CHAPTER XXI.

THE SETTLEMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA.

Forty years before the grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn, the

western bank of the Delaware river was settled by Swedes, as we have

already related. Penn received a territory, the soil of which was

already broken by the European planter.

Of William Penn himself, one of the most remarkable men of his age, and

the greatest of the American legislators, we must be allowed to say a

few words. By his mother’s side he was of Dutch origin, and his father

was Admiral Penn, commander of the English fleet at the conquest of

Jamaica, and who afterwards distinguished himself under the Duke of York

in the war with the Dutch.

William Penn, born in 1644, was the only son of his parents. At so early

an age as eleven, as he himself relates, he was suddenly surprised “with

an inward comfort and an external glory in the belief of God, and his

communion with the soul.” His attention was first turned to the Quakers

by the preaching of Thomas Loe; and while at Oxford he and other

students withdrew themselves from the established worship, and held

their own private religious meetings. They were fined for nonconformity,

but to no purpose; and finally were expelled for refusing to wear

surplices, which custom was then revived in the college, as well as for

disrobing others of them, as a relic of popery. His father, displeased

by these religious excesses, and hoping to turn his mind from them, sent

him to travel for two years on the continent, after which he studied law

in Lincoln’s Inn. Thus, in early manhood perfected by travel and study,

he is described as being of “engaging manners, of great natural vivacity

and gay good humour, and so skilled in the use of the sword, that he

could easily disarm his antagonist.” Every worldly advantage was

prepared for him, through the influence of his father and the favour of

his sovereign. But his mind was still deeply impressed with “a sense of

the vanity of the world, and the irreligiousness of its religion.”

In 1666 he went to Ireland to manage his father’s estates, where he

became an openly professing Quaker. “God,” says he, “in his everlasting

kindness having guided my feet, in the flower of my youth, when about

two-and-twenty years of age.” Apprehended at a Quakers’ meeting held at

Cork, he and others were committed to prison, he refusing to find bail

for himself.

Admiral Penn now summoned his son home, being greatly annoyed at this

open profession of quakerism. At home, the demeanour of his son, which

exhibited all the rigid peculiarities of the sect, still further

displeased him. He tried every means; even blows, to obtain conformity;

but in vain. As regarded “hat worship,” the admiral would have been

satisfied if his son would merely have uncovered his head in presence of

the king, the Duke of York and himself; but even that the young man

would not concede. The scoffs, jeers and wonderment of his gay London

acquaintance mattered nothing to him. He bore all meekly, steadfast to

that which appeared to him the requirements of duty; and finally his

father in anger turned him out of doors penniless.

The affection of his mother preserved him from absolute want; and soon

he became quaker preacher and author; and his “Sandy Foundation Shaken”

was published, which led to his imprisonment in the Tower. Here he

remained for seven months, during which he wrote his “No Cross, No

Crown,” the most celebrated of his works. The steadfastness of his

spirit was shown by this imprisonment. In vain the good-natured Charles

II. wished to lure him to submission; he could not or would not gainsay

his conscience. After his liberation, in 1669, he was reconciled to his

father through the intervention of the Duke of York, but his adherence

to his quaker principles remained unshaken.

The following year, the Conventicle Act being passed, Penn was one of

the first sufferers under it. He was committed to Newgate for preaching

at what was called “a riotous and seditious assembly,” which was merely

one of those out-of-doors meetings which the resolute Quakers held when

driven out by force from their meeting-houses. The famous trial of Penn

and Mead at the Old Bailey followed, in which an English jury, as

resolute in the right as the Quakers themselves, asserted and maintained

the prerogative of independent judgment in defiance of the bench, though

they were fined forty marks each, and Penn was returned to prison. The

same year Admiral Penn died, testifying to his son on his death-bed,

that if the Quakers remained true to that which was in them, they would

regenerate the world.

William Penn inherited from his father property to the value of £1,500

per annum, and a claim on government to the amount of £16,000. The

following year he was again a prisoner in Newgate, one of the most

wofully noisome prisons at that time in London, where he lay for six

months.

