emperor that the Dutch
were a bad people, who were disobedient and in revolt against their
king, and who went about robbing and creating trouble.” Viscaino’s
characteristic answer, which is verbally given, was, “that it was
perfectly true that he had said all that to the emperor, and much
more besides, and that he had fallen short of the truth in describing
what the Dutch were. He ended by stating that he was ready to give
them any satisfaction they desired.” He adds, “that it was agreed
that the Dutchmen were to meet him, but that they did not dare to
do so and adopted the alternative of leaving Uraga at night without
seeing him.”
Viscaino little imagined when he wrote thus disparagingly of the
Hollanders, that these same men were about to secure a monopoly of
Japanese trade which was to last for as many centuries as the dynasty
of the Tokugawas.
The above encounter, in which William Adams called Viscaino to
account, is of special interest, for it was to him that Friar Cavo
attributes the total failure of Viscaino’s embassy, and the fresh
persecution of the Catholics which began at about this time.
According to Cavo, the emperor, surprised at the Spanish ambassador’s
over-bearing threats and demands, asked William Adams, his friend
and adviser, whether such was the style of European nations. The
answer was an emphatic denial, followed by a warning to the emperor
“to be on his guard against the Spaniards, because it was their
desire to dominate the whole world. For this purpose, they sent out
as precursors the Jesuits, who, under the pretext of teaching the
Christian religion, incited the people to rise in rebellion against
their sovereigns. By this method they had made themselves masters of
immense possessions in Asia and America. It was because they knew
all this that the Dutch had cast off the yoke of their rule, and
that the English and Germans were in warfare against them.” It was
evidently immediately after his interview with Viscaino, in which
Adams had ascertained the Spaniards’ antagonism towards the Dutch and
more besides, that he returned to the emperor’s court, and informed
his Majesty that they knew for a certainty that the principal aim
of the Spanish ambassador’s visit was to discover certain islands
of gold and silver. Adams and the merchants then took the liberty
of asking the emperor how he could possibly have given the Spanish
general permission to make a survey of the entire coast and of all
the ports of his realm. The Spaniards, they said, were bellicose and
skilled in the use of arms, and might come with a great armada to
conquer Japan. In England and Holland no such permission would have
been given to the Spaniards.
The old emperor evidently resented the criticism of his action--even
from his friends, for he loftily answered, “that if the English
and Dutch would not grant such a permission, they must indeed be
cowardly, since they admitted fear of another nation.” He said that
“he had certainly not understood that the Spaniards had any such evil
intentions, but that even if they had, he would have given them as
ample a permission as he had done. He would have no fear even if the
whole of Spain came against him, for he had enough men to defend him,
so that this matter did not cause him the slightest anxiety. As to
the islands that were to be discovered in his realm, he would like to
know where they were--what report had been made about them and what
their riches were reputed to be. If they belonged to his crown, he
would know how to defend them, and if not, he wished the Spaniards
good luck in discovering them, and he hoped that they would find
them situated at a convenient distance, so that he could enter into
mercantile relations with them, this being what he cared for most.”
The Dutchmen then told him that the rumor of the existence of these
islands was attributable to some Portuguese, who, being lost at sea,
had come across them. They had spent several days on them, saw that
they were inhabited, and that the land was fertile and produced gold
and silver, but they could not tell in what latitude, nor at how
many leagues from Japan the islands were situated.
The emperor somewhat sarcastically rejoined that “it would certainly
require great good fortune for any one to discover anything so vague.”
Although the Dutchmen were dissatisfied at the way in which the
emperor had received their communications, they evidently bore fruit.
Soon after, a Portuguese frigate arrived, with Don Nuño de Sotomayor,
the Admiral of the Fleet of the Indies, as ambassador to Iyeyasu and
the shogun. With the presents he offered, he made a request that the
Portuguese be allowed to return to trade in Japan, stating that they
would like to do so under certain conditions, the principal one being
the removal of the governor of Nagasaki, against whom they had made
some complaint. The emperor received them coolly and simply said that
“if they desired to come to his country, they might do so, but that
it was not for them to ask him to reform things therein, and that he
did not wish to grant their request.” The Portuguese left without
obtaining more than this rebuff, and “with evil disposition towards
the Japanese.”
Doubtless the enemies of the Spaniards likewise brought to Iyeyasu’s
notice a disagreeable little episode which occurred at about that
time, and cited it as an example of Spanish commercial dishonesty.
It seems that no less a personage than a son of the commander of
the junks had entrusted a member of Don Rodrigo Vivero’s suite with
a quantity of valuable merchandise, which was taken to Mexico and
sold there. From the proceeds the Spaniards were to buy certain
woolen stuffs and fine cloths for the Japanese nobleman’s household.
