CHAPTER III

ETHICAL THOUGHT BEFORE CHRIST

Apart from the writings of the New Testament, which are the primary

source of Christian Ethics, a comprehensive view of our subject would

include some account of the ethical conceptions of Greece, Rome and

Israel, which were at least contributory to the Christian idea of the

moral life. Whatever view we take of its origin, Christianity did not

come into the world like the goddess Athene, without preparation, but

was the product of many factors. The moral problems of to-day cannot

be rightly appreciated except in the light of certain concepts which

come to us from ancient thought; and Greco-Roman philosophy as well as

Hebrew religion have contributed not a little to the form and trend of

modern ethical inquiry.

All we can attempt is the briefest outline, first, of the successive

epochs of Greek and Roman Ethics; and second, of the leading moral

ideas of the Hebrews as indicating the preparatory stages in the

evolution of thought which finds its completion in the Ethics of

Christianity.

I

Before the golden age of Greek philosophy there was no Ethics in the

strictest sense. Philosophy proper occupied itself primarily with

ontological questions--questions as to the origin and constitution of

the material world. It was only when mythology and religion had lost

their hold upon the cultured, and the traditions of the poets had come

to be doubted, that inquiries as to the meaning of life and conduct

arose.

{36}

The Sophists may be regarded as the pioneers of ethical science. This

body of professional teachers, who appeared about the fifth century in

Greece, drew attention to the vagueness of common opinion and began to

teach the art of conduct. Of these Protagoras is the most famous, and

to him is attributed the saying, 'Man is the measure of all things.'

As applied to conduct, this dictum is commonly interpreted as meaning

that good is entirely subjective, relative to the individual. Viewed

in this light the saying is one-sided and sceptical, subversive of all

objective morality. But the dictum may be regarded as expressing an

important truth, that the good is personal and must ultimately be the

good for man as man, therefore for all men.

1. It was _Socrates_, however, who, as it was said, first called

philosophy from heaven to the sphere of this earth, and diverted men's

minds from the consideration of natural things to the affairs of human

life. He was indeed the first moral philosopher, inasmuch as that,

while the Sophists merely talked at large about justice and virtue, he

asked what these terms really meant. Living in an age when the old

guides of life--law and custom--were losing their hold upon men, he was

compelled to find a substitute for them by reflection upon the meaning

and object of existence. For him the source of evil is want of

thought, and his aim is to awaken men to the realisation of what they

are, and what they must seek if they would make the best of their

lives. He is the prophet of clear self-consciousness. 'Know thyself'

is his motto, and he maintains that all virtue must be founded on such

knowledge. A life without reflection upon the meaning of existence is

unworthy of a man.[1] Hence the famous Socratic dictum, 'Virtue is

knowledge.' Both negatively and positively Socrates held this

principle to be true. For, on the one hand, he who is not conscious of

the good and does not know in what it consists, cannot possibly pursue

it. And, on the other hand, if a man is once alive to his real good,

how can he do otherwise than pursue it? No one therefore does {37}

wrong willingly. Let a man know what is right, and he will do it.

Knowledge of virtue is not, however, distinct from self-interest.

Every one naturally seeks the good simply because he sees that the good

is identical with his ultimate happiness. The wise man is the happy

man. Hence to know oneself is the secret of well-being. Let each be

master of himself, knowing what he seeks, and seeking what he

knows--that, for Socrates, is the first principle of Ethics, the

condition of all moral life. This view is obviously one-sided and

essentially individualistic, excluding all those forms of morality

which are pursued unconsciously, and are due more to the influence of

intuitive perception and social habit than to clear and definite

knowledge. The merit of Socrates, however, lies in his demand for

ethical reflection, and his insistence upon man not only acting

rightly, but acting from the right motive.

