WANGENHEIM AND THE BETHLEHEM STEEL COMPANY--A HOLY WAR THAT WAS MADE IN
GERMANY
All this time I was increasing my knowledge of the modern German
character, as illustrated in Wangenheim and his associates. In the early
days of the war the Germans showed their most ingratiating side to
Americans; as time went on, however, and it became apparent that public
opinion in the United States almost unanimously supported the Allies,
and that the Washington Administration would not disregard the
neutrality laws in order to promote Germany’s interest, this friendly
attitude changed and became almost hostile.
The grievance to which the German Ambassador constantly returned with
tiresome iteration was the old familiar one--the sale of American
ammunition to the Allies. I hardly ever met him that he did not speak
about it. He was constantly asking me to write to President Wilson,
urging him to declare an embargo. Of course, my contention that the
commerce in munitions was entirely legitimate made no impression. As the
struggle at the Dardanelles became more intense, Wangenheim’s insistence
on the subject of American ammunition grew. He asserted that most of the
shells used at the Dardanelles had been made in America and that the
United States was really waging war on Turkey.
One day, more angry than usual, he brought me a piece of shell. On it
clearly appeared the inscription, “B.S.Co.”
“Look at that!” he said. “I suppose you know what ‘B.S.Co.’ means? That
is the Bethlehem Steel Company! This will make the Turks furious. And
remember that we are going to hold the United States responsible for it.
We are getting more and more proof, and we are going to hold you to
account for every death caused by American shells. If you would only
write home, and make them stop selling ammunition to our enemies, the
war would be over very soon.”
I made the usual defence, and called Wangenheim’s attention to the fact
that Germany had sold munitions to Spain in the Spanish War; but all
this was to no purpose. All that Wangenheim saw was that American
supplies formed an asset to his enemy; the legalities of the situation
did not interest him. Of course, I refused point-blank to write to the
President about the matter.
A few days afterward an article appeared in the _Ikdam_ discussing
Turkish and American relations. This contribution, for the greater part,
was extremely complimentary to America; its real purpose, however, was
to contrast the present with the past, and to point out that our action
in furnishing ammunition to Turkey’s enemies was hardly in accordance
with the historic friendship between the two countries. The whole thing
was evidently written merely to get before the Turkish people a
statement almost parenthetically included in the final paragraph:
“According to the report of correspondents at the Dardanelles, it
appears that most of the shells fired by the British and French during
the last bombardment were made in America.” At this time the German
Embassy controlled the _Ikdam_, and was conducting it entirely in the
interest of German propaganda. A statement of this sort, instilled into
the minds of impressionable and fanatical Turks, might have the most
deplorable consequences. I therefore took the matter up immediately with
the man whom I regarded as chiefly responsible for the attack--the
German Ambassador.
At first Wangenheim asserted his innocence; he was as bland as a child
in protesting his ignorance of the whole affair. I called his attention
to the fact that the statements in the _Ikdam_ were almost identically
the same as those which he had made to me a few days before; that the
language in certain spots, indeed, was almost a repetition of his own
conversation.
“Either you wrote that article yourself,” I said, “or you called in the
reporter and gave him the leading ideas.”
Wangenheim saw that there was no use in further denying the authorship.
“Well,” he said, throwing back his head, “what are you going to do about
it?”
This Tweed-like attitude rather nettled me, and I resented it on the
spot.
“I’ll tell you what I am going to do about it,” I replied, “and you know
that I will be able to carry out my threats. Either you stop stirring up
anti-American feeling in Turkey or I shall start a campaign of
anti-German sentiment here.
“You know, Baron,” I added, “that you Germans are skating on very thin
ice in this country. You know that the Turks don’t love you any too
well. In fact, you know that Americans are more popular here than you
are. Supposing that I go out, tell the Turks how you are simply using
them for your own benefit--that you do not really regard them as your
allies, but merely as pawns in the game which you are playing. Now, in
stirring up anti-American feeling here you are touching my softest spot.
You are exposing our educational and religious institutions to the
attacks of the Turks. No one knows what they may do if they are
persuaded that their relatives are being shot down by American bullets.
You stop this at once, or in three weeks I will fill the whole of Turkey
with animosity toward the Germans. It will be a battle between us, and I
am ready for it.”
Wangenheim’s attitude changed at once. He turned round, put his arm on
my shoulder, and assumed his most conciliatory, almost affectionate,
manner.
“Come, let us be friends,” he said. “I see that you are right about
this. I see that such attacks might injure your friends the
missionaries. I promise you that they will be stopped.”