The latter learned, on Viscaino’s arrival, that the Japanese goods
had been sold in Mexico, and also that Vivero’s follower had
sent him nothing in return. It seems that it was with difficulty
that the ambassador pacified the incensed creditor, and tried to
exonerate Vivero from all blame, stating that he doubtless knew
nothing about his follower’s affairs. In order to hush the matter
up, however, Viscaino and the Franciscan friars jointly compensated
the Japanese lord with woolen stuffs of the value of seven hundred
dollars. Commenting on this, Viscaino expresses himself as follows,
unconsciously rendering a tribute to Japanese commercial honesty, at
that period:--
“This transaction was wrong and deserving of
punishment--especially with people like these, who are so
punctual and exact, and are unacquainted with such dealings.”
Unfortunately, about this period, a high official in the house
of the aged emperor was found guilty of an unprecedented act of
deceitfulness and treachery, and, on being tortured, confessed that
not only he but his wife and other fellow servants had been converted
to Christianity by the Spanish friars. All were arrested and
threatened with punishment and the confiscation of their property if
they did not abjure their new faith. Many remained firm and incurred
disgrace and loss of property, among them the lady Julia, who was
expelled from the palace with shorn head and exiled to an island.
Shortly afterwards, under pretext of having to extend the boundaries
of the town, the Franciscan monastery at Yedo was destroyed, and
throughout the country the Christian churches and monasteries were
razed to the ground. An ill-timed speech delivered by Viscaino
during his visit to a Japanese lord was also doubtless reported to
the emperor, and must have prejudiced him still more against the
Spanish influence. Viscaino had assured his Japanese host “that the
latter could not give greater satisfaction to the King of Spain
than by allowing the friars to enter his domain and preach to his
vassals--thus establishing permanent peace. For the King of Spain,”
he said, “did not care about trade with Japan, nor any temporal
interests, for God had given him many kingdoms and dominions. The
only inducement that his Christian Majesty had (to enter into
relations with Japan) was a pious desire that all nations should be
taught the holy Catholic faith, and thus be saved.”
While the emperor, under the influence of his English and Dutch
protestant advisers, daily took more active measures to expel the
Roman catholicism introduced by the Spaniards and Portuguese,
Viscaino was sailing northward, surveying ports and thickly populated
islands, and bestowing upon them the names of his patron saints! He
little thought, as he took his soundings, and in the absence of a
Spanish cosmographer, superintended the drawing of his charts by a
Japanese artist, that he had become the unconscious educator of the
Japanese, and that they, and never the Spaniards, were to make sole
use of the results of his trained skill.
His charts, of which he duly sent the promised copies to the
emperor and shogun, were examined with great interest by more than
one Japanese nobleman. One lord, the coast of whose domain he had
surveyed, sent him presents and a message, saying “that he much
esteemed the trouble Viscaino was taking in discovering towns of his
dominion, that he was delighted to hear that there were good ports in
his land, and that he would much like to see the map of demarcation
and the paintings which had been made.”
Everywhere Viscaino and his companions were well received and
generously entertained. Friar Luis Sotelo accompanied him for part
of the time, and was with him when he visited Masumane, the powerful
Lord of Oxo, who had displayed such interest in Spanish musketry at
Yedo. This prince welcomed the Spanish general, and particularly
Friar Sotelo, with utmost affection, respect and reverence, and
insisted upon serving food and drink to them with his own hands. As a
pledge of a friendship which he faithfully kept, he changed his sword
for Viscaino’s dagger, and, on receiving this, kissed its crossed
handle, and placed it on his head. He displayed his socialistic
tendencies and esteem for Christians by bestowing a title on one of
his own servants, who was a convert, and by inviting him to dine with
him and his Spanish Christian friends. Thereupon, naturally enough,
many other members of Prince Masumane’s household crowded around the
friar, kissed the hem of his robe, and announced their intention
to frequent the Franciscan monastery and study the Christian
religion. Masumane from the first exhibited the greatest interest and
inclination towards the Catholic faith, proved himself a true friend
and protector of the Christians, and ultimately became a convert with
all of his family, and a large number of his vassals.
