KANSAS IN WAR-TIME.
A Visit to Kansas.--Recollections of Border Feuds.--Peculiarities
of Kansas Soldiers.--Foraging as a Fine Art.--Kansas and
Missouri.--Settling Old Scores.--Depopulating the Border
Counties.--Two Examples of Grand Strategy.--Capture of the
"Little-More-Grape" Battery.--A Woman in Sorrow.--Frontier
Justice.--Trial before a "Lynch" Court.--General Blunt's
Order.--Execution of Horse-Thieves.--Auction Sale of Confiscated
Property.--Banished to Dixie.
In May, 1863, I made a hasty visit to Western Missouri and Kansas, to
observe the effect of the war in that quarter. Seven years earlier the
border warfare attracted much attention. The great Rebellion caused
Kansas and its troubles to sink into insignificance. Since the first
election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, Kansas has been rarely
mentioned.
I passed through this young State in the summer of 1860. I was
repeatedly told: "We have old grudges that we wish to settle; if the
troubles ever break out again in any part of the United States, we
hope to cross out our account." When the war opened, the people
of Kansas saw their opportunity for "making square work," as they
expressed it, with Missouri and the other slave States. They placed
two regiments of volunteers in the field with as much celerity as
was displayed in many of the older and more populous States. These
regiments were followed by others until fully half the able-bodied
population of Kansas was in the service. In some localities the
proportion was even greater than this.
The dash and daring of these Kansas soldiers became proverbial. At
Wilson Creek, two regiments from Kansas had their first experience of
battle, and bore themselves most nobly. The conduct of other Kansas
soldiers, on other battle-fields, was equally commendable. Their
bravery and endurance was only equaled by their ability in foraging.
Horses, mules, cattle, and provisions have, in all times, been
considered the legitimate spoils of war. The Kansas soldiers did not
confine themselves to the above, but appropriated every thing portable
and valuable, whether useful or useless. Their example was contagious,
and the entire army soon learned to follow it.
During General Grant's campaign in Mississippi in '62, the Seventh
Kansas Cavalry obtained a reputation for ubiquity and lawlessness.
Every man who engaged in plundering on his own account, no matter to
what regiment he belonged, invariably announced himself a member
of the Seventh Kansas. Every countryman who was robbed declared the
robbery was committed by the Seventh Kansas "Jayhawkers." Uniting all
the stories of robbery, one would conclude that the Seventh Kansas
was about twenty thousand strong, and constantly in motion by fifty
different roads, leading to all points of the compass.
One day a soldier of the Second Illinois Cavalry gave me an account of
his experience in horse-stealing.
"Jim and I went to an old farmer's house, and told him we wanted his
horses. He said he wanted to use them himself, and couldn't spare
them.
"'That don't make no sort of difference,' said I; 'we want your horses
more than you do.'
"'What regiment do you belong to?'
"'Seventh Kansas Jayhawkers. The whole regiment talks of coming round
here. I reckon I'll bring them.'
"When I told him that," said the soldier, "he said I might take the
horses, if I would only go away. He offered me a pint of whisky if I
would promise not to bring the regiment there. Jim and me drank the
whisky, and told him we would use our influence for him."
Before the war was ended, the entire armies of the Southwest were able
to equal the "Jayhawkers" in foraging. The march of Sherman's column
through Mississippi, and afterward through Georgia and South Carolina,
fully proved this. Particularly in the latter State, which originated
the Rebellion, were the accomplishments of the foragers most
conspicuously displayed. Our army left very little for another army to
use.
The desolation which was spread through the Southern States was among
the most effective blows at the Rebellion. The Rebels were taught in
the most practical manner, that insurrection was not to be indulged
in with impunity. Those who suffered most were generally among the
earliest to sue for peace. Sherman's terse answer to the mayor of
Atlanta, when the latter protested against the banishment of the
inhabitants, was appreciated by the Rebels after our final campaigns.
"War is cruelty--you cannot refine it," speaks a volume in a few
words.
When hostilities commenced, the Kansas regiments were clamorous to be
led into Missouri. During the border war of '55 and '56, Missourians
invaded Kansas to control the elections by force of arms, and killed,
often in cold blood, many of the quiet citizens of the Territory. The
tier of counties in Missouri adjoining Kansas were most anxious
to make the latter a slave State, and used every possible means to
accomplish their object.
The Kansas soldiers had their wish. They marched through Missouri.
