CHAPTER VIII.

MASSACHUSETTS-BAY COLONY.

Whilst the Pilgrims were taking deep root and extending their borders,

various attempts were being made, under grants derived from the Great

Patent, to colonise the coast. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whose name is

already familiar to our readers, a friend of Sir Walter Raleigh and a

steadfast advocate of colonisation, obtained a grant of territory on the

north-west side of Massachusetts Bay, for his son Robert, who was sent

over by the English patentees as lieutenant of New England, accompanied

by an episcopalian clergyman as superintendent of ecclesiastical

affairs; but no success attended him; and instead of establishing a seat

of government, he was shortly compelled to retire to Weymouth, already

deserted by the “unruly company” of Weston’s men, which he in an equally

short time also abandoned. The same year Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John

Mason obtained a grant of the whole extent of country included between

the sea, the St. Lawrence, the Merrimac and the Kennebec rivers, and

great mercantile settlements were projected on the banks of the

Piscataqua; but again these attempts failed of success. The soil of New

England was evidently not intended for the mere trader or adventurer. In

1628, Mason, alarmed at the progress already made by the Puritan

settlers, obtained a new patent for the country between the Merrimac and

the Piscataqua, which, without reference to any rights of the natives,

was ceded at once to him. This was the patent under which New Hampshire

was established. The town of Portsmouth was founded, but neither town

nor colony flourished greatly; several years afterwards the town

consisted but of about sixty families. In 1635 Mason died, and after his

death New Hampshire was left to take care of itself.

From the year 1606, when Martin Pring and Weymouth first discovered the

northern bays of New England, the ships of fishermen had visited their

coasts, and by degrees had settled upon them permanent stations. In

1616, Gorges sent to these northern shores a colonising party under

Richard Vines, who arrived in the country at the time when that

pestilence was raging among the natives which depopulated so great an

extent of territory, and which was regarded by the later pious settlers

as an interposition of God, who thus “made way for his people by

removing the heathen.” Vines and his company marched to the interior,

holding familiar intercourse with the dying natives without themselves

taking the infection, and finally settled at the mouth of the Saco

river, the place being called by them Winter Harbour. The colonists

pursued agriculture and fishing: the husbandmen taking up tracts of one

hundred acres on long leases from Thomas Vines. It is said that farms

are held to this day under these old leases, written in Latin, the

tenure being very light—five shillings a year, perhaps, a few days’ work

and a fat goose. Nevertheless colonisation was slow, spite of the

attractive and poetical accounts of the beauty and desirableness of the

country to emigrants, which were circulated in Old England. In 1636,

when the first duly organised court was held within the State of Maine,

the total number of inhabitants in the five different provinces,

including the islands, amounted to about 1,500.

The first settlement of Nova Scotia was about contemporaneous with that

of Maine. Gorges, who was jealous of the French becoming the ultimate

possessors of these northern regions, invited over a number of Scottish

emigrants, King James being favourable to the design, and these were

planted in Nova Scotia.

Having thus slightly reviewed the efforts made to colonise the northern

portion of New England, we will return to the colonies of Massachusetts

Bay, which, instinct with the element of life, advanced at once into

well-organised and flourishing states.

Persecution continuing in England, voluntary exiles for conscience-sake

still cast their eyes beyond the great waters for the land of refuge.

Among these was Roger Conant, who by the aid and advice of his friend, a

puritan minister of Dorchester, named White, left England with a small

company, and who, having endeavoured, but in vain, to establish

themselves on Cape Ann, after incredible sufferings removed to Salem, on

the Bay of Massachusetts. The scheme of this colony was in the meantime

still further perfecting itself in the mother-country. Down in the

south-west of England, and among the fens of Lincolnshire, the suffering

for conscience-sake not only discussed it among themselves, but

communicating together on the subject, determined to purchase from the

unscrupulous council for New England a grant of territory. This was soon

accommodated, and a portion of the land already conveyed to Gorges and

Mason was assigned to them; and John Endicott, whose name alone seems to

personify the stern spirit of puritanism, was, as “a fit instrument for

this wilderness-work,” chosen leader of a company which embraced within

its ranks some of the most distinguished men of the colony.

Endicott, with whom came his wife and family, settled down with his

company, as Conant had done, in the dreary wilderness around Salem.