At the beginning of December, General Viscaino had reached 40 degrees
north latitude. On interrogating the natives he found that they knew
the use of the compass, and was told that there was a distance of
about sixty leagues from the extremity of Japan to Corea, and that
before reaching Tartary, in the channel lay a great island called
Yeso, which was inhabited by people like savages who were so covered
by hair that only their eyes were visible, and who habitually visited
Japan in the months of July and August for trading purposes. Intense
cold set in, and as Viscaino concluded that ports situated on the
northwestern and southeastern shores of Japan would be of little use
to vessels trading from the Philippines, he decided to return to
Uraga, where he arrived on the 4th of January and met the members of
his crew who had remained behind. He lingered at Uraga until the end
of May selling his woolen stuffs at Yedo, “with difficulty and poor
profits,” and then started on a survey of the coast lying between
Uraga and Nagasaki.
He first went to Ito, however, where, as agreed upon, the ship was
being built by Japanese workmen under the patronage of the shogun.
He found that beyond the preparing of the timber nothing had been
done to advance its construction, and was struck by the lukewarmness
and slowness with which the work was progressing. The general gave
instructions to the shipbuilders by word and by letter, and then
proceeded on his journey. On returning to Miaco on July 2, he had
four copies made of his survey charts, or as he calls them his
“Discovery of Japanese Ports,” these being intended for Iyeyasu, the
shogun, the King of Spain and himself. From Corunga, a week later,
he sent a message to the emperor, asking permission to start on his
homeward voyage. It is evident that the emperor understood that
Viscaino intended to sail directly to New Spain, for he sent word
that Viscaino was to go on to Uraga, whither his answer would reach
him, and there the emperor sent him a gift and a letter for the
Viceroy of Mexico. The fact of his not sending any letter or gift to
the King of Spain by Viscaino proved that he, probably enlightened by
William Adams, had not taken very seriously Viscaino’s pretence to be
the ambassador of the king as well as of the viceroy. Viscaino, who
had been informed that the emperor was so incensed at the Christians,
on account of the treachery in his household, that no Christian dared
approach him, complains that the emperor’s answer to the viceroy was
very different from what had been promised, since in it his Majesty
wrote “that he did not like” the Christian religion.
The complete text of this remarkable letter has just been published
by Señor Lera, who wrongly states, however, on page 23, that Spanish
translations of both letters are contained on page 185, Vol. VIII,
of the “Documentos Ineditos,” and on page 22, that the first galleon
which sailed from Uraga for Acapulco carried six letters to the
viceroy.
In Iyeyasu’s letter, dated July 18, 1612, which closes the
official correspondence between him and the viceroy of New Spain,
he courteously thanks the viceroy for his presents and letter,
and “expresses the hope that Heaven will permit that their mutual
relations will be as close as those which result from familiar
intercourse between neighboring countries.” He remarks “that the
interchange of merchandise could but be of mutual advantage”; and
then expounds the elements of the Japanese religion, explaining that
“in Japan, in making solemn compacts or agreements, it was customary
to appeal to the gods to act as witnesses of their sincerity. These
gods infallibly reward those who are faithful to their promises, and
punish those who violate them.” Iyeyasu next asks, “whether the path
of all virtue is not to be found in the practice of the five virtues:
Humanity, Justice, Courtesy, Prudence, and Fidelity?”
He then makes a statement which reveals too well what unfortunate
experiences he had had in his dealings with the very people whose
intercourse he had cordially desired for many years, and what
erroneous ideas concerning the Christian religion had reached him in
his seclusion within his palace walls, for he says:--
“The doctrine followed in your country differs entirely from
ours, therefore, I am persuaded it would not suit us.”
“In the Buddhist writings it says that it is difficult to convert
those who are not disposed towards being converted. It is best,
therefore, to put an end to the preaching of your doctrine on our
soil.
“On the other hand, you can multiply the voyages of merchant ships,
and thus promote mutual interests and relations. Your ships can
enter Japanese ports without exception. I have given strict orders
to this effect.” The presents sent with this letter are said to have
been “five pairs of gilt screens and a map of Japan.”
The shogun’s letter was brief and reserved, but entirely friendly.
He gives thanks for the viceroy’s letter and presents, states “that
intercourse and inclination, mocking at distance, have brought them
together as neighbors,” and adds “that he would await with impatience
the merchant vessel, which, once a year, was to bring him news of the
viceroy and his nation.”
In conclusion he mentions three breast-plates and other pieces of
Japanese armor, which he begs the viceroy “to accept as a proof of
his devotion.”
At the time this letter was written, the shogun, who did not share
his father’s views, and was under the influence of Friar Luis Sotelo,
was preparing to send an embassy to New Spain on his own account,
with a view of counteracting his father’s severity and establishing
direct relations between New Spain and his own domain.