Those who had taken part in the outrages upon Kansas, five years
earlier, were made to feel the hand of retribution. If they had burned
the buildings of free-State settlers in '56, they found their own
houses destroyed in '62. In the old troubles they contended for their
right to make whatever warfare they chose, but were astounded and
horrified in the latter days, when the tables were turned against them
by those they had wronged.
Along the frontier of Missouri the old system of warfare was revived.
Guerrilla bands were formed, of which Quantrel and similar men
were the leaders. Various incursions were made into Kansas by these
marauders, and the depredations were worse than ever.
They culminated in the burning of Lawrence and the massacre of its
inhabitants.
To break up these guerrilla bands, it became necessary to depopulate
the western tier of counties in Missouri, from the Missouri River down
to the thirty-eighth parallel of latitude. The most wealthy of these
was Jackson County. Before the war it had a slave population of not
far from four thousand, and its fields were highly productive. Two
years after the war broke out it contained less than three hundred
slaves, and its wealth had diminished in almost as great proportion.
This was before any freedom had been officially declared to the
slaves in the Border States. The order of depopulation had the desired
effect. It brought peace to the border, though at a terrible cost.
Missouri suffered greatly, and so did Kansas.
The most prominent officer that Kansas furnished during the Rebellion,
was Brigadier-General Blunt. At the beginning of the war he enlisted
as a private soldier, but did not remain long in the ranks. His
reputation in the field was that of a brave and reckless officer,
who had little regard to military forms. His successes were due to
audacity and daring, rather than to skill in handling troops, or a
knowledge of scientific warfare.
The battle of Cane Hill is said to have commenced by General Blunt and
his orderlies attacking a Rebel picket. The general was surveying the
country with his orderlies and a company of cavalry, not suspecting
the enemy was as near as he proved to be.
At the moment Blunt came upon the picket, the cavalry was looking in
another direction. Firing began, and the picket was driven in and fell
back to a piece of artillery, which had an infantry support. Blunt was
joined by his cavalry, and the gun was taken by a vigorous charge and
turned upon the Rebels. The latter were kept at bay until the main
force was brought up and joined in the conflict. The Rebels believed
we had a much larger number than we really possessed, else our first
assault might have proved a sudden repulse. The same daring was kept
up throughout the battle, and gave us the victory.
At this battle we captured four guns, two of which bore a history of
more than ordinary interest. They were of the old "Bragg's Battery"
that turned the scale at Buena Vista, in obedience to General Taylor's
mandate, "Give them a little more grape, captain." After the Mexican
war they were sent to the United States Arsenal at Baton Rouge, whence
they were stolen when the insurrection commenced. They were used
against us at Wilson Creek and Pea Ridge.
At another battle, whose name I have forgotten, our entire force of
about two thousand men was deployed into a skirmish line that extended
far beyond the enemy's flanks. The Rebels were nearly six thousand
strong, and at first manifested a disposition to stand their ground.
By the audacity of our stratagem they were completely deceived. So
large a skirmish line was an indication of a proportionately strong
force to support it. When they found us closing in upon their flanks,
they concluded we were far superior in numbers, and certain to
overwhelm them. With but slight resistance they fled the field,
leaving much of their transportation and equipments to fall into
our hands. We called in our skirmishers and pressed them in vigorous
pursuit, capturing wagons and stragglers as we moved.
A year after this occurrence the Rebels played the same trick upon our
own forces near Fort Smith, Arkansas, and were successful in driving
us before them. With about five hundred cavalry they formed a skirmish
line that outflanked our force of two thousand. We fell back several
miles to the protection of the fort, where we awaited attack. It is
needless to say that no assault was made.
Van Buren, Arkansas, was captured by eighteen men ten miles in advance
of any support. This little force moved upon the town in a deployed
line and entered at one side, while a Rebel regiment moved out at the
other. Our men thought it judicious not to pursue, but established
head-quarters, and sent a messenger to hurry up the column before
the Rebels should discover the true state of affairs. The head of the
column was five hours in making its appearance.
When the circumstance became known the next day, one of our officers
found a lady crying very bitterly, and asked what calamity had
befallen her.
As soon as she could speak she said, through her sobs:
"I am not crying because you have captured the place. We expected
that." Then came a fresh outburst of grief.
"What _are_ you crying for, then?" asked the officer.
"I am crying because you took it with only eighteen men, when we had a
thousand that ran away from you!"