Within a short time of their landing, three brothers of the name of

Sprague, and four others, penetrated the forest, to a place called by

the Indians Mishawum, where they found an Englishman, a smith, living,

and here they settled, calling the place Charlestown. Tidings having

reached England of the safe arrival of this company, “the men of Boston,

and others,” decided on following their example; and the next year,

“after much labour and great expense,” the patent of the council of

Plymouth was confirmed by the king, Charles I., and the powers of

government conveyed to them under the name of the Governor and Company

of Massachusetts Bay, in New England. It is a singular circumstance in

this charter, that the government, while invested with all necessary

powers of legislation, yet required no assent of the monarch to render

its acts valid. Charles regarded it merely as a trading company, whose

affairs were indifferent to the crown. Legislative and executive

authority resided with the corporation in London. The freemen of

Massachusetts, like the Virginians, were left without one valuable

franchise, at the mercy of a corporation beyond the seas. “The history

of Massachusetts,” says Bancroft, “is the counterpart to that of

Virginia; the latter obtained its greatest liberty by the abrogation of

the charter of its company. The former by a transfer of its charter, and

a daring construction of its powers by the successors of the original

patentees.”

Another remarkable fact in this patent was the strict injunction given

to Endicott, the governor, to treat with the natives for the equitable

purchase of their lands. “If any of the savages,” it is said, “pretend

right of inheritance, we pray you endeavour to purchase their title;

that no wrong or injury be done to the natives.”

This company of emigrants, amounting to about 300 persons, in five

ships, with good store of cattle, horses and all necessaries, were

accompanied by the excellent Francis Higginson, a nonconformist

preacher, whose account of the voyage and the country, immediately sent

over to England, excited a still greater enthusiasm for emigration. The

seal of the infant colony was an Indian erect, with an arrow in his

right hand, and the words, “Come over and help us!”

“Farewell, dear England!” said the minister, with his friends and

children standing round him, as they lost sight of their native land;

“farewell, the church of God in England, and all Christian friends

there! We go not to New England as separatists from the church of

England, but from her corruptions; we go to practise church reformation,

and to propagate the Gospel in America.”

At the end of June they reached Salem, where they found about eight or

ten mud cabins, with a larger one for the governor, and a few cultivated

fields. “There are in all,” says Higginson, “of old and new planters

about three hundred; two hundred of whom are settled at Salem, and the

rest have planted themselves at Charlestown. We at Salem make what haste

we can to build houses, so that shortly we shall have a fair town.”

This church of God in the wilderness, which had come hither to practise

reformation, soon found members within its bosom who clung to the old

forms and ceremonies; and the return of the ships which had brought them

out carried back the leaders of this faction—cast out by the church,

which would not allow them to remain within her borders, and by

Endicott, the governor, that there might not be “spies in the camp.”

The following winter brought with it many hardships. Before the next

spring nearly half the emigrants, the enthusiastic Higginson among the

rest, were removed by death. But not even these misfortunes, nor yet the

evil report of intolerance and persecution, which the expelled friends

of episcopacy carried back with them to England, could damp the ardour

for colonisation which filled the hearts of the English Puritans; to

them the Indian from the wilderness appealed, “Come over and help us;”

and the report of Higginson, though now dead, testified to them of a

land abundant as that of Canaan.

Emigration on a more comprehensive scale than had before been thought of

was decided upon. Men of influence and fortune embarked in it,

determining, however, to form “a peculiar government, and to colonise

only with the best.” To carry out their views fully, it was necessary to

obtain a transfer of the charter from the council in England to the

freemen now emigrating, and others inhabiting the colony. Bold as this

scheme was, it was accomplished. The patent and the government were

legally transferred to the emigrants themselves, and the excellent John

Winthrop was chosen governor before leaving England. The calm firmness

of Winthrop sustained many timid spirits who were alarmed at the

unexampled boldness of their undertaking; others again shrank back at

the last moment; there was a winnowing out among them, and literally

“the best” only went. Years afterwards it was said of this great and

good governor, that he was as a mother to the infant colony,

“parent-like, distributing his goods and gladly bearing the infirmities

of the weak, yet ever maintaining the figure and honour of his place

with the spirit of a true gentleman.” Of him Bancroft says, “his

character marks the transition of the Reformation into avowed

republicanism; when the sentiment of loyalty, still sacredly cherished,

was gradually yielding to the irresistible spirit of civil freedom.”

Eight hundred persons, all Puritans, inclining to the Calvinistic

doctrines, accompanied Winthrop. In the course of the year, seventeen

vessels brought over 1,500 persons. It was, however, no garden of Eden,

no land of Canaan to which they had come. “Arriving here in June and

July,” says Dudley, in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, who, with

her family, was deeply concerned in this emigration, “we found the

colony in a sad and unexpected condition, above eighty of them being

dead the winter before, and many of those alive, sick and weak; all the

bread and corn among them hardly sufficient to feed them a fortnight,

insomuch that nearly 200 servants whom we had sent over at great cost,

received their liberty, we being wholly unable to feed them.”

