CHAPTER XVII.

BÉZIERS AND NARBONNE.

Position of Béziers--S. Nazaire--The Albigenses--Their

tenets--Albigensian "consolation"--Crusade against them--The storming

of Béziers--Massacre--Cathedral of Béziers--Girls' faces in the

train--Similar faces at Narbonne, in Cathedral and Museum--Narbonne

a Roman colony--All the Roman buildings destroyed--Caps of

liberty--Christian sarcophagi--Children's toys of baked clay--Cathedral

unfinished--Archiepiscopal Palace--Unsatisfactory work of M.

Viollet-le-Duc--In trouble with the police--Taken for a German spy--My

sketch-book gets me off.

The position of Béziers is striking. It crowns a height above the Orb, its

grand fortified church of S. Nazaire occupying the highest point, where

it stands on a platform. This fine church is not the cathedral. In La

Madeleine is the bishop's throne, a church that, with the exception of the

tower and exterior of the apse, has been modernised out of all interest.

But S. Nazaire is a stately and beautiful church of the twelfth to the

fourteenth century, in the style of the country, very little ornamented

externally, and very strongly fortified; even the windows being made

impenetrable by their strong _grilles_ of iron. There are two western

towers, small, with an arch thrown between their battlements, over the rose

window, and this battlemented archway is in fact a screen behind which

the besieged sheltered whilst they poured down molten pitch on those

who assailed the gateway of the cathedral. For this purpose there is an

open space between the screen and the façade. The apse of eight sides,

internally is fine; and there is a beautiful octagonal apsidal chapel on

the north side, entered from the transept.

Beziers is the scene of a horrible slaughter in 1209, after the siege by

the Crusaders under Simon de Montfort. It had been a headquarter of the

Albigenses. As we are now entering the region reddened with the blood of

these heretics, it will not be improper here to give a little account of

them.

The Albigenses are often erroneously confused with the Waldenses, with

whom really they had little in common. Actually, the Albigenses were not

Christians at all, but Manicheans. The heresy was nothing other than the

reawakening of the dormant and suppressed Paganism of the south of France.

There are plenty of documents which enable us to understand their peculiar

tenets and practices.

[Illustration: Béziers from the river.]

They held a dualism of good and evil principles in the world, equally

matched; and they taught that the evil principle was the origin of all

created matter. Accordingly they rejected the Old Testament, and declared

that all the world and man's body were of diabolic origin, and that the

spirit only was divine. With regard to the person of Christ they were

divided in opinion. Some said He had a phantom body, and that He seemed

only to die on the cross. The real Christ was incapable of suffering. But

another school among them declared that He had a true body born of Mary and

Joseph, and that this was due to the evil principle, and that this body did

hang on the cross. It was the Evil God of the Jews who slew Pharaoh in the

Red Sea. They held that the Good God had two wives, Colla and Coliba, from

whom he had many generations of spiritual beings. Of the Good Christ, the

spiritual, they asserted, that He neither ate nor drank, that He was the

source of all mercy and salvation, but that the Bad Christ was the carnal

one following the Good Christ as the shadow follows the body; that this Bad

Christ had Magdalen as his concubine. They were not agreed as to the future

of man. Some denied the existence of souls, some said that the souls were

fallen angels inhabiting men's bodies, others that the soul was pure and

could only attain to blessedness by emancipation from the body, all the

works of which were evil.

The faithful of the Albigenses were divided into two orders, the "perfect,"

who wore a black dress, abstained from flesh, eggs, cheese, and from

marriage; and the "believers" whose salvation was to be attained by a

certain ceremony called the "consolation." This sacrament of consolation

was performed by one of the perfect laying his hands on the believer; and

after consolation, the newly-consoled must starve himself to death. A great

number of trials of Albigenses have been collected by Limborch in his

history of the Inquisition. One only can we now give. It is that of a woman

who had herself consoled, and sending for a surgeon, ordered him to open

her veins in a bath, that so, the blood running out more freely, she might

sooner die. Also she bought poison, as the bleeding did not succeed, and

procured a cobbler's awl wherewith to pierce her heart, but as the women

with her were undecided whether the heart were on the right side or the

left, she took the poison, and so died. [1]

[Footnote 1: We have got the Acts of the Inquisition at Toulouse during

sixteen years, between 1307-1323. The whole number of cases reported is

932. The usual sentence on one found guilty--unless guilty of causing death

by "consolation"--was to wear a tongue of red cloth on the garments. Of

such there are 174 sentences. If a case of relapse, there was sentence of

brief imprisonment, 218 cases; 38 were reported as having run away; 40 were

condemned to death for having caused the death of dupes by "consolation;"

113 were let off penances previously imposed; 139 were discharged from

prison, and 90 sentences were pronounced against persons already dead.