In 1677, in company with George Fox and Robert Barclay, he paid a

“religious visit” to Holland and Germany, distributing pamphlets

wherever they went, seeds of liberty and truth, which sprang up into

after plentiful harvest. And not alone did they address the people, but

kings and princes, palatine-princes and magistrates, promulgating

everywhere the universal principle of truth, and awakening many souls to

its consciousness. The year after his return, Penn pleaded before a

committee of the House of Commons, that the affirmation of the Quaker

might be legalised instead of an oath; and an enactment for this purpose

would have passed but for the sudden prorogation of parliament.

The sufferings of the people to whom he was attached led William Penn to

seek for them an asylum in the New World, and his efforts on their

behalf were blessed, as we have seen, by their establishment in West

Jersey. This great and benevolent act, this planting of “the truth” on a

new and prolific soil, led to the extension of still more magnificent

plans of philanthropy; and in 1681 William Penn applied to Charles II.

for an extensive tract of land, lying on the other side of the Delaware,

in liquidation of the debt due to his father. Had Penn demanded the

amount of the debt itself from the lavish and impoverished monarch, he

would have asked in vain; but to ask the payment of a debt by a grant of

land was to make the thing easy to the monarch, while to William Penn

the land had fourfold the value of the money. The application was

seconded by the Duke of York, who had ever shown a friendly interest in

the son of his former naval associate. Besides which, it has been said,

that belonging to a persecuted sect himself, he had strong sympathy with

a man who, like Penn, had suffered so unflinchingly for conscience-sake.

“At length, after many waitings, watchings, solicitings and disputes in

council,” writes William Penn, “my country was confirmed to me under the

great seal of England. God will bless and make it the seal of a nation.”

Penn, now in the thirty-seventh year of his age, became the sovereign of

a vast province, which was called by the king, PENNSYLVANIA, though Penn

himself would have dispensed with the first syllable of the name, as

being a species of self-glorification; but the monarch insisted upon its

retention.

In April, 1681, Penn issued his proclamation as absolute proprietary, in

the following words, addressed to his subjects in the New World:—

“My Friends,—I wish you all happiness here and hereafter. These are to

let you know that it hath pleased God in his providence to cast you

within my lot and care. It is a business that, though I never

undertook before, yet God has given me an understanding of my duty and

an honest mind to do it uprightly. I hope you will not be troubled at

your change and the king’s choice, for you are now fixed at the mercy

of no governor that comes to make his fortune great. You shall be

governed by laws of your own making, and live a free, and if you will,

an industrious people. I shall not usurp the right of any, or oppress

his person. God has furnished me with a better resolution, and has

given me his grace to keep it. In short, whatever sober and free men

can reasonably desire for the security and improvement of their own

happiness, I shall heartily comply with. I beseech God to direct you

in the way of righteousness, and therein prosper you and your children

after you.—I am, your true friend, WILLIAM PENN.”

The grant to Penn made him sovereign proprietary not only of

Pennsylvania, but of the settlements of the Swedes, Dutch and English,

on the western bank of the Delaware and the mouth of the Schuylkill. A

royal proclamation, announcing this fact to these settlers, accompanied

by the letter to his new subjects above given, was immediately sent over

by William Penn by the hand of his young relative, William Markham. At

the same time companies were formed in London for commercial purposes,

and for the purchase of land and emigration; lands were sold at the rate

of 40_s._ for every 100 acres, the purchasers being entitled also to

lots in the city, all land being subject to a quit-rent of 1_s._ for

each 100 acres. In the course of the summer, three vessels of emigrants,

with three commissioners on board, set sail for the new land; but good

fortune seemed not to attend them; one was driven to the West Indies,

another frozen up on the Delaware.