2. While Socrates was the first to direct attention to the nature of

virtue, it received from _Plato_ a more systematic treatment. Platonic

philosophy may be described as an extension to the universe of the

principles which Socrates applied to the life of the individual. Plato

attempts to define the end of man by his place in the cosmos; and by

bringing Ethics into connection with Metaphysics he asks What is the

idea of man as a part of universal reality? Two main influences

combined to produce his conception of virtue. First, in opposition to

the Heraclitean doctrine of perpetual change, he contended for

something real and permanent. Second, in antagonism to the Sophistic

theory of the conventional origin of the moral law, he maintained that

man's chief end was the good which was fixed in the eternal nature of

things, and did not consist in the pursuit of transient pleasures.

Hence, in two respects, Plato goes beyond Socrates. He puts opinion,

which is his name for ordinary consciousness, between ignorance and

knowledge, ascribing to it a certain measure of truth, and making it

the starting-point for reflection. And further, he transforms the

Socratic idea of morality, rejecting the notion that its principle is

to be found in a mere calculation of pleasures, {38} and maintaining

that particular goods must be estimated by the good of life as a whole.

Plato's philosophy rests upon his doctrine of ideas, which, as the

types of permanent reality, represent the eternal nature of things; and

the problem of life is to rise from opinion to truth, from appearance

to reality, and attain to the ideal principle of unity. The highest

good Plato identifies with God, and man's end is ultimately to be found

in the knowledge of, and communion with, the eternal.

The human soul he conceived to be a mixture of two elements. In virtue

of its higher spiritual nature it participates in the world of ideas,

the life of God: and in virtue of its lower or animal impulses, in the

corporeal world of decay. These two dissimilar parts are connected by

an intermediate element called by Plato _thymos_ or courage, implying

the emotions or affections of the heart. Hence a threefold

constitution of the soul is conceived--the rational powers, the

emotional desires, and the animal passions. If we ask who is the good

man? Plato answers, it is the man in whom these three elements are

harmonised. On the basis of this psychology Plato classifies and

determines the virtues--adopting the four cardinal virtues of Greek

tradition as the fundamental types of morality. Wisdom is the quality,

or condition of all virtue and the crown of the moral life: courage is

the virtue of the emotional part of man; temperance or moderation, the

virtue of the lower appetites: while justice is the unity and the

principle of the others. Virtue is thus no longer identified with

knowledge simply. Another source of vice besides ignorance is assumed,

viz., the disorder and conflict of the soul; and the well-being of man

lies in the attainment of a well-ordered and harmonious life. As

health is the harmony of the body, so virtue is the harmony of the

soul--a condition of perfection in which every desire is kept in

control and every function performs its part with a view to the good of

the whole. Morality, however, does not belong merely to the

individual, but has its perfect realisation in the state in which the

three elements of the soul have their {39} counterpart in the threefold

rank of society. Man is indeed but a type of a larger cosmos, and it

is not as an individual but as a citizen that he finds his station and

duties, and is capable of realising his true life.

Thus we see how Plato is led to correct the shortcomings of

Socrates--his abrupt distinction between ignorance and knowledge, his

vagueness as to the meaning of the good, and his tendency to emphasise

the subjective side of virtue and withdraw the individual from the

community of which he is essentially a part. But in developing his

theory of ideas Plato has represented the true life of man as

consisting in the knowledge of, and indeed in absorption in, God, a

state to which man can only attain by the suppression of his natural

impulses and withdrawal from earthly life: and though there is not

wanting in Plato's later teaching the higher conception of the

transformation of the animal passions, he is not wholly successful in

overcoming the dualism between impulse and reason which besets some of

the earlier dialogues.

It is a striking proof of the vitality of Plato that his teaching has

affected every form of idealism and has helped to shape the history of

religious thought in all ages. Not only many of the early Fathers,

such as Clement and Origen, but the Neo-Platonists of Alexandria, the

Cambridge Platonists of the seventeenth century, and also the German

theologians, Baur and Schleiermacher, have recognised numerous

coincidences between Christianity and Platonism: as Bishop Westcott has

said, 'Plato points to St. John.'[2] His influence may be detected in

some of the greatest Christian poetry of our own country, especially in

that of Wordsworth and Tennyson. For Plato believes, in common with

the greatest of every age, in 'that inborn passion for perfection,'

that innate though often unconscious yearning after the true, the

beautiful, the good,

'Those obstinate questionings

Of sense and outward things,'

which are the heritage of human nature.