Salem, at which they had arrived, not wholly pleasing the new-comers,

some time was spent in searching the coast for localities more to their

mind, and finally some of them settled at Charlestown, others at a short

distance where was an excellent spring, and to which they gave the name

of BOSTON; some on the Mistic at Medford; others at Watertown and

Rocksbury; “others again upon the Saugus at Lynn, between Salem and

Charlestown, and the western men four miles south of Boston, at a place

they called Dorchester; several of these settlements being now suburbs

of Boston.”

This dispersion was a great grief to the company, but it was only as the

beginning of sorrows. “They who had health,” says Dudley, “fell to

building, wherein many were interrupted by sickness and death. Deaths

were for some time of almost daily occurrence. Dissatisfaction prevailed

in many minds, and when the ships returned to England, about a hundred

returned with them; thus was the company again winnowed of the faithless

and faint-hearted. The ships being gone,” continues Dudley, “victuals

wasting, and mortality increasing, we held divers fasts in our several

congregations. But the Lord would not be deprecated; and among many

other deaths, on the 30th of September died Mr. Johnson, the Lady

Arabella, his wife, being dead a month before. This gentleman was a

prince amongst us, zealous for religion, and the greatest furtherer of

this plantation.” The deaths of these two excellent people caused, say

some of their fellow-sufferers, “not only weeping eyes but fainting

hearts, fearing the fall of the present work.” Johnson was buried at the

upper end of his lot of land, in the faith of his rising in it. This

ground became the first burial-place in Boston, others desiring to be

laid round his grave. The Lady Arabella was daughter of the third Earl

of Lincoln; “she came,” says Hubbard, “from a paradise of plenty and

pleasure into a wilderness of wants;” “and,” adds Cotton Mather,

quaintly, “she took New England in her way to heaven.” One of the ships

who conveyed over this company of emigrants was called, in honour of

her, the Arabella. She was buried at Salem, the place of her interment

being still respected; and a girls’ grammar-school in Boston now bears

her name. Of those who came from England in April, 200, at least, had

died by December. Governor Winthrop, whose son was drowned the very day

of his landing, writing to his wife, says, “I have lost twelve of my

family; the Lord’s hand hath been heavy upon me;” yet he assures her, “I

would not have altered my course though I had foreseen all these

afflictions; I never had more content of mind.” They who survived were

not discouraged, but bearing God’s corrections with humility, and

trusting in his mercies, they bore in mind “how after a lower ebb God

had raised up their neighbours at Plymouth.” Through all their

afflictions and sufferings, these steadfast men and women, who saw the

hand of God in all things, never omitted the sacred duties of the

Sabbath, though they had to assemble in the open fields or beneath the

forest trees—God was ever present with them; and little children in the

hour of death became transfigured, as it were, and testifying of their

faith and their assurance of immortality, were a marvel to all.

In the midst of their sorrows and sufferings the purpose of their coming

hither to establish a pure church in the wilderness was not forgotten.

The first measure of the Court of Assistants was to provide for the

administration of the gospel. Within two years of their landing, seven

churches were firmly established and provided with devout ministers.

Their second object was the settlement of a government which was to

secure their beloved popular liberties. Their charter provided that laws

were to be enacted in the assembly of all the freemen of the colony, but

a fear soon crept in of this being susceptible of too wide an

interpretation; already above a hundred old planters and members of no

church “were freemen equally with themselves.” The stem, uncompromising

spirit of the religionist awoke. “Late in May, after the corn was set,”

a general court ordained that while the governor, deputy-governor, and

assistants, should be chosen by the freemen, none should be admitted to

the freedom of the body-politic but such as were members of some church

within the limits of the colony.

Thus was the door opened to bigotry and intolerance! A species of

theocratic government was established; God was the head of his people;

his people were they who constituted the elect, and whose names were

registered in the book of eternal life. “An aristocracy,” adds Bancroft,

“was founded, but not of wealth. A servant, a bondman, might be a member

of the church and therefore a freeman of the company. The Calvinists of

Massachusetts, scrupulously refusing to the clergy the least shadow of

political favour, established the reign of a visible church or

commonwealth of the chosen people in covenant with God.”

Sincerely religious themselves, this was nevertheless a dangerous

principle to introduce into their government, and one totally subversive

of the spirit of true religion and democratic liberty.