From that day the Turkish Press never made the slightest unfriendly
allusion to the United States. The abruptness with which the attacks
stopped showed me that the Germans had evidently extended to Turkey one
of the most cherished expedients of the Fatherland--absolute Government
control of the Press. But when I think of the infamous plots which
Wangenheim was instigating at that moment, his objection to the use of a
few American shells by English battleships--if English battleships used
any such shells, which I seriously doubt--seems almost grotesque. In the
early days Wangenheim had explained to me one of Germany’s main purposes
in forcing Turkey into the conflict. He made this explanation quietly
and nonchalantly, as though it had been quite the most ordinary matter
in the world. Sitting in his office, puffing away at his big black
German cigar, he unfolded Germany’s scheme to arouse the whole fanatical
Moslem world against the Christians. Germany had planned a real “holy
war” as one means of destroying English and French influence in the
world. “Turkey herself is not the really important matter,” said
Wangenheim. “Her army is a small one, and we do not expect it to do very
much. For the most part it will act on the defensive. But the big thing
is the Moslem world. If we can stir the Mohammedans up against the
English and Russians we can force them to make peace.”
What Wangenheim evidently meant by the “big thing” became apparent on
November 13th, when the Sultan issued his declaration war. This
declaration was really an appeal for a _Jihad_, or a “Holy War” against
the infidel. Soon afterward the Sheik-ul-Islam published his
proclamation, summoning the whole Moslem world to arise and massacre
their Christian oppressors. “O Moslems!” concluded this document, “Ye
who are smitten with happiness and are on the verge of sacrificing your
life and your goods for the cause of right, and of braving perils,
gather now around the Imperial throne, obey the commands of the
Almighty, who, in the Koran, promises us bliss in this and in the next
world; embrace ye the foot of the Caliph’s throne, and know ye that the
State is at war with Russia, England, France, and their allies, and that
these are the enemies of Islam. The Chief of the believers, the Caliph,
invites you all as Moslems to join in the Holy War!”
The religious leaders read this proclamation to their assembled
congregations in the mosques; all the newspapers printed it
conspicuously; it was spread broadcast in all the countries which had
large Mohammedan populations--India, China, Persia, Egypt, Algeria,
Tripoli, Morocco, and the like. In all these places it was read to the
assembled multitudes and the populace was exhorted to obey the mandate.
The _Ikdam_, the Turkish newspaper which had passed into German
ownership, was constantly inciting the masses. “The deeds of our
enemies,” wrote this Turco-German editor, “have brought down the wrath
of God. A gleam of hope has appeared. All Mohammedans, young and old,
men, women, and children, must fulfil their duty so that the gleam may
not fade away, but give light to us forever. How many great things can
be accomplished by the arms of vigorous men, by the aid of others, of
women and children!... The time for action has come. We shall all have
to fight with all our strength, with all our soul, with teeth and nails,
with all the sinews of our bodies and of our spirits. If we do it, the
deliverance of the subjected Mohammedan kingdoms is assured. Then, if
God so wills, we shall march unashamed by the side of our friends who
send their greetings to the Crescent. Allah is our aid and the Prophet
is our support.”
The Sultan’s proclamation was an official public document, and dealt
with the proposed Holy War only in a general way, but about this same
time a secret pamphlet appeared which gave instructions to the faithful
in more specific terms. This paper was not read in the mosques; it was
distributed stealthily in all Mohammedan countries--India, Egypt,
Morocco, Syria, and many others--and it was significantly printed in
Arabic, the language of the Koran. It was a lengthy document--the
English translation contains 10,000 words--full of quotations from the
Koran, and its style was frenzied in its appeal to racial and religious
hatred. It described a detailed plan of operations for the assassination
and extermination of all Christians--except those of German nationality.
A few extracts will fairly portray its spirit: “Oh! people of the faith
and Oh! beloved Moslems, consider, even though but for a brief moment,
the present condition of the Islamic world. For if you consider this but
for a little you will weep long. You will behold a bewildering state of
affairs which will cause the tear to fall and the fire of grief to
blaze. You see the great country of India, which contains hundreds of
millions of Moslems, fallen, because of religious divisions and
weaknesses, into the grasp of the enemies of God, the infidel English.