Penn, though he inherited a considerable property from his father, was

not by any means a wealthy man. Owing to the liberality of his

expenditure on behalf of his suffering brethren, his circumstances were

straitened, and he had a growing family; yet such was the integrity of

his mind, that he refused £6,000 which were offered him by a London

trading company, for a monopoly of the Indian traffic between the

Delaware and the Susquehannah. Monopoly was contrary to his principles

of justice, and he replied, nobly, that “he would not abuse the love of

God, nor act unworthy of his providence, by defiling what came to him

clean.” No; his government in Pennsylvania was to be “a Holy

Experiment,” for which there was no room in England, and

self-aggrandisement, even though himself profited by it, could have no

place there.

In September, Penn sent out instructions regarding the laying out of the

new city. Wishing to avoid the fault of the cities of the Old World,

which, built during times of disquiet, were crowded within narrow

bounds, so as to be easily defended in case of need, he desired that his

new city should be laid out with ample space, allowing to each house its

garden, so as to form “a green country town.” He also sent a friendly

letter to the Indians, addressing them as brethren, as children of the

same Heavenly Father, “having the same law written in their hearts, and

alike bound to love and help to do one another good.”

The “Grand Model” constitution was not the result of more thought than

was the frame of government which the deeply religions mind of Penn

prepared for his province. According to his views, government, like

religion, was based on love, and had for its purpose the advancement and

happiness of the people, even more than the correction of evil-doers.

Although acknowledging in himself the supreme head of the state, “yet

for the matters of liberty,” said he, “I purpose that which is

extraordinary—to leave myself and successors no power of doing mischief;

that the will of one man may not hinder the good of a whole country.”

And again, “It is the great end of government to support power in

reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of

power; for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without

liberty is slavery.” Shaftesbury counselled with Locke, and the

intellect of the age produced the “Grand Model;” Penn counselled with

Algernon Sidney and his quaker brethren, who, like himself, listened to

the Divine Voice within their own souls, and a frame of government

suitable to the “Holy Experiment” was the result; and fundamental

principles of government were acknowledged, which, though too pure for

that age and for that province even, have since become not only the

avowed basis of legislature in Pennsylvania, but in Great Britain

itself. Truth is immortal, and no “Holy Experiment” is ever tried in

vain.

According to the proposed constitution, the legislative and executive

authority was vested in a council of seventy-two persons, elected by the

freemen for three years, one-third to go out annually; the proprietary

or his deputy to preside and have a triple vote. Laws thus proposed were

to be submitted for approval or rejection to an assembly of freemen. To

this frame of government were subjoined forty “fundamental laws,” agreed

upon by Penn and his intending emigrants, religious toleration being of

course one of these. The words of this provision were:—“All persons

living in this province, who confess and acknowledge the one Almighty

and Eternal God to be the creator, upholder and ruler of the world, and

that hold themselves obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly

in civil society, shall in nowise be molested or prejudiced for their

religious persuasion or practice in matters of faith and worship.”

The proposals which Penn had published soon attracted attention; and a

“Free Society of Traders” was immediately formed, who took up, on his

terms, 20,000 acres of land, and received in consequence their

appurtenant city lots of 100 acres, constituting an entire street of the

new city. A German emigration society was also formed, and from the

neighbourhood of Frankfort and “the highlands above Worms,” where the

simple peasantry had gladly embraced quaker principles at the preaching

of Penn, Fox, and others, great numbers not only now, but for several

years, continued to flock over to the new land of hope and promise; and

Germantown, among other settlements, was founded.

In August, 1682, Penn obtained from the Duke of York a surrender of all

claims on his part to the province of Pennsylvania; and soon afterwards

a grant of the settlements on the western and southern banks of the

Delaware river and bay, which had hitherto been included in the duke’s

charter, and claimed as an appurtenance of New York. These now took the

title of “The Territories,” and furnished to Pennsylvania the important

advantage of an ocean-outlet.

These measures being secured, Penn prepared to embark, together with 100

of his friends, emigrants to the new country. Penn took leave of his

wife, the noble and beautiful daughter of Isaac Pennington, to whom he

was sincerely attached, in an affecting letter, recommending his

children to her love and care, and praying her “to live sparingly till

his debts were paid;” yet, as regarded the education of the children, to

“let it be liberal; to spare in that respect no cost, for by such

parsimony all is lost,” said he, “that is saved.”