{40}

3. The Ethics of _Aristotle_ does not essentially differ from that of

Plato. He is the first to treat of morals formally as a science,

which, however, in his hands becomes a division of politics. Man, says

Aristotle, is really a social animal. Even more decisively than Plato,

therefore, he treats man as a part of society. While in Plato there is

the foreshadowing of the truth that the goal of moral endeavour lies in

godlikeness, with Aristotle the goal is confined to this life and is

conceived simply as the earthly well-being of the moral subject.

'Death,' he declares, 'is the greatest of all evils, for it is the

end.' Aristotle begins his great work on Ethics with the discussion of

the chief good, which he declares to be happiness or well-being. But

happiness does not consist in sensual pleasure, nor even in the pursuit

of honour, but in an 'activity of the soul in accordance with

reason.'[3] There are required for this life of right thinking and

right doing not only suitable environment but proper instruction.

Virtue is not virtuous until it is a habit, and the only way to be

virtuous is to practise virtue. To be virtuous a man's conduct must be

a law for him, the regular expression of his will. Hence the virtues

are habits of deliberate choice, and not natural endowments. Following

Plato, Aristotle sees that there is in man a number of impulses

struggling for the mastery of the soul, hence he is led to assume that

the natural instincts need guidance and control. Moderation is

therefore the one chief virtue; and moral excellence consists in an

activity which at every point seeks to strike a 'mean' between two

opposite excesses. Virtue in general, then, may be defined as the

observation of the due mean in action. Aristotle also follows Plato in

assigning the ideal good to contemplation, and in exalting the life of

reason and speculation above all others. In thus idealising the

contemplative life he was but reflecting the spirit of his race. This

apotheosis of knowledge infected all Greek thought, and found

exaggerated expression in the religious absorption of Neo-Platonism.

{41}

Without dwelling further upon the ethical philosophy of Aristotle, a

defect which at once strikes a modern in regard to his scheme of

virtues is that benevolence is not recognised, except obscurely as a

form of magnanimity; and that, in general, the gentler virtues, so

prominent in Christianity, have little place in the list. The virtues

are chiefly aristocratic. Favourable conditions are needed for their

cultivation. They are not possible for a slave, and hardly for those

engaged in 'mercenary occupations.'[4] Further, it may be remarked

that habit of itself does not make a man virtuous. Morality cannot

consist in a mere succession of customary acts. 'One good custom would

corrupt the world,' and habit is frequently a hindrance rather than a

help to the moral life. But the main defect of Aristotle's treatment

of virtue is that he tends to regard the passions as irrational, and he

does not see that passions if wholly evil could have no 'mean.' Reason

pervades all the lower appetites of man: and the instincts and desires,

instead of being treated as elements which must be suppressed, ought to

be regarded rather as powers to be transformed and employed as vehicles

of the moral life. At the same time there are not wanting passages in

Aristotle as well as in Plato which, instead of emphasising the

avoidance of excess, regard virtue as consisting in complementary

elements--the addition of one virtuous characteristic to another--'that

balance of contrasted qualities which meets us at every turn in the

distinguished personalities of the Hellenic race, and which is too

often thought of in a merely negative way, as the avoidance of excess

rather than as the highest outcome of an intense and many-sided

vitality.'[5]