The first step towards the execution of his plan had been his request
to Viscaino to transfer to him the emperor’s license to build a
vessel, and it would seem as though the whole affair had been kept a
profound secret from his father and from General Viscaino. As soon as
the latter had departed, presumably for New Spain, the rigging and
fitting up of the vessel, which seems to have been purposely delayed,
were rapidly completed. Five weeks after Viscaino’s departure, Friar
Sotelo sailed from Uraga for New Spain with credentials appointing,
him the shogun’s ambassador, and with a numerous suite of Japanese.
They had barely reached the open sea, however, when they were
overtaken by a storm which drove their ship upon the rocky coast and
completely wrecked it. The fact that when building it the dimensions
planned by Viscaino had been altered and the probability that the
Japanese were as yet unskilled in the navigation of similar vessels
may in part account for the loss of the vessel. The shogun, who, for
unknown reasons, cast the entire responsibility and blame for the
disaster upon Friar Sotelo, had him cast into prison and sentenced
to death. He released and pardoned him, however, at the instance of
Masumane, who took Friar Sotelo to his court and made him his chief
counsellor.
While all this was occurring at Uraga, General Viscaino was cruising
about in search of the two islands, for it had never been his
intention to sail for New Spain until he had accomplished what he
and his father, the viceroy, had decided to be the principal aim of
his voyage, namely, the discovery of the islands described by the
Portuguese mariners. To his chagrin, he had had to give up setting
out with the second ship, as he had planned from the beginning, for
it had been built of a greater capacity, and although he had seen it
actually afloat at Uraga, it could not be finished before he left.
On the 16th of September, Viscaino, with a reduced crew, and short
of many necessary provisions, sailed from Uraga. On the 25th,
after covering more than two hundred leagues, he found himself in
the latitude in which, according to certain charts, the islands
were supposed to lie. Finding no sign of these, the general held a
consultation with the pilots on board as to what would be the best
method to pursue in searching for them. All agreed to sail southward
to 32 degrees of latitude, and did so, coming across many signs of
a proximity to land, such as floating pieces of pumice stone, ducks
and turtles. But they did not find the islands. The general, who it
is recorded would not allow himself to think of returning to Acapulco
until he had ascertained whether the islands existed or not, gave
orders to retrace the ship’s course. They continued their search with
extraordinary diligence until October 12th, when some of the sailors
became disheartened. The pilot then declared that, to his belief,
the islands did not exist, and that he had exceeded his obligations
and the viceroy’s orders. Some of the crew mutinied, and, as he had
no armed men to back him, the general, to avoid being killed, was
obliged to pacify them with good words. On the 14th a violent storm
overtook them, followed on the 18th by a hurricane which obliged them
to cut down the mainmast. For eleven days they were in great peril,
and suffered from lack of water and food, all cooking utensils having
been washed overboard. Giving themselves up as lost, and realizing
the importance of continuing their voyage to New Spain, they held a
consultation and decided that there was nothing to do but return to
Japan, obtain a loan from the emperor, which their king would approve
of, and make preparations to go back to New Spain in the following
year. With a vessel which owed its escape from foundering to the
lining which had been given it in Uraga, they reached this port,
where further trials and deceptions awaited them.
The first news learned by Viscaino, on reaching the harbor of Uraga,
was the history of the shogun’s attempt to send an embassy and the
loss of his vessel. The following is his characteristic comment on
this disaster:--
“We found on reaching Uraga that the ship ‘San Sebastian’ had
sailed and had run aground about a league from port, because
the Japanese had insisted on carrying out their will, and had
loaded it without permission from the Spaniards. The Japanese
recognized their mistake.”
On landing, Viscaino at once sent messages to Iyeyasu and the shogun,
announcing his return and explaining his misfortunes and the absolute
necessity there was for him to obtain means to fit himself out for
his return journey to Mexico in the following year.
The answer he received was that both sovereigns were grieved at his
hardships, and that he was not to be troubled, as they would furnish
him with what was necessary; that the emperor was about to visit his
son at Yedo, and that, while there, both would discuss what was to
be done. As soon as the general heard that the emperor had reached
Yedo, he went thither to see him and solicit the loan he had asked
for. He spent five whole months making extraordinary efforts, by
means of presents and petitions, to attain his end. He underwent many
hardships and suffered from exposure to cold--even waiting for hours
by the roadside and in the places where he expected the emperor to
pass when out hunting, but he never succeeded in speaking to him, nor
did his petitions ever reach their destination, being intercepted by
the secretaries and counsellors.