The voyage was long and disastrous, owing to the small-pox which broke

out in the ship and destroyed one-third of the passengers. On the 27th

of October, the ship arrived at Newcastle, on the Delaware, where crowds

were gathered to receive their distinguished governor. The following

day, the surrender of the Duke of York being read in the court-house,

Penn received from the duke’s agent earth and water, in token of the

solemn delivery of “the territory” into his hands. After this, he

addressed the people, recommending to them peace and sobriety, and

assuring them on his part of liberty of conscience and civil freedom. He

then proceeded up the broad majestic Delaware to Upland, or Chester,

where again crowds of rejoicing simple people, like dwellers in Arcadia,

thronged to bid him welcome.

[Illustration: RECEPTION OF PENN.]

He found the inhabitants of this province, Swedes, Dutch and English, to

amount already to between 2,000 and 3,000—“plain, strong and industrious

people.” There were six religious societies established, three of

Swedish Lutherans and three of the Quakers. “The land itself,” he wrote,

“was good, the air clear and sweet, the springs plentiful, and

provisions good and easy to come at; an innumerable quantity of

wild-fowl and fish; in fine, what an Abraham, Isaac and Jacob would be

well contented with.”

“Tradition,” says Bancroft, “describes the journey of Penn and his

friends from Chester, in an open boat, in the earliest days of November,

to the beautiful banks, fringed with pine-trees, on which the city of

Philadelphia was soon to rise.” Markham had already began to build, on

Pennsbury Manor, “a stately brick house” as the proprietary residence.

After visits to East and West Jersey and to New York, in compliment to

his friend, the duke, and after a meeting with the Friends of Long

Island, Penn returned to Chester, where the first assembly was convened.

The body of freemen present amounted to seventy-two, and these

petitioning that they, “owing to the fewness of the people and their

unskilfulness in matters of government, might constitute both assembly

and council,” it was enacted that, in future, “the assembly should

consist of thirty-six members only, six from each county, to be chosen

annually, with a council composed of three members for each county, to

hold their seats for three years, one to be chosen each year. The

governor and council to possess, jointly, the right of proposing laws.”

This latter enactment, as regarded the power of the proprietary

governor, which was now made at the special request of the assembly,

gave rise to after dissatisfaction and reproaches against Penn as a

violation of his original engagement.

It was about this time, in the winter season, that Penn made his

celebrated treaty with the Indians, under the great elm-tree of

Shakamaxon, which was then leafless, and not heavy with foliage as

represented by West. Here Penn met the delegated Indians of the

Leni-Lenape, or Delaware confederacy, not for the purchase of land, but

to cement with them the covenant of friendship of which he had written.

He had written to them as to men and brethren, to whom the same moral

obligations referred; he had promised, and his agent Markham had carried

out the same principle, that they should be secure in their pursuits and

possessions, and that all differences should be adjusted by a peaceful

tribunal, composed of an equal number of each race. The representation

of this treaty, by West, is not accurate. Bancroft gives it to us

thus:—“The delegated chiefs of the forest, men of lofty demeanour and

grave aspect, are assembled without their weapons; the old men sit in a

half-moon upon the ground; the middle-aged are in a like figure at a

little distance behind them; the young foresters form a third semicircle

in the rear. Before them stands William Penn, graceful in the summer of

life, in dress distinguishable only from his friends, principally young

men, by whom he was surrounded, by a light blue silk sash, which was

bound round his waist.”

William Penn stood thus in the dignity of noble manhood, upright

intentions and brotherly love; and gazing around, beheld, “far as his

eye would carry,” the plumed and painted chieftains of the forest

gathering round him. It was like the realisation of Christ’s own mission

of peace and good will to man; the bow and the tomahawk of the savage

were laid aside, and the oldest sachem of the peaceful Delawares

announced to the benevolent Onas that “the nations were ready to listen

to his words, believing him to be a messenger sent to them from the

Great Spirit.”