4. After Aristotle philosophy rapidly declined, and Ethics degenerated

into popular moralising which manifested itself chiefly in a growing

depreciation of good as the end {42} of life. The conflicting elements

of reason and impulse, which neither Plato nor Aristotle succeeded in

harmonising, gave rise ultimately to two opposite interpretations of

the moral life. The _Stoics_ selected the rational nature as the true

guide to an ethical system, but they gave to it a supremacy so rigid as

to threaten the extinction of the affections. The _Epicureans_, on the

other hand, fastening upon the emotions as the measure of truth,

emphasised the happiness of the individual as the chief good--a

doctrine which led some of the followers of Epicurus to justify even

sensual enjoyment. It is not necessary to dwell upon the details of

Epicureanism, for though its description of the 'wise man,' as that of

a person who prudently steered a middle course between passion and

asceticism, was one which exercised considerable influence upon the

morals of the age, it is the doctrines of Stoicism which more

especially have come into contact with Christianity. Without

discussing the Stoic conception of the world as interpenetrated and

controlled by an inherent spirit, and the consequent view of life as

proceeding from God and being in all its parts equally divine, we may

note that the Stoics, under the influence of Platonism, regarded

self-realisation as the true end of man. This idea they expressed in

the formula, 'Life according to nature.' The wise man is he who seeks

to live in all the circumstances of life in agreement with his rational

nature. The law of nature is to avoid what is hurtful and strive for

what is appropriate. Pleasure, though not the immediate object of man,

arises as an accompaniment of a well-ordered life. Pleasure and pain

are, however, really accidents, to be met by the wise man with

indifference. He alone is free who acknowledges the absolute supremacy

of reason and makes himself independent of earthly desires. This life

of freedom is open to all: since all men are members of one body. The

slave may be as free as the consul, and in every station of life each

may make the world serve him by living in harmony with it.

There is a certain sublimity in the ethics of Stoicism which has always

appealed to noble minds. 'It inspired,' {43} says Mr. Lecky, 'nearly

all the great characters of the early Roman Empire, and nerved every

attempt to maintain the dignity and freedom of the human soul.'[6] But

we cannot close our eyes to its defects. Divine providence, though

frequently dwelt upon, signified little more for the Stoic than destiny

or fate. Harmony with nature was simply a sense of proud

self-sufficiency. Stoicism is the glorification of reason, even to the

extent of suppressing all emotion. Sin is unreason, and salvation lies

in an external control of the passions--in indifference and apathy

begotten of the subordination of desire to reason.

The chief merit of Stoicism is that in an age of moral degeneracy it

insisted upon the necessity of integrity in all the conditions of life.

In its preference for the joys of the inner life and its scorn of the

delights of sense; in its emphasis upon individual responsibility and

duty; above all, in its advocacy of a common humanity and its belief in

the relation of each human soul to God, Roman Stoicism, as revealed in

the writings of a Seneca, an Epictetus, and a Marcus Aurelius, not only

showed how high Paganism at its best could reach, but proved in a

measure a preparation for Christianity, with whose practical truths it

had much in common.

The affinities between Stoicism and Paulinism have been frequently

pointed out, and the similarity in language and thought can scarcely be

accounted for by coincidence. There are, however, elements in Stoicism

which St. Paul would never have dreamt of assimilating. The material

conception of the world, the self-conscious pride, the absence of all

sense of sin, the temper of apathy, and unnatural suppression of

feelings were ideas which could not but rouse the apostle's strongest

antagonism. But, on the other hand, there were characteristics of a

nobler order in Stoic morality which, we may well believe, Paul found

ready to his hand and did not hesitate to incorporate in his teaching.

Of these we may mention, the Immanence of God, the idea of Wisdom, the

conception of freedom as {44} the prerogative of the individual, and

the notion of brotherhood as the goal of humanity.[7]

The Roman Stoics, notwithstanding their theoretic interest in moral

questions, lived in an ideal world, and hardly attempted to bring their

views into connection with the facts of life. Their philosophy was a

refuge from the evil around them rather than an effort to remove it.

They seek to overcome the world by being indifferent to it. In

Neo-Platonism--the last of the Greek schools of philosophy--this

tendency to withdraw from life and its problems becomes still more

marked. Absorption in God is the goal of existence and the essence of

religion. 'Man is left alone with God without any world to mediate

between them, and in the ecstatic vision of the Absolute the light of

reason is extinguished.'[8]

Meagre as our sketch of ancient thought has necessarily been, it is

perhaps enough to show that the debt of religion to Greek and Roman

Ethics is incalculable. It lifted man above vague wonder, and gave him

courage to define his relation to existence. It caused him to ask

questions of experience, and awakened him to the value of life and the

meaning of freedom, duty, and good. Finally, it brought into view

those contrasted aims of life and society which find their solution in

the Christian ideal.[9]

II

Christianity stands in the closest relation with _Hebrew religion_.