The officer thought the reason for her sorrow was amply sufficient,
and allowed her to proceed with her weeping.
On the day of my arrival at Atchison there was more than ordinary
excitement. For several months there had been much disregard of
law outside of the most densely populated portions of the State.
Robberies, and murders for the sake of robbery, were of frequent
occurrence. In one week a dozen persons met violent deaths. A citizen
remarked to me that he did not consider the times a great improvement
over '55 and '56.
Ten days before my arrival, a party of ruffians visited the house of a
citizen about twelve miles from Atchison, for the purpose of
robbery. The man was supposed to have several hundred dollars in his
possession--the proceeds of a sale of stock. He had placed his funds
in a bank at Leavenworth; but his visitors refused to believe his
statement to that effect. They maltreated the farmer and his wife,
and ended by hanging the farmer's son to a rafter and leaving him for
dead. In departing, they took away all the horses and mules they could
find.
Five of these men were arrested on the following day, and taken
to Atchison. The judge before whom they were brought ordered them
committed for trial. On the way from the court-house to the jail the
men were taken from the sheriff by a crowd of citizens. Instead of
going to jail, they were carried to a grove near the town and placed
on trial before a "Lynch" court. The trial was conducted with all
solemnity, and with every display of impartiality to the accused. The
jury decided that two of the prisoners, who had been most prominent
in the outrage, should be hanged on that day, while the others
were remanded to jail for a regular trial. One of the condemned was
executed. The other, after having a rope around his neck, was respited
and taken to jail.
On the same day two additional arrests were made, of parties concerned
in the outrage. These men were tried by a "Lynch" court, as their
companions had been tried on the previous day. One of them was hanged,
and the other sent to jail.
For some time the civil power had been inadequate to the punishment of
crime. The laws of the State were so loosely framed that offenders had
excellent opportunities to escape their deserts by taking advantage of
technicalities. The people determined to take the law into their own
hands, and give it a thorough execution. For the good of society,
it was necessary to put a stop to the outrages that had been
so frequently committed. Their only course in such cases was to
administer justice without regard to the ordinary forms.
A delegation of the citizens of Atchison visited Leavenworth after the
arrests had been made, to confer with General Blunt, the commander of
the District, on the best means of securing order. They made a full
representation of the state of affairs, and requested that two of
the prisoners, then in jail, should be delivered to the citizens
for trial. They obtained an order to that effect, addressed to the
sheriff, who was holding the prisoners in charge.
On the morning of the day following the reception of the order, people
began to assemble in Atchison from all parts of the county to witness
the trial. As nearly all the outrages had been committed upon
the farmers who lived at distances from each other, the trial was
conducted by the men from the rural districts. The residents of the
city took little part in the affair. About ten o'clock in the forenoon
a meeting was called to order in front of the court-house, where the
following document was read:--
HEAD-QUARTERS DISTRICT OF KANSAS,
FORT LEAVENWORTH, _May_ 22, 1863.
TO THE SHERIFF OF ATCHISON COUNTY:
SIR:--In view of the alarming increase of crime, the insecurity of
life and property within this military district, the inefficiency of
the civil law to punish offenders, and the small number of troops
under my command making it impossible to give such protection to
loyal and law-abiding citizens as I would otherwise desire; you will
therefore deliver the prisoners, Daniel Mooney and Alexander Brewer,
now in your possession, to the citizens of Atchison County, for trial
and punishment by a citizens' court. This course, which in ordinary
times and under different circumstances could not be tolerated, is
rendered necessary for the protection of the property and lives of
honest citizens against the lawless acts of thieves and assassins,
who, of late, have been perpetrating their crimes with fearful
impunity, and to prevent which nothing but the most severe and
summary punishment will suffice. In conducting these irregular
proceedings, it is to be hoped they will be controlled by men of
respectability, and that cool judgment and discretion will
characterize their actions, to the end that the innocent may be
protected and the guilty punished.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
JAMES G. BLUNT,
_Major-General._
After the reading of the above order, resolutions indorsing and
sustaining the action of General Blunt were passed unanimously. The
following resolutions were passed separately, their reading being
greeted with loud cheers. They are examples of strength rather than of
elegance.
"_Resolved_, That we pledge ourselves not to stop hanging until the
thieves stop thieving.
"_Resolved_, That as this is a citizens' court, we have no use for
lawyers, either for the accused or for the people."