“We meet,” said William Penn, in reply, “on the broad pathway of good

works and good will; no advantage shall be taken on either side, but all

shall be openness and love. I will not call you children, for parents

sometimes chide their children too severely; nor brothers only, for

brothers differ. The friendship between me and you I will not compare to

a chain, for that the rains might rust, or a falling tree break. We are

the same as if one man’s body were divided into two parts; we are all

one flesh and blood.”

The simple sons of the forest, believers in the “Great Spirit,”

comprehended these words in their inmost soul; and receiving in good

faith Penn’s presents, returned the wampum belt of peace. “We will

live,” said they, “in love with Father Onas and his children as long as

moon and sun shall endure;” and so saying, the treaty was formally

signed, the chieftains marking the emblems of their various tribes. The

purchases of Markham were ratified, and others made.

[Illustration: PENN AND THE INDIANS.]

As regards the tree which was in its prime when this group, beautiful in

the sight of heaven, stood under its branches, our readers may have an

interest in knowing that it was situate on the northern side of

Philadelphia, and was standing until March 3rd, 1810, when it was blown

down. A marble monument now marks the place where it stood. “It was a

remarkably wide-spreading rather than lofty tree, its main branch

measuring 150 feet; its age, as computed by its circles of annual

growth, was 283 years. While it stood, the Methodists and Baptists held

their summer meetings under its shade.” It was truly a “gospel tree.”

The treaty of peace made on this occasion was never broken on either

side for seventy years—as long as the Quakers retained the government of

the province. The terrible and bloody Indian war of New England was but

a few years passed; Maryland and Virginia were in a state of continual

hostility with these very Algonquin or Delaware Indians, who were

naturally inclined for peace; so also the Dutch. It remained alone for

William Penn and his friends, who believing God’s word implicitly—that

Christ’s law was one of love, not of violence—came in the guise of

peace; and through all the numerous records of quaker life in America,

even in the midst of Indian warfare and outrage, not one drop of quaker

blood was shed. To be a Quaker, to possess no “weapon of war,” was to be

safe from Indian danger. Many a beautiful and touching narrative is

related, in the early Friends’ books, of solitary dwellers in the great

woods of Virginia and Maryland, when, on the approach of the Indians,

who had left fire and desolation behind them, “the fierce dogs that

usually kept the place” were cowed into silence, and the pious people,

to use their own phraseology, “not having been free in their minds” to

take in the string which lifted the latch—their only means of

security—lay wakeful, listening to the coming footsteps of the foe, who,

on finding the latch-string trustfully outside the door, “spake a few

Indian words, and went on.”

Once only was the calm of peace disturbed. A rumour passed through the

province, in the year 1688, that 500 Indians were assembled on the

Brandywine to massacre the settlers. On this, Caleb Pusey and five other

Friends presented themselves unarmed before them, to inquire the cause

of this report. “The great God,” said the Quaker, addressing the sachem,

“who made all mankind, extends his love to Indians and English. The

rains and the dews fall alike on the ground of both; the sun shines on

us equally, and we ought to love one another.” “What you say is true,”

returned the red chieftain; “go home, and harvest the corn which God has

given you: we mean you no harm.”

In January, or the First Month, as Friends called it, of 1683, the

ground having been purchased from the Swedes, who had already a church

there, the new city was laid out on a neck of land between the

confluence of the Schuylkill and the Delaware, “a situation,” said

William Penn, “unsurpassed by any of the many places he had seen in the

world.” To the infant city, thus pleasantly situated, the name of

Philadelphia, or the City of Brotherly Love, was given. The streets were

designated from the native groves of chesnut, pine or walnut through

which they ran; and so rapid was the growth of the city, that it

contained eighty houses by the end of the year; and in two years time it

contained 2,500 inhabitants; schools were established, and a

printing-press was at work. In three years it was larger than New York

in half a century. Well might Penn observe, that he might without vanity

say that he had led the greatest colony into America that ever man did

on private credit, and that the most prosperous beginnings which ever

were are to be found among them. Well might he say so; for in 1682

alone, the year in which Philadelphia was founded, twenty-two vessels,

bringing over 2,000 persons, arrived. Many, coming late in the autumn,

took up their temporary abode in caves dug in the river banks to receive

them; and provisions falling short, they were fed, as if by Providence,

by unusual flocks of pigeons and extraordinary “draughts of fishes,”