Much as the philosophy of Greece and Rome have contributed to

Christendom, there is no such intimate relation between them as that

which connects Christian Ethics with the morality of Israel. Christ

Himself, and still more the Apostle Paul, assumed as a substratum of

{45} their teaching the revelation which had been granted to the Jews.

The moral and religious doctrines comprehended under the designation of

the 'law' served, as the apostle said, as a _paidagogos_ or usher whose

function it was to lead them to the school of Christ.

At the outset we are impressed by the fact that the Ethics of Judaeism

was inseparable from its religion. Moral obligations were conceived as

divine commands, and the moral law as a revelation of the divine will.

At first Jehovah was simply a tribal deity, but gradually this

restricted view gave place to the wider conception of God as the

sovereign of all men. The divine commandment is the criterion and

measure of man's obedience. Evil, while it has its source and head in

a hostile but subsidiary power, consists in violation of Jehovah's will.

There are three main channels of Hebrew revelation, commonly known as

the _Law_, the _Prophecy_, and _Poetry_ of Old Testament.

1. LAW

(1) _The Mosaic Legislation_ centering in the Decalogue[10] is the

first stage of Old Testament Ethic. The ten commandments, whether

derived from Mosaic enactment or representing a later summary of duty,

hold a supreme and formative place in the teaching of the Old

Testament. All, not even excepting the fourth, are purely moral

requirements. They are, however, largely negative; the fifth

commandment only rising to positive duty. They are also merely

external, regulative of outward conduct. The sixth and seventh protect

the rights of persons, while the eighth guards outward property.

Though these laws may be shown to have their roots in the moral

consciousness of mankind, they were at first restricted by Israel in

their scope and practice to its own tribes.

(2) _The Civil laws_ present a second factor in the ethical education

of Israel. The 'Book of the Covenant'[11] reveals a certain

advancement in political legislation. Still the {46} hard and legal

enactments of retaliation--'An eye for an eye and a tooth for a

tooth'--disclose a barbarous conception of right. Alongside of these

primitive laws must be set those of a more humane nature--laws with

regard to release, the permission of gleaning, the privileges of the

year of jubilee.

(3) _The Ceremonial laws_ embody a third element in the moral life of

Israel. These had to do chiefly with commands and prohibitions

relative to personal conduct--'Meats and drinks and diverse washings';

and with sacrifices and forms of ritual worship.[12]

With regard to the moral value of the commandments two opposite errors

are to be avoided. We must not refuse to recognise in the Old

Testament the record of a true, if elementary and imperfect, revelation

of God. But also we must beware of exalting the commandments of the

Old Dispensation to the level of those of the New; and thus

misunderstanding the nature and relation of both.

The Christian faith is in a sense the development of Judaeism, though

it is infinitely more. The commandments of Moses, in so far as they

have their roots in the constitution of man, have not been superseded,

but taken up and spiritualised by the Ethic of the Gospel.

2. PROPHECY

The dominant factor of Old Testament Ethics lay in the influence

exerted by the prophets. They, and not the priests, are the great

moralists of Israel. The prophets were speakers for God, the

interpreters of His will. They were the moral guides of the people,

the champions of integrity in political life, not less than witnesses

for individual purity.[13]

We may sum up the ethical significance of the Hebrew prophets in three

features.

(1) They were preachers of _personal righteousness_. In {47} times of

falsehood and hypocrisy they were witnesses for integrity and truth,

upholding the personal virtues of justice, sincerity, and mercy against

the idolatry and formalism of the priesthood. 'What doth the Lord

require of thee,' said Micah, 'but to do justly, to love mercy, and to

walk humbly with thy God.'[14] In the same strain Isaiah exclaimed,

'Bring no more vain oblations, but wash you and make you clean.'[15]

And so also Habakkuk has affirmed in words which became the keynote of

Paul's theology and the watchword of the Reformation--'The just shall

live by faith.'[16]

(2) They were the advocates of the _rights of man_, of equity and

justice between man and man. They denounce the tyranny of kings, and

the luxury of the nobles. They protest against the oppression of the

poor and befriend the toilers of the cities. They proclaim the worth

of man as man. They reveal Jehovah as the God of the common people,

and seek to mitigate the burdens which lie upon the enslaved and

down-trodden.