All this did not correspond with what had been promised him, and it
was but natural he should abuse the Japanese, and accuse them of bad
faith, etc. Later on he learned the cause of the treatment he had
received and exonerated the emperor’s counsellors from blame. It
seems that a friar, whose name and whose order Viscaino withholds,
had sent a communication to the emperor, stating that he had heard
that the general was soliciting a loan of six thousand dollars, to
be repaid in New Spain. He warned the emperor and his counsellors
to be careful, because Viscaino carried no authorization from the
viceroy or from the King of Spain to make a loan there, that he
had no means of repaying it, and that none of the friars would be
responsible for the debt. Naturally the emperor withheld the loan,
but kept Viscaino waiting in uncertainty for five months. Meanwhile
the latter received an offer from certain Spaniards to loan him the
sum he needed, the capital and interest to be payable in New Spain.
This offer was joyfully accepted, and Viscaino drew up a mortgage
of his and the king’s property to give as security. But the friars
warned the Spaniards also, stating that they had their grave doubts
as to whether the loan would ever be repaid, and other things which,
Viscaino says, could not bear repetition. In his dire necessity he
called together his men, who were suffering from hunger, explained
the situation and told them that nothing remained but for him to try
to sell in Yedo at auction all he possessed--not only his negro slave
and the mattresses from his own bed, but also the merchandise he had
bought on commission for several noblemen of Mexico. He appealed
to them to follow his example, and to sell all their personal
belongings, so that they would be able to pay what they owed, repair
their vessel and sail for New Spain. He thought that even if they had
to live on rice and water alone during the whole voyage, it would
be better than “to remain in the heathenish country they were in.”
When on the next day he endeavored to collect the clothing, etc., in
order to take all to Yedo for sale, the majority of his men excused
themselves, some hid their belongings and others sold them secretly
and deserted. Being powerless, as he says, to “exercise the power of
royal justice,” Viscaino confesses that he thought it best “to be
silent and dissimulate.” So he collected all he possessed and went to
Yedo to dispose of it, with the intention of paying his debts, and
then meeting the expenses of his return voyage by taking freight and
Spanish and Japanese passengers on his vessel.
The Spaniards agreed to this and some Japanese were inclined to
do so, when another friar of the same order crossed Viscaino’s
plans--not only hindering the sale of his effects and the realization
of his project, but also preventing Japanese merchants from even
visiting the general’s lodgings.
After making certain accusations against the friar, who seems to have
been no other than Luis Sotelo, Viscaino describes how he became so
discouraged that he actually fell ill. He was rapidly growing worse
when a new vista suddenly opened out before him. Agents sent by Lord
Masumane arrived, and offered to employ him and his men to build a
vessel and to navigate it, when ready, to New Spain. Viscaino, who
had had to relinquish all hope of ever being able to return in his
own ship, which had become unseaworthy, only too gladly drew up a
contract, the terms of which were, as he states, most favorable to
his Majesty, the King of Spain. Masumane’s agents undertook not only
to give the remainder of the Spanish crew, consisting of twenty-six
pilots, carpenters and other workmen, the same salary they had
been receiving from the crown, but also to advance them good wages
and free transportation for themselves and their belongings to the
prince’s domain.
General Viscaino, the royal constable, the surgeon and three or four
other officers were to remain in the pay of the Spanish crown, but
were to have free board and lodgings from the time they embarked
until they reached Acapulco. Over and above these terms of agreement,
which were faithfully kept by the Japanese, Viscaino imposed upon the
agents two conditions which Masumane did not subsequently recognize.
The first of these was that all employees, whether Japanese or
Spaniards, were to be exclusively under the general’s orders. The
second was that, if, previous to sailing, no permission was received
from the viceroy of Mexico for Japanese to go to New Spain, only a
few Japanese were to be allowed to fill menial positions on board,
and only in case they were needed. This clause, similar to that
introduced by Viscaino in his previous contract, absolutely confirms
the statement of the Japanese merchants who returned from New Spain
and reported that they had been asked not to return, and shows that
the vice-regal government of Mexico had received orders from Spain
to follow a policy of exclusion in order to protect Spanish-Asiatic
trade.
It was not until the 26th of October, 1613, that the vessel was ready
for the voyage. Viscaino complains of having had great trouble with
the Japanese, and of suffering much from the constant interference of
“a friar who had persuaded the Japanese to help him to further a plan
he had in mind.” At the last moment, Viscaino relates, “the friar
took entire command of everything, embarked as many Japanese as he
wanted, and constituted himself Governor and Captain General of the
vessel.” The friar was no less a personage than Friar Luis Sotelo,
whose previous expedition as the shogun’s ambassador had ended so
disastrously. This time he and a Japanese nobleman, named Hasekura
Rokuyemon, set out as co-ambassadors for Masumane, the Lord of Oxo,
with a suite of one hundred and eighty Japanese, including sixty
Samurai and several merchants. They were provided with letters not
only to the viceroy of Mexico, but also to the King of Spain and to
Pope Paul V.