_See_ Maitland's Tracts and Documents on the Albigenses, 1831.]

We can understand what alarm this great heathen reaction in Provence and

Aquitaine awoke in France, and in the minds of the popes.

Innocent III. at first employed against the Albigenses only spiritual and

legitimate weapons; before proscribing he tried to convert them, but when

they murdered his emissary, Peter de Castelnau, in 1208, he proclaimed a

Holy War against them. It was a war undertaken on the plea of a personal

crime, but in reality for the dispossession of the native princes who

were believed to be in favour of the heresy. "The crusade against the

Albigensians," says M. Guizot, "was the most striking application of two

principles equally false and fatal, which did as much evil to the Catholics

as to the heretics; and these are the right of the spiritual power to

coerce souls by the material force of the temporal power, and the right to

strip princes of their title to the obedience of their subjects--in other

words, denial of religious liberty to consciences, and of political

independence to states."

[Illustration: Béziers.--Church of S. Nazaire.]

In 1208 Innocent summoned the King of France to sweep from southern France

these heretics, "worse than the Saracens," and he promised to the leaders

of the crusade the domains they won of the princes who favoured the heresy.

The war lasted fifteen years (from 1208 to 1223) and of the two leading

spirits, one ordering and the other executing, Pope Innocent III. and Simon

de Montfort, neither saw the end of it. During the fifteen years of this

religious war, nearly all the towns and strong castles in the regions

between the Rhone, the Pyrenees, the Garonne were taken, lost, retaken,

given over to pillage, sack, and massacre, and burnt by the Crusaders with

all the cruelty of fanatics and all the greed of conquerors. In the account

of the war by a Provençal poet, we are told that God never made the clerk

who could have written the muster-roll of the crusading army in two or even

three months. One of the first victims was the young and gallant Viscount

of Béziers, who, the same author assures us, was a good Catholic, but whose

lands and towns the rapacious horde lusted to acquire. When they sat down

before Béziers, then the Catholics within the walls made common cause with

the heretics, and refused to surrender.

[Illustration: Fountain in the cloister of S. Nazaire, Béziers.]

Then the city was stormed, the walls scrambled up by a rabble rout of

camp-followers, in shirts and breeches, but without shoes, who burst over

the parapets whilst the envoys of the town were being amused by mock

conferences with Montfort and the other leaders of the crusading host. A

general massacre ensued; neither age nor sex were spared, even priests

fell. It is said that news of what was being done was brought to Arnauld,

Abbot of Citeaux, one of the commanders of the crusade, and he was told

that faithful and heretics were being slaughtered alike. "Slay them all,"

said he, "God will know His own."

The story is told by a contemporary, but only as an _on-dit_, and may

therefore be quite untrue. But Simon de Montfort, the hero of the crusade,

employed like language. One day two heretics, taken at Castres, were

brought before him, one of whom was unshakable in his belief, the other

expressed himself open to conviction. "Burn them both," said the count; "if

this fellow mean what he says, the fire will expiate his sins; and, if he

lie, he will suffer for his imposture."

An attempt has been made to exculpate the leaders of the crusade from the

atrocities committed at the capture of Béziers, and to clear them of the

charge of treachery. It is so far certain that the town was captured and

the massacre begun by the camp-followers, but the Crusaders soon joined in

and accomplished the work begun by the "ribauds;" and no attempt was made

by the leaders to stay the carnage. In the cathedral church of S. Madeleine

some seven thousand who had taken refuge there were butchered without

regard to the sanctity of the spot. The city was then set on fire and the

cathedral perished in the flames.

After all, it was well that the cathedral should be purged with fire, and

rebuilt. One could not pray, one would not like to see the service of

God rendered in a building that had been thus bespattered with blood. S.

Nazaire is later. It was almost wholly rebuilt in the fourteenth century,

and within it one can forget the horrors of that hateful siege and

butchery.