(3) They were the apostles of _Hope_. Not only did they seek to lift

their fellow-men above their present calamities, but they proclaimed a

message of peace and triumph which was to be evolved out of trouble. A

great promise gradually loomed on the horizon, and hope began to centre

in an anointed Deliverer. The Hebrew prophets were not probably

conscious of the full significance of their own predictions. Like all

true poets, they uttered greater things than they knew. The prophet

who most clearly outlines this truth is the second Isaiah. As he looks

down the ages he sees that healing is to be brought about through

suffering, the suffering of a Sinless one. Upon this mysterious figure

who is to rise up in the latter days is to be laid the burden of

humanity. No other, not even St. Paul himself, has grasped so clearly

the great secret of atonement or given so touching a picture of the

power of vicarious suffering as this unknown prophet of Israel.

{48}

3. THE POETICAL BOOKS

Passing from the prophets to the poets of Israel--and especially to the

book of Psalms--the devotional manual of the people, reflecting the

moral and religious life of the nation at the various stages of its

development--we find the same exalted character of God as a God of

Righteousness, hating evil and jealous for devotion, the same profound

sense of sin and the same high vocation of man. The Hebrew nation was

essentially a poetic people,[17] and their literature is full of

poetry. But poetry is not systematic. It is not safe, therefore, to

deduce particular tenets of faith or moral principles from passages

which glow with intensity of feeling. But if a nation's character is

revealed in its songs, the deep spirituality and high moral tone of

Israel are clearly reflected in that body of religious poetry which

extends over a period of a thousand years, from David to the Maccabean

age. It is at once national and personal, and is a wonderful record of

the human heart in its various moods and yearnings. Underlying all

true poetry there is a philosophy of life. God, for the Hebrew

psalmist, is the one pervading presence. He is not a mere

impersonation of the powers of nature, but a personal Being, righteous

and merciful, with whom man stands in the closest relations. Holy and

awful, indeed, hating iniquity and exacting punishment upon the wicked,

He is also tender and pitiful--a Father of the oppressed, who bears

their burdens, forgives their iniquities, and crowns them with tender

mercy.[18] All nature speaks to the Hebrew of God. He is no far-off

creator, but immanent in all His works.[19] He presides over mankind,

and provides for the manifold wants of his creatures. It is this

thought which gives unity to the nation, and binds the tribes into a

common brotherhood. God is their personal friend. In war and peace,

in worship and labour, at home and in exile, it is to Jehovah they look

{49} for strength and light and joy. He is their Shepherd and

Redeemer, under whose wings they trust. Corresponding to this sublime

faith, the virtues of obedience and fidelity are dwelt upon, while the

ideal of personal righteousness and purity is constantly held forth.

It is no doubt largely temporal blessings which the psalmists

emphasise, and the rewards of integrity are chiefly those of material

and earthly prosperity. The hope of the future life is nowhere clearly

expressed in the Old Testament, and while in the Psalter here and there

a dim yearning for a future with God breaks forth, hardly any of these

poems illumine the destiny of man beyond the grave. The hope of Israel

was limited mostly to this earth. The land beyond the shadows does not

come within their purview. Like a child, the psalmist is content to

know that his divine Father is near him here and now. When exactly the

larger hope emerged we cannot say. But gradually, with the breaking up

of the national life and under the pressure of suffering, a clearer

vision dawned. With the limitations named, it is a sublime outlook

upon life and a high-toned morality which the Psalter discloses.