You see forty millions of Moslems in Java shackled by the chains of
captivity and of affliction under the rule of the Dutch, although these
infidels are much fewer in number than the faithful and do not enjoy a
much higher civilisation. You see Egypt, Morocco, Tunis, Algeria, and
the Sudan suffering the extremes of pain and groaning in the grasp of
the enemies of God and His apostle. You see the vast country of Siberia
and Turkestan, and Khiva and Bokhara, and the Caucasus and the Crimea,
and Kazan and Ezferhan and Kosahastan, whose Moslem peoples believe in
the unity of God, ground under the feet of their oppressors, who are the
enemies already of our religion. You behold Persia being prepared for
partition, and you see the city of the Caliphate, which for ages has
unceasingly fought breast to breast with the enemies of our religion,
now become the target for oppression and violence. Thus, wherever you
look, you see that the enemies of the true religion, particularly the
English, the Russian, and the French, have oppressed Islam and invaded
its rights in every possible way. We cannot enumerate the insults we
have received at the hands of these nations who desire totally to
destroy Islam and drive all Mohammedans off the face of the earth. This
tyranny has passed all endurable limits; the cup of our oppression is
full to overflowing.... In brief, the Moslems work and the infidels eat,
the Moslems are hungry and suffer and the infidels gorge themselves and
live in luxury. The world of Islam sinks down and goes backward, and the
Christian world goes forward and is more and more exalted. The Moslems
are enslaved and the infidels are the great rulers. This is all because
the Moslems have abandoned the plan set forth in the Koran and ignored
the Holy War which it commands.... But the time has now come for the
Holy War, and by this the land of Islam shall be forever freed from the
power of the infidels who oppress it. This Holy War has now become a
sacred duty. Know ye that the blood of infidels in the Islamic lands
may be shed with impunity--except those to whom the Moslem power has
promised security and who are allied with it. [Herein we find that
Germans and Austrians are excepted from massacre.] The killing of
infidels who rule over Islam has become a sacred duty, whether you do it
secretly or openly. As the Koran has decreed: ‘Take them and kill them
whenever you find them. Behold we have delivered them unto your hands
and given you supreme power over them.’ He who kills even one unbeliever
of those who rule over us, whether he does it secretly or openly, shall
be rewarded by God. And let every Moslem, in whatever part of the world
he may be, swear a solemn oath to kill at least three or four of the
infidels who rule over him, for they are the enemies of God and of the
faith. Let every Moslem know that his reward for doing so shall be
doubled by the God who created heaven and earth. A Moslem who does this
shall be saved from the terrors of the Day of Judgment, of the
resurrection of the dead. Who is the man who can refuse such a
recompense for such a small deed?... Yet the time has come that we
should rise up as the rising of one man; in one hand a sword, in the
other a gun, in his pocket balls of fire and death-dealing missiles, and
in his heart the light of the faith, and that we should lift up our
voices, saying--India for the Indian Moslems, Java for the Javanese
Moslems, Algeria for the Algerian Moslems, Morocco for the Moroccan
Moslems, Tunis for the Tunisan Moslems, Egypt for the Egyptian Moslems,
Iran for the Iranian Moslems, Turan for the Turanian Moslems, Bokhara
for the Bokharan Moslems, Caucasus for the Caucasian Moslems, and the
Ottoman Empire for the Ottoman Turks and Arabs.”
Specific instructions for carrying out this holy purpose follow. There
shall be a “heart war”--every follower of the Prophet, that is, shall
constantly nourish in his spirit a hatred of the infidel; a “speech
war”--with tongue and pen every Moslem shall spread this same hatred
wherever Mohammedans live; and a war of deed--fighting and killing the
infidel wherever he shows his head. This latter conflict, says the
pamphlet, is the “true war.” There is to be a “little holy war” and a
“great holy war”; the first describes the battle which every Mohammedan
is to wage in his community against his Christian neighbours, and the
second is the great world-struggle which united Islam, in India, Arabia,
Turkey, Africa, and other countries, is to wage against the infidel
oppressors. “The Holy War,” says the pamphlet, “will be of three forms.
First the individual war, which consists of the individual personal
deed. This may be carried on with cutting, killing instruments, like
the Holy War which one of the faithful made against Peter Galy, the
infidel English governor, like the slaying of the English chief of
police in India, and like the killing of one of the officials arriving
in Mecca by Abi Busir (may God be pleased with him).” The document gives
several other instances of assassination which the faithful are enjoined
to imitate. The believers are told to organise “bands,” and to go forth
and slay Christians. The most useful are those organised and operating
in secret. “It is hoped that the Islamic world of to-day will profit
very greatly from such secret bands.” The third method is by “organised
campaigns,” that is, by trained armies.
In all parts of this incentive to murder and assassination there are
indications that a German hand has exercised an editorial supervision.
Only those infidels are to be slain “who rule over us”--that is, those
who have Mohammedan subjects. As Germany has no such subjects this
saving clause was expected to protect Germans from assault. The Germans,
with their usual interest in their own well-being and their usual
disregard of their ally, evidently overlooked the fact that Austria had
many Mohammedan subjects in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Moslems are
instructed that they should form armies, “even though it may be
necessary to introduce some foreign elements”--that is, bring in German
instructors and German officers. “You must remember”--this is evidently
intended as a blanket protection to Germans everywhere--“that it is
absolutely unlawful to oppose any of the peoples of other religions
between whom and the Moslems there is a covenant, or those who have not
manifested hostility to the seat of the Caliphate, or those who have
entered under the protection of the Moslems.”