Viscaino pathetically records that he protested in vain, and finally,
in order to avert a great disaster, was forced “to dissimulate and to
embark as a mere passenger” upon the ship he and his men had built.
He adds that the humor of the Japanese was such that they actually
would have killed him had he attempted to do otherwise.
It would seem as though Viscaino left the vessel at the first Mexican
port which was touched, for it is from Zacatula, north of Acapulco,
that Viscaino dispatched, on January 22, 1614, his report to his
father, Don Luis de Velasco, then living in Spain, and whom he
probably soon joined. He seems to have ended his days in obscurity,
for the date of his death was unknown to his Mexican biographer,
Beristian.
The somewhat lengthy superscription of Viscaino’s report conclusively
reveals the true aim of his embassy, which he took such pains to
conceal from the Japanese, but of which they were informed by William
Adams and his Dutch friends. It reads as follows:--
“Account of the voyage made for the discovery of the Islands
named ‘The Rich in Gold and Silver,’ situated in Japan, Don
Luis de Velasco being Viceroy of New Spain, and his son,
Sebastian Viscaino, the General of the Expedition.”
Here ends the history of the first and last Spanish vice-regal
ambassador to Japan.
Friar Sotelo’s arrival in Mexico as the ambassador of the Protector
of Christianity in Japan, and with a flock of would-be converts,
was regarded as a triumph of the church and particularly of the
deservedly much loved Franciscan order. At Acapulco, the town
officials determined to honor the members of an embassy to the
viceroy, the king and the pope with extraordinary honors, and greeted
it with salutes of artillery. Its members were escorted with music to
luxuriously appointed lodgings, and the festivities were crowned by
a gala bull-fight. The viceroy sent orders that provisions for the
journey to the capital were to be provided, and a large mounted and
armed escort was to accompany the embassy on its long and somewhat
perilous journey. In all villages, towns and cities along their route
the travelers were received with military music and triumphal arches.
Carpets strewn with pieces of gold were spread on their pathway, and
they were lodged and lavishly entertained at the royal houses. In
the capital, where they were anxiously expected, they were lodged in
a palace near the Convent of San Francisco, where they were at once
visited by the archbishop, the judges and officers of the inquisition
and the high nobility and gentlemen of Mexico.
Having opportunely arrived in Holy Week, the Japanese were able to
witness the solemn processions and impressive religious ceremonies
held in the cathedral and churches of Mexico, the interiors of which
were beautifully decorated with flowers. They were so impressed with
what they saw that seventy-eight members of the Japanese ambassador’s
suite expressed their desire to be baptized. This sacrament was
performed in the Church of San Francisco with great solemnity and
the sanction of the archbishop’s presence, members of the highest
nobility acting as sponsors. Subsequently the Japanese ambassador
expressed his desire to be baptized, but after consultation the
archbishop and the commissary-general of the Franciscan order advised
him to defer this ceremony until his arrival at the Spanish court.
It is recorded that on the day the Japanese ambassador went to “kiss
the hand” of the viceroy, he distributed new liveries to his servants
and went in state to the palace, with a mounted escort.
The viceroy, Don Diego Fernandez de Cordova, Marquis of Guadalcazár,
who received him with great delight and courtesy, expressed his
satisfaction at the embassy’s having been sent from Japan. He
consented to give the Japanese passports allowing them to go to
Spain, but informed them that it would be necessary for them to
obtain from the King of Spain permission to return to Mexico; a
detail which again reveals the existence of an established policy of
exclusion.
On account of the difficulties of transporting so many persons,
it was decided that the majority of the ambassador’s suite was to
remain in Mexico. The baptized converts were sent back to Acapulco,
and the few merchants who had accompanied the embassy remained in
the country, doubtless studying its products and manufactories. The
mercantile relations with Mexico, which are said in the “Japanese
History of Commerce” to have been kept up until 1636, when they
entirely ceased, were probably established by these merchants and
limited to Masumane’s domain.
Friar Sotelo, Masumane’s ambassador, his relatives and the sixty
Samurai departed for Vera Cruz, visiting Puebla, where bull-fights
and tournaments were held in their honor, and where they were lodged
in the Franciscan monastery.
On the 10th of June, after spending four and a half months in Mexico,
the embassy embarked in one of the best Spanish vessels and, escorted
by the fleet commanded by General Antonio de Oquendo, reached Havana
a fortnight later, and finally landed in Spain on the 5th of October,
1614.