As I travelled on to Narbonne, there entered the carriage in which I was

two girls with remarkable profiles, and I wondered whether they bore the

features of the Ligurian race that first peopled all this coast, now

probably represented by the Basques--a race akin to the Lap. These girls

had fine dark eyes and hair, sallow complexions, and their full faces were

not unpleasant, but their profiles were certainly most remarkable. Now

curiously enough, on entering the cathedral at Narbonne, I saw a tomb of

the eighteenth century with mourners represented on it--some six to eight,

and they had all the same type of face. Not only so, but in the museum of

the town is a Classic bust, found among the remains of Roman Narbona, and

the same type is there.

[Illustration: Types of faces, Narbonne. Modern. Sixteenth-century tomb in

Cathedral. Classic bust in museum.]

Narbonne was once a great capital. It stood on a lagoon, and did a large

trade in the Mediterranean. It was a Roman colony, founded at the same time

as Arles, and had its forum, capitol, baths, amphitheatre, theatre, and

temples. But, alas! the necessity for fortifying the city in the Middle

Ages induced the inhabitants to go to these Roman buildings and pull them

to pieces in order with them to construct the walls and towers surrounding

the town, and now not one of all these monuments remains. The walls have

served, however, as a rich quarry of antiquities that have supplied the two

great collections in the town, one in the Hôtel de Ville, the other in a

ruined church. These collections are only second to the Avignon museum, and

abound with objects of interest.

Among the monumental stones for the dead are several with caps figured on

them. The like are to be seen at Nimes, Avignon, and elsewhere. These are

freedmen's caps. When a noble Roman died he left in his will that so many

of his slaves were to be given their liberty, and then this was represented

by caps sculptured on his tombstone.

[Illustration: Freedmen's caps, Narbonne.]

Thus it happened that the cap came to be regarded as the symbol of liberty.

The museum contains a Christian sarcophagus on the staircase, with an

orante, a woman praying with uplifted hands in the midst, on the sides the

striking of the rock and the multiplication of the loaves. On the lid is

the portrait of the lady who was buried in it, with hair dressed in the

fashion worn by the Julias of the Heliogabalus and Alexander Severus epoch,

with whose busts one becomes so familiar at Rome, 218-223--a fashion that

never came in again, that I am aware of. Another Christian sarcophagus

has on it the multiplication of loaves, the denial of Peter, and a

representation of Christ unbearded, which is the earliest form. Another,

again, represents him unbearded holding a scroll, on the right St. Peter

and two other apostles holding rolls, and three apostles on the left; on

the lid is an orante.

In this museum may be seen one or two examples of bronze Gaulish sun-wheels

with four and eight spokes; and, what is to me very touching, a number of

children's toys made in clay, found in children's tombs--cocks and hens,

pigs and horses, very rude. Similar toys are to be found in the Arles and

the Avignon museums. I remember in the catacomb of S. Agnes at Rome is a

whole collection of toys found in a Christian grave there, ivory dolls, a

rattle, bells, and an earthenware money-box, just such as may be bought

for a sou now in a foreign fair. De Rossi, the curator of the catacombs,

has had them all put together under glass in proximity to the little grave

where they were found. In a child's grave at S. Sebastian was found a

little terra-cotta horse dappled with yellow spots. I suppose parents could

not bear to see the toys of their darlings about the house, and so enclosed

them with their dear ones in the last home. I remember a modern French

grave, near La Rochelle; in the centre of the head-cross was a glass case,

with a doll dinner-service enclosed, that had been a favourite toy with the

poor little mite lying under the cross. So human hearts are the same as

centuries roll by and religions alter.

[Illustration: Children's toys in the museum, Narbonne.]

The cathedral of Narbonne is very delightful, after a course of castellated

fortress-churches of early date. It is of the fourteenth century, light,

lantern-like, with glorious flying buttresses.

The church is unfinished, it has no nave, only the lovely soaring choir,

standing alone, like that of Beauvais; and as was that of Cologne till the

last thirty years. Unfortunately this choir is so built round with houses

that it is only in one place at the east end that it can be seen, and just

there, out of delightful play of fancy, the architect has thrown a bow

across from one flying buttress to another high up, and through this stone

rainbow one sees the pinnacles and the sweeping arches of the buttresses

crossing each other at every angle.