Among the early records, we will mention, that “the governor, in

consideration of the inconveniences which had grown in England by

drinking one to another, restrained it at his table, and wished others

to do the like.” And that the first baptisms registered in Boston Church

are those of “Joy and Recompense, daughters of brother John Miles; and

Pity, daughter of our brother William Balstone.”

Whilst a satisfactory form of government was being established, the

colony received friendly visits from the principal surrounding Indian

chiefs. The sagamore of the Mohegans from the banks of the Connecticut,

invited the English to settle in his country; the Nipmucks besought aid

against their enemies the Mohawks; the son of the old Canonicus sent

presents; Miantonomoh, the grand warrior of the Narragansetts, the

associate sachem with Canonicus, visited the governor, and attended with

him divine service; and lastly from the river of the Pequods came the

wily Uncas, who declared to the authorities that “his heart was not his

own but theirs.”

In the second year of the colony, Governor Winthrop and Wilson, the

minister of Boston, made a journey on foot to visit the brethren of the

older colony at New Plymouth. There is something apostolic in the

narrative of this visit. They arrived at Plymouth in the evening. “Mr.

William Bradford, the governor, a grave and discreet man, with Mr.

Brewster, the ruling elder, went forth to meet them outside the town,

and conducted them to the governor’s house, where they were well

entertained for several days. On Lord’s-day they partook of the

sacrament, and in the afternoon a question was propounded by Roger

Williams, which was spoken to by the pastor; then the preacher

prophesied, and after that the governor of Plymouth, who was skilled in

Hebrew and antiquities, spoke to the question, and after him the elder,

a learned man, and others. Then Governor Winthrop and Mr. Wilson were

asked to speak, which they did, and so the service of the Sabbath ended

to the edification of all. On the following Wednesday, before daybreak,

Governor Winthrop and his company left Plymouth, being accompanied by

the governor of Plymouth, the minister and divers others, near half a

mile out of the town in the dark.”

About the same time the colony of Virginia, now flourishing, sent a rich

cargo of corn to Boston, and trade was commenced with the Dutch on the

Hudson. The news of this increasing prosperity reached England, where

persecution remained unabated, and renewed emigration was the

consequence. The Griffin, after a long voyage, brought hither “a noble

freight, of two hundred, amongst whom were the fathers of Connecticut,

Hooker and Haynes, the latter a man of a heavenly mind, and the pious

and learned Cotton.” The congregation to whom Hooker had ministered in

England had already preceded him, and now thronged to meet and welcome

him. “Now I live,” exclaimed he, embracing them, “if ye stand fast in

the Lord.”

Spite of the growing prosperity of the colony, serious apprehensions

were caused regarding its safety in consequence of reports made to the

English government, by persons who at various times, for discordant

sentiments or misconduct, had been expelled. The colonists were

threatened by the privy council, strengthened by Laud, with the

revocation of their charter. They resolved to defend themselves by force

of arms if necessary, and fortifications were at once commenced in

Boston harbour, at Charlestown, and Dorchester. Thus early were they

prepared to assert their own independence.

In 1634, the settlement of Massachusetts having become much more

numerous, extending thirty miles from Boston, it was found inconvenient

for all the freemen to attend the general court; hence a change was made

which altered their form of government from simple democratic to

representative. The electors of each town chose two or three deputies to

confer on public business and attend the court, vested with the full

power of the freemen whom they represented. The mode of voting was also

changed from show of hands to ballot. The whole body of freemen were,

however, to elect the magistrates, and to these, and the deputies sent

by each town, the legislative power was confided. A law against

arbitrary taxation followed. “With the exception of the principle of

universal suffrage,” says Bancroft, “the representative democracy was as

perfect two centuries ago as at the present day.” The criminal code was

based on the Mosaic laws. The meeting-house at Boston was at this time

its house of representatives. Religion and government were kindred.

In 1635, no less than 3,000 persons suffering under the despotism of

Charles emigrated to Massachusetts. “Godly people in England,” we are

told, “beginning to apprehend a special hand of Providence in raising up

this plantation, their hearts were stirred to go over.” The wilderness

was planted with Christian churches; the forest rang with the sound of

their psalms; “the poorest of the children of God in the whole world

were resolved to excel in holiness.”

Among the new-comers of 1635 was Henry Vane the younger, a man of a pure

and noble mind, and an ardent friend of religious liberty. The year

after his arrival, so much had the youthful suavity and grace of his

manner, his religious attainments and his political sagacity, wrought

upon the people of Massachusetts, that he was elected governor in place

of the excellent and long-tried Winthrop, a preference which they

afterwards found cause to regret.

A popular history of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 2) · 第 8 / 28 章