The embassy was received with honors in Madrid, where the baptism of
the ambassador was celebrated. He was given the name of the king, who
probably acted as his sponsor, and that of Francis, the founder of
Friar Sotelo’s order.
Friar Cavo states that “this embassy did not succeed in establishing
commercial relations between Spain and Japan on account of the
persecution of Christians going on in the latter country.” It is
obvious, however, that no diplomatic negotiations could possibly
have been entered into by the King of Spain with ambassadors who were
sent by one of the feudal lords and not by the emperor of the country
whence they came.
After a very short stay in Madrid, during which, however, the King
of Spain appointed Friar Sotelo his court preacher, the embassy
went to Rome, where the friars and Hasekura Phillip Francis were
received in audience by the Pope on the 3rd of November, 1615. It is
recorded that after being presented to his Holiness they read him,
probably with a view of obtaining his support, Latin translations
of Masumane’s letters, in which the prince cordially invited
Franciscan friars to his domain, promised to protect all converts
to the Catholic faith, expressed his desire to hold friendship with
his Catholic Majesty, the King of Spain, and to enter into direct
commercial relations with Mexico.
The Franciscan friar, Gregorio Petrocha, then made an address,
and a Monsignor answered for the Pope, expressing his joy at the
embassy, his benevolent acceptance of the homage and reverence paid
to the Apostolic See by the “King,” Masumane, who, he hoped, would
soon follow his pious inclination and be baptized. The embassy was
dismissed with presents and a letter for Masumane.
Beristian states that a painting from life of Friar Sotelo and
Hasekura is preserved in the Quirinal Palace, in the ante-chamber of
the chapel.
Señor Lera’s publication contains the only statement I have been able
to find concerning the date of the return of Masumane’s embassy to
Japan. He says that after an absence of six years it reached Nagasaki
in 1620. This prolonged absence seems to indicate that it would have
been dangerous for them to have returned sooner on account of the
emperor’s persecution of the Christians, and the proscription of
their religion. It is not impossible that some of these converted
Japanese remained permanently in Mexico.
Three years after the return of the embassy Iyeyasu died under tragic
circumstances, and was succeeded by his grandson, Iyemitsu, who, in
1624, issued an edict ordering away all foreigners and interdicting
Christianity.
In the following year Friar Sotelo, with several companions, was
burned alive at Bomura, thus realizing, as is quaintly said, “the
desire with which he had come to Japan, to win a martyr’s crown.”
In 1636 all commercial relations with New Spain ceased, and in 1638
the Portuguese were expelled from Japan, and all ports were closed
to foreign traffic. The Dutch alone were tolerated as traders and
settlers, but the latter were virtually imprisoned on the peninsula
of Dashima, where they had a factory.
Iyemitsu completed the system inaugurated by his predecessor, and
put an end to Japanese trade and intercourse with foreign countries
by issuing an edict forbidding his subjects to leave their country,
under pain of capital punishment. He also ordered the destruction of
all vessels of European pattern belonging to Japan. From that time to
1854, when Commander Perry made a treaty with the shogunate at Uraga,
Japan “maintained a most rigid policy of isolation.”
The foregoing history of the events which followed Iyeyasu’s attempt
to establish commercial relations with New Spain, based on original
documents only and here presented for the first time, explains
some of the reasons why, later on, the same emperor decided that
intercourse with European nations positively endangered the integrity
and future of Japan.
All had been simple at first when the Portuguese, regularly meeting
Japanese merchants at the Island of Hirado, traded by barter and
exported from Japan on an average of over three million dollars
a year in gold. The three Portuguese Jesuit missionaries, St.
Francis Xavier, Torres, and Fernandez, who landed in the Province
of Satsuma in 1549, met with unexpected success in introducing the
Catholic religion. The arrival of certain Spanish Franciscan friars,
sent on a mission to Miaco by the governor of Manila, divided the
Christian foreigners and converts in Japan into two rival parties,
one consisting of the Portuguese Jesuits backed by the merchants of
their own country, the other of the Spanish Franciscans supported by
the Manila merchants, who bitterly resented the Portuguese monopoly
of Japanese trade. The arrival of the Spanish Dominicans caused
still further complications; the dissensions among the members and
followers of the three orders giving direct provocation to the
persecution of Christians by the Japanese government. In order to
establish peace, Pope Gregory XIII in 1585 issued a Bull forbidding
all religious orders but that of the Jesuits to exercise priestly
offices in Japan.