A judge and jury were selected from the assemblage, and embraced some
of the best known and most respected citizens of the county. Their
selection was voted upon, just as if they had been the officers of a
political gathering. As soon as elected, they proceeded to the trial
of the prisoners.
The evidence was direct and conclusive, and the prisoners were
sentenced to death by hanging. The verdict was read to the multitude,
and a vote taken upon its acceptance or rejection. Nineteen-twentieths
of those present voted that the sentence should be carried into
execution.
The prisoners were taken from the court-house to the grove where the
preceding executions had taken place. They were made to stand upon a
high wagon while ropes were placed about their necks and attached to
the limb of a large, spreading elm. When all was ready, the wagon was
suddenly drawn from beneath the prisoners, and their earthly career
was ended.
A half-hour later the crowd had dispersed. The following morning
showed few traces of the excitement of the previous day. The
executions were effectual in restoring quiet to the region which had
been so much disturbed.
The Rebel sympathizers in St. Louis took many occasions to complain
of the tyranny of the National Government. At the outset there was a
delusion that the Government had no rights that should be respected,
while every possible right belonged to the Rebels. General Lyon
removed the arms from the St. Louis arsenal to a place of safety at
Springfield, Illinois. "He had no constitutional right to do that,"
was the outcry of the Secessionists. He commenced the organization of
Union volunteers for the defense of the city. The Constitution made no
provision for this. He captured Camp Jackson, and took his prisoners
to the arsenal. This, they declared, was a most flagrant violation of
constitutional privileges. He moved upon the Rebels in the interior,
and the same defiance of law was alleged. He suppressed the secession
organ in St. Louis, thus trampling upon the liberties of the Rebel
Press.
General Fremont declared the slaves of Rebels were free, and thus
infringed upon the rights of property. Numbers of active, persistent
traitors were arrested and sent to military prisons: a manifest
tyranny on the part of the Government. In one way and another the
unfortunate and long-suffering Rebels were most sadly abused, if their
own stories are to be regarded.
It was forbidden to display Rebel emblems in public: a cruel
restriction of personal right. The wealthy Secessionists of St. Louis
were assessed the sum of ten thousand dollars, for the benefit of the
Union refugees from Arkansas and other points in the Southwest. This
was another outrage. These persons could not understand why they
should be called upon to contribute to the support of Union people who
had been rendered houseless and penniless by Rebels elsewhere. They
made a most earnest protest, but their remonstrances were of no
avail. In default of payment of the sums assessed, their superfluous
furniture was seized and sold at auction. This was a violation of the
laws that exempt household property from seizure.
The auction sale of these goods was largely attended. The bidding was
very spirited. Pianos, ottomans, mirrors, sofas, chairs, and all the
adornments of the homes of affluence, were sold for "cash in United
States Treasury notes." Some of the parties assessed declared they
would pay nothing on the assessment, but they reconsidered their
decisions, and bought their own property at the auction-rooms, without
regard to the prices they paid. In subsequent assessments they found
it better to pay without hesitation whatever sums were demanded of
them. They spoke and labored against the Union until they found such
efforts were of no use. They could never understand why they should
not enjoy the protection of the flag without being called upon to give
it material aid.
In May, 1863, another grievance was added to the list. It became
necessary, for the good of the city, to banish some of the more
prominent Rebel sympathizers.
It was a measure which the Rebels and their friends opposed in the
strongest terms. These persons were anxious to see the Confederacy
established, but could not consent to live in its limits. They
resorted to every device to evade the order, but were not allowed to
remain. Representations of personal and financial inconvenience were
of no avail; go they must.
The first exodus took place on the 13th of May. An immense crowd
thronged the levee as the boat which was to remove the exiles took
its departure. In all there were about thirty persons, half of them
ladies. The men were escorted to the boat on foot, but the ladies were
brought to the landing in carriages, and treated with every possible
courtesy. A strong guard was posted at the landing to preserve order
and allow no insult of any kind to the prisoners.
One of the young women ascended to the hurricane roof of the steamer
and cheered for the "Confederacy." As the boat swung into the stream,
this lady was joined by two others, and the trio united their sweet
voices in singing "Dixie" and the "Bonnie Blue Flag." There was no
cheering or other noisy demonstration at their departure, though there
was a little waving of handkerchiefs, and a few tokens of farewell
were given. This departure was soon followed by others, until St.
Louis was cleared of its most turbulent spirits.