Poetry, indeed, idealises, and no doubt the Israelites did not always

live up to their aspirations; but men who could give utterance to a

faith so clear, to a penitence so deep, and to longings so lofty and

spiritual as these Psalms contain are not the least among the heralds

of the kingdom of Christ.

We cannot enlarge upon the ethical ideas of the other writings of the

Old Testament, the books of Wisdom, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Job.

Their teaching, while not particularly lofty, is generally healthy and

practical, consisting of homely commonplaces and shrewd observations

upon life and conduct. The motives appealed to are not always the

highest, and frequently have regard only to earthly prosperity and

worldly policy. It must not, however, be overlooked that moral

practice is usually allied with the fear of God, and the right choice

of wisdom is represented as the dictate of piety not less than the

sanction of prudence. The writers of the Wisdom literature are the

{50} humanists of their age. As distinguished from the idealism of the

prophets, they are realists who look at life in a somewhat utilitarian

way. With the prophets, however, they are at one in regarding the

inferiority of ceremonial to obedience and sincerity. God is the ruler

of the world, and man's task is to live in obedience to Him. What God

requires is correct outward behaviour, self-restraint, and

consideration of others.

In estimating the Ethics of Israel the fact that it was a preparatory

stage in the revelation of God's will must not be overlooked. We are

not surprised, therefore, that, judged by the absolute standard of the

New Testament, the morality of the Old Testament must be pronounced

imperfect. In two respects at least, in intent and extent, it is

deficient.

(1) It is lacking in _Depth_. There is a tendency to dwell upon the

sufficiency of external acts rather than the necessity of inward

disposition. At the same time, in the Psalter and prophecy inward

purity is recognised.[20] Further, the character of Jehovah is

sometimes presented in a repellent aspect; as in the threatenings of

the second commandment; the treatment of the children of Achan and the

Sons of Korah; the seeming injustice of God, implied in the complaint

of Moses, and the protests of Abraham and David. But again there are

not wanting more kindly features of the Divine Being; and the

Fatherhood of God finds frequent expression. Though the penal code is

severe, a gentler spirit shines through many of its provisions, and

protection is afforded to the wage-earner, the dependent, and the poor;

while the care of slaves, foreigners, and even lower animals is not

overlooked.[21] Again, it has been noticed that the motives to which

the Old Testament appeals are often mercenary. Material prosperity

plays an important part as an inducement to well-doing. The good which

the pious patriarch or royal potentate contemplates is something which

is calculated to enrich himself or advance his people. But here we

must not forget that {51} God's revelation is progressive, and His

dealing with man educative. There is naturally a certain accommodation

of the divine law to the various stages of the moral apprehension of

the Jewish people. Gradually the nation is being carried forward by

the promise of material benefits to the deeper and more inward

appreciation of spiritual blessings.

(2) It is lacking in _Scope_. In regard to universality the Hebrew

ideal, it must be acknowledged, is deficient. God is usually

represented as the God of Israel alone, and not as the God of all men,

and the obligations of veracity, honesty, and mercy are confined within

the limits of the nation. It is true that a prominent commandment

given to Israel and endorsed by our Lord runs thus: 'Thou shalt love

thy neighbour as thyself.'[22] But the extent of the obligation seems

to be restricted by the context: 'Thou shalt not avenge nor bear any

grudge against the children of thy people.' It is contended that the

word translated 'neighbour' bears a wider import than the English term,

and is really applicable to any person. The larger idea is expressed

in vv. 33, 34, where the word 'stranger' or 'foreigner' is substituted

for neighbour. And there are passages in which the stranger is

regarded as the special client of God, and is enjoined to look to Him

for protection.

The Jews were not in practice, however, faithful to the humanitarianism

of their law, and, in keeping with other nations, showed a tendency to

restrict divine favours within the limits of their own land, and to

maintain throughout their history an attitude of aloofness and

repellent isolation which even amounted to intolerance towards other

races. In early days, however, the obligation of hospitality was

regarded as sacred.[23] Nor must we forget that, whatever may have

been the Jewish practice, the promise enshrined in their revelation

involves the unity of mankind; while several of the prophecies and

Psalms look forward to a world-wide blessing.[24] In Isaiah we even

read, 'God of the whole earth shall He be called.'[25]

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The stream of preparation for Christianity thus flowed steadily through

three channels, the Greek, the Roman, and the Jew. Each contributed

something to the fullness of the time.