The archiepiscopal palace was a fortress, with two strong towers. M.

Viollet-le-Duc was invited by the town to take them in hand and construct

between them a façade in keeping with their architecture, which was to be

thenceforth the façade of the Hôtel de Ville. There was not a man in France

who had a more intimate knowledge of Gothic architecture than he; but,

unfortunately, like Rickman in England and Heideloff in Germany, he was

incapable of applying his knowledge. The consequence is that he has

produced a façade which is disfiguring to the two grand towers between

which it is planted. Viollet-le-Duc was delighted with the grand effect

of the face of the papal palace at Avignon, where the buttresses run up

unstaged and then are united by bold arches that sustain the parapet and

battlements, so he attempted the same thing at Narbonne on a smaller scale.

Now these buttresses or piers at Avignon are 5 ft. 1 in. by 2 ft. 9 in.,

whereas the measurements of M. le-Duc's little props are reduced to 1 ft.

2 in. by 1 ft. 6 in. Relative proportions are changed as well as sadly

reduced. The result is that they are ludicrous. Moreover, instead of

sinking his façade modestly--a little, eighteen inches would have been

enough--he has carried the face of his niggling little buttresses flush

with the massive walls of the great towers. I wished I could have had M.

Viollet-le-Duc there by both his ears and knocked his head against the

abomination he has created. He had a splendid opportunity, and through

incapacity he lost it.

I got into trouble at Narbonne.

As I was walking on the platform of the station, a man in plain clothes

with very blue eyes came to me, touched his hat, and asked if he might be

honoured with a few words privately. I at once suspected he was going to

beg or borrow money, and said I was willing to hear what he wanted to say

on the spot. He smiled, and said that he thought perhaps it would be better

that we had our conversation elsewhere, outside the station. After a little

hesitation, I complied, and when we were by ourselves, "Monsieur," said he,

"I must request you to show me your papers and allow me to identify you.

I am in search of some one uncommonly like yourself. I am--the _chef_ of

the secret police down here. Will you come to my office, and bring your

luggage?"

"Certainly, delighted to make your acquaintance. I will get my Gladstone

bag, and my roll of rugs in a moment. There is a--a hurdy-gurdy--" "I

know there is," said the _chef_ sternly. "It is that _vielle_ that is

suspicious."

So all my luggage was conveyed to the office of the police. I showed no

concern, but laughed and joked.

"What countryman do you say you are?"

"English."

"Impossible. You have not the English accent when you speak. It is rather

German than anything else."

"You think I am a German?"

"But certainly. Your bag has a German address on it, written in German

characters." So it had. I had been in Germany before going to Rome, and had

never removed the address, which, as he said, was in German characters. I

explained, but the _chef_ was unsatisfied. I became now convinced that he

thought I was a spy.

"Here are German newspapers and a German book in your bag!" said the

_chef_.

"Certainly. Why not? I have been in Germany."

"Yet you say you are English?"

"Here is my passport." I extended one to him. He looked at it, shook his

head, and said: "It is a very old one of 1867." That was true, and I had

not had it _viséd_ since.

"Then," said the _chef_, "this passport is for you and your wife. Where is

the wife?"

"Minding the babies. Thirteen of them--a handful," said I.

I had to produce card-case, letters, all of which the _chef_ examined

carefully, and yet he was not satisfied. Then, suddenly, a bright idea

struck me.

"Monsieur!" said I, "I see what you take me to be. It is true I have been

sketching in Narbonne, and along the whole coast. Would you like to see my

drawings? Here is the result of my studies in Narbonne: the very remarkable

profile of a Narbonnaise girl, the face of a lady carved in the cathedral,

of another in the museum, some sketches of children's clay toys found in

Roman tombs, and sundry Gaulish and Merovingian bronzes; also! yes, see, a

bone toothcomb discovered among the remains of the fortifications."

The _chef_ laughed, especially over the beauties of Narbonne, ran his eye

through the book, took it over to his assistant to look at and laugh over

the wonderful girls' faces, returned it to me, and let me off.

"And the _vielle_," said I, "what do you think of that--"

"Mais! with the _vielle_ over your shoulder, and that book of sketches and

thirteen babies--_assurément_--you could only be an Englishman."

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