while the friendly Indians themselves brought them game which they had

hunted.

In March, the second legislative assembly of the province was held in

Philadelphia, though many of the inhabitants as yet lived in hollow

trees. Fifty-four representatives, nine from each of the six counties,

“Swedes, Dutch and quaker preachers,” were appointed to draw up a

charter of liberties which altered and amended the previous laws;

William Penn having liberally announced at the opening of the assembly,

that as regarded the frame of government prepared in England, “they

might amend, alter, or add, and that he was ready to settle such

foundations as might be for their happiness.” This principle of

legislating for the happiness of the people was ever acknowledged by

Penn. To his dying day he declared, even though in this Eden of his

planting many poison growths had sprung up which embittered his life,

that if the people needed anything to make them happier, he would grant

it. The constitution now established was democratic, with the exception

of an hereditary proprietary, whose power, however, was controlled by

the people. As regarded a revenue, he was offered a tax on all exports,

as was the case in Maryland, the revenue of Lord Baltimore being derived

from a tax on tobacco; but this he declined, unwilling to “burden his

colony with taxes.” What a contrast is this to the views taken by the

Lords Culpepper, Arlington and Lovelace! Orphan courts were established

for administering the affairs of deceased persons, and for the

prevention of lawsuits three “peacemakers” were appointed in each

county, thus carrying out the quaker principle of arbitration instead of

action at law. Liberal and upright as was Penn’s conduct as head of a

government, a signal mistake was made by the incompatible union of two

opposing elements, democracy and feudality; Penn’s principles accorded

to his colony the utmost popular liberty, but his circumstances made him

absolute ruler. Hence for ninety years Pennsylvania was distracted with

the jarring of these two discordant elements.

Penn, soon after his arrival in America, visited Lord Baltimore in

Maryland, partly as a visit of friendship, and partly for the

arrangement of boundaries, which from the very first was an intricate

and perplexing question. The defined boundaries, both of Penn’s and

Baltimore’s charter, were inconsistent with each other, more especially

as the number of miles contained in a degree was now altered to

sixty-nine from sixty, by which measurement Baltimore’s grant had been

made. This question was no way adjusted, when Penn, in 1684, having

organised, as he hoped, a satisfactory government, entered into a treaty

of lasting peace with the natives, and seen his city and his colony

flourishing in unexampled prosperity, returned to England, “intrusting

the great seal to his friend Lloyd, one of the principal quaker

settlers, and the executive power to a committee of the council.”

As yet not a cloud dimmed the social or civil horizon of Pennsylvania;

and leaving his mansion of Pennsbury, “the sweet quiet” of which seems

to have been delicious to his soul, he thus wrote, on board, a farewell

to the people of his land of promise, which he sent to them before he

sailed:—“My love and my life,” said he, “are to you and with you, and no

water can quench it, nor distance bring it to an end. I have been with

you, cared for you, and served you with unfeigned love; and you are

beloved of me and dear to me beyond utterance. I bless you in the name

and power of the Lord, and may God bless you with his righteousness,

peace and plenty all the land over! You are come to a quiet land,”

continued he, “and liberty and authority are in your hands. Rule for Him

under whom the princes of this world will one day esteem it their honour

to govern.” Then, addressing the city which he had planted, he breaks

forth like an apostle to one of the churches: “And thou Philadelphia,

the virgin settlement of this province, my soul prays to God for thee

that thou mayst stand in the day of trial, and that thy children may be

blessed.”