The problem of Greek civilisation was the problem of _freedom_, the

realisation of self-dependence and self-determination. In the pursuit

of these ends Greece garnered conclusions which are the undying

possessions of the world. If to the graces of self-abasement, meekness

and charity it remained a stranger, it gave a new worth to the

individual, and showed that without the virtues of wisdom, courage,

steadfastness and justice man could not attain to moral character.

The Roman's gift was unbending devotion to _duty_. With a genius for

rule he forced men into one polity; and by levelling material barriers

he enabled the nations to commune, and made a highway for the message

of freedom and brotherhood. But, intoxicated with material glory, he

became blind to spiritual good, and in his universal toleration he

emptied all faiths of their content, driving the masses to

superstition, and the few who yearned for a higher life to withdrawal

from the world.

The Jewish contribution was _righteousness_. Not specially

distinguished by intellectual powers, nor gifted in political

enterprise, his endowment was spiritual insight, and by his dispersion

throughout the world he made others the sharers of his inheritance.

But his tendency was to keep his privilege to himself, or so to load it

with legal restrictions as to bar its acceptance for strangers; and in

his pride of isolation he failed to recognise his Deliverer when He

came.

Thus, negatively and positively, by failure and by partial attainment,

the world was prepared for Him who was the desire of all nations. In

Christ were gathered up the wisdom of the Greek, the courage of the

Roman, the righteousness of the Jew; and He who came not to destroy but

to fulfil at once interpreted and satisfied the longings of the ages.

[1] _Apologia_, pp. 38-9.

[2] Cf. Adam, _Vitality of Platonism_, p. 3.

[3] _Nic. Ethics_, bk. i. chap. 5.

[4] _histharnikai ergasiai_, Arist., _Politics_, iii. 'There is

nothing common between a master and his slave,' _Nic. Ethics_, viii.

[5] Butcher, _Harvard Lectures on Greek Subjects_, quoted by Barbour,

_Philos. Study of Christian Ethics_, p. 11. Cf. also Burnet, _Ethics

of Aristotle_, p. 73. 'The "mean" is really the true nature of the

soul when fully developed.'

[6] _Hist. of Europ. Morals_, vol. i. chap. ii.

[7] See Author's _Ethics of St. Paul_ for further discussion of

relation of Paul to Stoics.

[8] Cf. E. Caird, _Evolution of Theology in the Greek Philosophers_,

vol. i. p. 48.

[9] Cf. Caird, idem. Pfleiderer, _Vorbereitung des Christentums in der

Griech. Philos._; Wenley, _Preparation for Christianity_.

[10] Exod. xx.; Deut. v.

[11] Ex. xx.-xxiii.

[12] Amos v. 25; Hos. vi. 6; Isa. i. 11-13.

[13] Cf. Wallace, _Lectures and Essays on Natural Theol. and Ethics_,

p. 183.

[14] Micah vi. 8.

[15] Isa. i. 13-17; Micah vi. 7.

[16] Hab. ii. 4; cf. Rom. i. 17; Gal. iii. 2.

[17] Though Houston Chamberlain, in his recent work, _The Foundations

of the Nineteenth Century_, maintains that they were 'a most prosaic,

materialistic people, without any real sense of poetry.'

[18] Ps. 51.

[19] Ps. 19.

[20] Ps. 51; Isa. 1.

[21] Deut. xxiv. 14, 15; Jer. xxii. 13-17; Matt. iii 5; Deut. xxv. 4.

[22] Lev. xix. 18.

[23] Gen. xviii. xix.

[24] Isa. lxi.; Ps. xxii. 27; xlviii. 2-10; lxxxvii.

[25] Isa. liv. 5.

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SECTION B

PERSONALITY

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Christianity and Ethics: A Handbook of Christian Ethics · 第 3 / 9 章