Vivero, the first Spanish official who landed in Japan, made efforts
to poison the emperor’s mind against the Portuguese, with a view of
securing the monopoly of gold exportation for the Spaniards. Vivero
and the viceroy of Mexico also ignored Iyeyasu’s request for the
expert Mexican miners, whom he had wished to employ to teach the
Japanese the best methods of working their own gold mines.
Viscaino, the first Spanish ambassador, maligned the Dutch, with
whom a commercial treaty had just been made, and went so far as to
threaten that if the Japanese intended to tolerate the Dutch, the
Spanish king would not allow his subjects to have dealings with
Japan. On the other hand, the protestant Dutch republicans, and their
influential English friend, William Adams, denounced the religion of
the Portuguese and Spaniards, and described the latter’s thirst for
gold and success in conquering many remote countries which yielded
the precious metal.
The revelation that Viscaino’s secret mission was precisely to
discover an unknown source of gold, presumably belonging to his
dominion, was received by Iyeyasu simultaneously with the reproach
of having unsuspectingly granted permission to survey the Japanese
coast, which would unquestionably facilitate any future invasion of
Japan, whether actually intended or not by the Spaniards. It seems
possible that the existence of Viscaino’s charts may have suggested
to the emperor and his counsellors the idea of closing all Japanese
ports to foreign nations.
The discoveries that certain converts made by Japanese missionaries
had pledged their allegiance to a foreign power; that in the
emperor’s own household Christians had been guilty of treachery and
duplicity, and the memory that missionaries, in open defiance of the
emperor’s orders, not only had preached in the streets of Miaco,
but had even erected a church, explain, moreover, why the ruling
class in Japan took alarm, and concluded that the Christian religion
“struck at the root of the political and religious systems of Japan,”
and that “Christians formed a dangerous and anti-national class,
whose extirpation was essential to the political system initiated by
Iyeyasu and perfected by Iyemitsu.”
While it has seemed to me that the foregoing data concerning the
earliest relations between Japan and Mexico were interesting from a
historical point of view, I have also realized that they could but
be of particular value to ethnologists and those who are especially
interested in evidences of Asiatic influences in Mexico and Central
America. To them I venture to recommend the consideration of the
following facts:--
More or less frequent indirect intercourse between Japan and Mexico
undoubtedly took place as soon as communication was established
between the Philippine Islands and Acapulco.
In 1608 there were fifteen thousand Japanese residing in the
Philippines, some of whom were probably employed in the crews of the
galleons, eight of which came to Acapulco each year. In 1610, with
the ex-governor of the Philippines, Vivero, twenty-three Japanese
noblemen and merchants spent five months in Mexico and its capital.
In 1613, one hundred and eighty Japanese spent four and a half months
in Mexico. The majority remained when the embassy departed for
Europe, seventy-eight returning to Acapulco. The presumption is that
they remained there awaiting the return of the ambassadors, which was
delayed for six years.
Iyemitsu’s prohibition to Japanese to leave their country, under
penalty of death, indicates that a large number of persecuted
Christians had been going into voluntary exile. In all probability
some of these, and also members of the Japanese colony in the
Philippines, came to Mexico and settled there. What is more, for
over two hundred years Mexico was the highroad over which passed the
merchandise brought from Spain’s Asiatic possessions, and landed at
Acapulco by vessels whose crews frequently were partly Asiatic.
It is obvious, therefore, that it is the first duty of ethnologists
to assign to the above influx of Japanese into Mexico in historical
times any indications of Asiatic influence that they may detect, and
for anthropologists to consider the more or less limited mingling of
races which doubtless occurred in the 17th century and afterwards.
I will set an example by attributing to the Japanese who visited
Mexico in the 17th century the introduction of the raincoat made of
grass or palm leaves, which is worn by the Indians inhabiting the
Pacific coast of Mexico, and which is said to be identical with that
used in Japan from time immemorial.
In this connection it suffices to point out the significant fact that
the members of Masumane’s suite returned to Acapulco from the City of
Mexico in June, precisely at the beginning of the rainy season. It
being absolutely necessary for them to have some protection from the
torrential showers they were exposed to during their long journey, it
seems more than probable that they deftly manufactured from native
grasses or palm leaves such rain-coats as they had been accustomed to
make and wear in their native land.
The practical lesson thus taught the observant natives and the models
furnished by the rain-coats discarded at the end of the wet season
would surely sufficiently account for the introduction and use to
the present day of these useful and easily manufactured garments, of
which a specimen, bought in the marketplace at Oaxaca, has been sent
by the writer to the Museum of the Department of Anthropology of the
University of California.
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