William Penn reached London in October, 1684, after an absence of two

years; and the hot dispute between himself and Lord Baltimore, regarding

boundaries, was submitted to a Committee of Trade and Plantations, by

which it was decided that the so-called Territories, now constituting

the state of Delaware, and which Lord Baltimore claimed, formed no part

of Maryland. They were therefore once more formally assigned to Penn, to

whom was thus secured that outlet to the ocean which he so much coveted.

The northern line of boundary was settled the following year, and that

again to the disadvantage of Baltimore.

When the Duke of York ascended the throne as James II., Penn used his

influence with him to obtain general liberty of conscience; and through

his means 1,200 Quakers alone were liberated from imprisonment for

conscience-sake. Nor did his own people only claim his interposition of

mercy; it was suffering humanity for which he appealed, and so widely

extended was the reputation of his philanthropy and power, that all the

oppressed thronged to him for aid; even Massachusetts, just then in the

agony of losing her charter, sent to the head of “the abominable sect of

Quakers” to beseech his interference on their behalf with the king. And

though he could not save the chartered liberties of the other

sister-states, yet so great was the esteem with which the monarch

regarded him, that Pennsylvania was the only one against whose charter a

_quo warranto_ was not issued.

[Illustration: PENN’S DEPARTURE.]

It has been endeavoured to throw obloquy on Penn’s name from his

political connexion with James II.; but as the tree must be known by its

fruits, Penn’s reputation may safely be left to the test of his works.

He founded a state based on the most liberal principles; self-exaltation

or self-aggrandisement never formed a part of his plan; and the

soundness of his legislative wisdom is shown by the fundamental

principles of his government remaining to be those of Pennsylvania to

the present time. Penn’s happiness in his province was, like all human

happiness, of a very mixed character. Discontents and heart-burnings

arose; a democratic assembly warred against a feudal proprietary, each

wronging the other, because they were brought into unnatural

juxtaposition. Besides the anxieties arising from the dissatisfied

condition of a province which he had established with so much care and

hope, Penn was harassed by embarrassed circumstances. Nobly refusing a

revenue from his state, he was imprisoned for debt in his advancing

years; and, to add still further to his distress, when his friend James

II. was deposed, and an exile in France, he was imprisoned on an

unsupported charge of keeping up a treasonable correspondence with him.

In 1692, the government of Pennsylvania was taken from him, and placed

in the hands of Fletcher, governor of New York. Two years afterwards,

the suspicions against him being removed, he was restored to his

rights—“the Territories,” or three lower counties on the Delaware, which

in 1691 had withdrawn from their connexion with Pennsylvania and been

indulged with a deputy-governor by Penn, now becoming once more a

portion of his jurisdiction, having been reunited to the larger state by

Fletcher, during his governorship.

The only drawback that appears in the character of the philanthropic

legislator of Pennsylvania, is at the same time so incongruous with the

spirit of his life and actions, that it seems to stand forth in

startling deformity. This refers to negro slaves, whom he held

apparently without much sense of injustice. True, he used his influence

to insure the slave “moral and religious culture, and the rights and

comforts of domestic life,” yet, when he was unsuccessful in so doing,

he continued to hold slaves, as, indeed, did other Friends. The poor

Germans, “the little handful of Friends from the highlands above the

Rhine,” in accordance with the doctrines of George Fox, were the only

body in Pennsylvania who at that time saw clearly that it was not lawful

for Christians to keep slaves. The unlettered Swedes, half a century

before, who settled on the western bank of the Delaware, and now were

numbered among William Penn’s people had, however, early borne their

testimony against slavery. “The Swedes,” said they, arguing from the

sound principle of human nature, “will gain more with a free people,

with wives and children, than by slaves, who labour with reluctance and

soon perish by hard usage.” The simple wisdom of these peasants was, in

this respect, superior to the wisdom of more elevated men whether of

that age or the present.

A popular history of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 2) · 第 21 / 28 章