Even though I had not had Wangenheim’s personal statement that the
Germans intended to arouse the Mohammedans everywhere against England,
France, and Russia, these interpolations would clearly enough have
indicated the real inspiration of this amazing document. At the time
Wangenheim discussed the matter with me his chief idea seemed to be that
a “Holy War” of this sort would be the quickest means of forcing England
to make peace. According to this point of view, it was really a great
peace offensive. At that time Wangenheim reflected the conviction, which
was prevalent in all official circles, that Germany had made a mistake
in bringing England into the conflict, and it was evidently his idea now
that if back-fires could be started against England in India, Egypt, the
Sudan, and other places, the British Empire would withdraw. Even if
British Mohammedans refused to rise, Wangenheim believed that the mere
threat of such an uprising would induce England to abandon Belgium and
France to their fate. The danger of spreading such incendiary literature
among a wildly fanatical people is apparent. I was not the only neutral
diplomat who feared the most serious consequences. M. Tocheff, the
Bulgarian Minister, one of the ablest members of the diplomatic corps,
was much disturbed. At that time Bulgaria was neutral, and M. Tocheff
used to tell me that his country hoped to maintain this neutrality. Each
side, he said, expected that Bulgaria would become its ally, and it was
Bulgaria’s policy to keep each side in this expectant frame of mind.
Should Germany succeed in starting a “Holy War,” and should massacres
result, Bulgaria, added M. Tocheff, would certainly join forces with the
Entente.
We arranged that he should call upon Wangenheim and repeat this
statement, and that I should bring similar pressure to bear upon Enver.
From the first, however, the “Holy War” proved a failure. The
Mohammedans of such countries as India, Egypt, Algeria, and Morocco knew
that they were getting far better treatment than they could obtain under
any other conceivable conditions. Moreover, the simple-minded
Mohammedans could not understand why they should prosecute a holy war
against Christians and at the same time have Christian nations, such as
Germany and Austria, as their partners. This association made the whole
proposition ridiculous. The Koran, it is true, commands the slaughter of
Christians, but that sacred volume makes no exception in favour of the
Germans, and, in the mind of the fanatical Mohammedan, a German _rayah_
is as much Christian dirt as an Englishman or a Frenchman, and his
massacre is just as meritorious an act. The fine distinctions
necessitated by European diplomacy he understands about as completely as
he understands the law of gravitation or the nebular hypothesis. The
German failure to take this into account is only another evidence of the
fundamental German clumsiness and real ignorance of the world situation.
The only tangible fact that stands out clearly is the Kaiser’s desire to
let loose 300,000,000 Mohammedans in a gigantic St. Bartholomew massacre
of Christians.
Was there, then, no “Holy War” at all? Did Wangenheim’s “big thing”
really fail? Whenever I think of this burlesque “Jihad” a particular
scene in the American Embassy comes to my mind. On one side of the table
sits Enver, most peacefully sipping tea and eating cakes, and on the
other side is myself, engaged in the same unwarlike occupation. It is
November 14th, the day after the Sultan has declared his Holy War; there
have been meetings at the mosques and other places, at which the
declaration has been read and fiery speeches made. Enver now assures me
that absolutely no harm will come to Americans; in fact, that there will
be no massacres anyway. While he is talking, one of my secretaries comes
in and tells me that a little mob is making demonstrations against
certain foreign establishments. It has assailed an Austrian shop which
has unwisely kept up its sign saying that it has “English clothes” for
sale. I ask Enver what this means; he answers that it is all a mistake,
there is no intention of attacking anybody. A little while after he
leaves I am informed that the mob has attacked the Bon Marché, a French
dry-goods store, and is heading directly for the British Embassy. I at
once call Enver on the telephone; it is all right, he says, nothing will
happen to the Embassy. A minute or two after, the mob immediately wheels
about and starts for Tokatlians, the most important restaurant in
Constantinople. The fact that this is conducted by an Armenian makes it
fair game. Six men who have poles, with hooks at the end, break all the
mirrors and windows, others take the marble tops of the tables and smash
them to bits. In a few minutes the place has been completely gutted.
This demonstration comprised the “Holy War,” so far as Constantinople
understood it. Such was the inglorious end of Germany’s attempt to
arouse 300,000,000 Mohammedans against the Christian world! Only one
definite result did the Kaiser accomplish by spreading this inciting
literature. It aroused in the Mohammedan soul all that intense hatred of
the Christian which is the fundamental fact in his strange emotional
nature, and thus started passions aflame that afterward spent themselves
in the massacres of the Armenians and other subject peoples.