For these books the printers used a small very cramped black letter,

abounding in abbreviations, and often difficult to read. It appears to

have been designed after the law hand of the period. The edition of

the _Tenures_ is the only one of these books with an imprint, and it

contains the names of both printers, and the statement that the book

was printed in the city of London, “juxta ecclesiam omnium sanctorum.”

There were, however, several churches in London at this time dedicated

to All Saints, and it is not possible now to settle which particular

one was meant. Complete sets of these five books are in the British

Museum and the Cambridge University Library.

The entire change in the character of the books produced after

Machlinia had joined Lettou shows that his strong point was legal

printing, and during his continuance in business he seems to have

printed all the law-books issued in England. But perhaps the

most marked peculiarity of his partnership is the extraordinary

deterioration in the books produced. The work of Lettou was marked by

excellence of typography and the many improvements introduced by an

evidently practised printer. As soon as Machlinia joined him the work

became slovenly. It might be supposed that Mr William Wilcock, who

had defrayed the expense of Lettou’s work, had either tried it as a

speculation and found it a poor one, or had only wished the two books

to be specially printed for his own use and had then left the printer

to shift for himself. It is curious, too, that Lettou’s neat type

should have entirely disappeared. The real reason for this probably was

that though it was very neat it had none of the abbreviations necessary

in a type used for printing law-books.

While Lettou remained in the firm the work, though much deteriorated,

retained a certain amount of regularity. All the books had signatures

and were regular in size, though their appearance was not good. After

the issue of these five books Lettou seems to have ceased printing, but

the type was used for one more book, which it will be well to notice

here, _The History of the Siege of Rhodes_. This was written in Latin

by Gulielmus Caorsin, vice-chancellor of the Knights of Malta, and was

translated into English by John Kay, who styles himself poet-laureate

to Edward IV. It gives an account of the great victory of the Rhodians

against the Turks and the death of Mahomet.

It is the only early English printed book which we cannot definitely

ascribe to any particular printer. By most early writers it was classed

as a production of Caxton, and Dibdin places it under Caxton in his

_Typographical Antiquities_, though he there expresses a doubt as to

its being his work. “The typography,” he says, “is so rude as to induce

me to suppose that the book was not printed by Caxton. The oblique

dash for the comma is very coarse; and the adoption of the colon and

the period, as well as the comparatively wide distances between the

lines, are circumstances which, as they are not to be found in Caxton’s

acknowledged publications, strongly confirm this supposition.” Five

years later, writing in the _Bibliotheca Spenceriana_, he seems to have

settled more accurately. “I have very little doubt,” he writes there,

“of its having been executed by Lettou and Machlinia, or by the former

of these printers, rather than by Caxton. The letters, however, great

and small, especially the larger ones, and some of the compound smaller

ones, bear a strong resemblance to the smallest types of our first

printer; but on a comparison with those of the _Tenures_ of Lyttelton

and the _Ancient Abridgement of the Statutes_, printed by Lettou and

Machlinia, the resemblance is quite complete.” The type is certainly

that used by Lettou and Machlinia, and the considerable difference in

appearance from the other five books is caused by the text being in

English, which makes more difference than would be imagined, and also

that there are very few of the abbreviations which crowd the other

books. Then again the lines of type are spaced out, giving the page a

much lighter appearance.

Though the dedication is to Edward IV, it does not necessarily follow

that the book was printed before his death, for the early printers in

reprinting a manuscript would keep to the preface as there written.

It might, however, have been printed as early as 1483, and immediately

the law books had been completed. Who the printer was I do not think

can ever be settled. When it was printed Machlinia had probably started

by himself with his new types, and I do not think it can have been

printed by Lettou, as it has not the signatures to the pages which he

invariably used.

We may, I think, date the break up of the partnership of John Lettou

and William de Machlinia about 1482-83, and from that date onwards

Machlinia worked alone. He seems to have made a fresh start with new

type, for he has at least three founts which had not been used before.

The difficulties in the way of making any arrangement or arriving at

any definite conclusions about his books are very great. We know that

he printed at least twenty-two books, and not one single one is dated.

Signatures, directors, headlines, seem to be present or absent without

rule or reason. There is hardly any method of arranging the books in

groups, every book stands alone in splendid isolation.

The only division possible is according to the type used in the books,

and in this way we can separate them into two groups. Those of the

first group are printed in two founts of a square gothic type, and as

in colophons of the two books in this series which possess them the

printer speaks of himself as living near the “Flete-bridge,” we call

these books the ones printed in the Fleet-bridge type. The other group

are in a regular English type, similar in general appearance to some

of Caxton’s or that used by the printer of St Alban’s, and in the

imprint to one of these books Machlinia speaks of himself as printing

in Holborn, so that we speak of this series of books as printed in the

Holborn type. As Flete-bridge was at the east end of Fleet Street and

a considerable distance from Holborn it is impossible that these two

addresses could apply to one office.

It is probable that the Fleet-bridge group is the earlier, so we will

take it first. In it there are altogether eight books. Three folios,

the _Tenures of Lyttelton_, the _Nova Statuta_, and the _Promise of

Matrimony_, four quartos, the _Vulgaria Terentii_, the _Revelation of

St Nicholas to a Monk of Evesham_, and two books by Albertus Magnus,

the _Liber Aggregationis seu de secretis naturae_, and the _Secreta

mulierum_, and one small book, probably a 16º, an edition of the _Horae

ad usum Sarum_.

The two books of Albertus Magnus are certainly the most neatly printed,

the press work being tidy and regular, which was not generally the case

with this printer’s productions.

The copy of the _Secreta mulierum_ in the University Library is an

interesting one, though, unfortunately, imperfect. On the first leaf

which is blank there is a certain amount of writing, amongst other

things the following sentence: “Annus domini nunc est 1485 in anno

Ricardi tercii 3º.” This note, supposing it to have been written at the

time to which it refers, and there is no reason to doubt it, must have

been written between June 26 and August 22, 1485, showing that at any

rate the book was printed before that date. The other book of Albertus

Magnus, the _Liber aggregationis_, has a colophon stating that it was

printed by “William de Machlinia in the most wealthy city of London,

near the bridge vulgarly called the Flete-bridge.” The wealth of London

seems to have impressed the alien printer, for he always applies the

word “_opulentissima_” to that city.

The small _Horae_ we have little information about, for we know of

its existence only from nineteen leaves scattered about the country.

There are eight in Corpus Christi College, Oxford, seven in the British

Museum, four in Lincoln Minster, and two in the University Library,

Cambridge. These have all been extracted from bindings, and in the

cases where we know the particular bindings from which they came these

bindings were the work of the same man, whose initials were W. G.

From the way in which the leaves were printed, and the way in which

they were afterwards folded, a point too technical and difficult of

description to touch on here, we may pretty safely say that the _Horae_

was a 16º and not an 8º. It may be worth while remarking that the early

printers used only the simple folding, which with each successive

folding exactly halves the size of the previous one. The sheet folded

into two leaves produced folio size, this folded again once made 4to,

folded again 8º, again 16º, again 32º, and again 64º. The duodecimo or

12º, which depends on more complicated folding, was quite unknown.

The _Horae_, so far as we can see from what remains, contained no

illustrations, but it had an engraved border which was used round the

pages beginning certain portions of the book. This engraved border we

afterwards find in Pynson’s hands, and it is the only definite link

connecting him with this press. Bradshaw, in his paper on the “Image of

Pity,” suggests that Ames, who quoted this book in his _Typographical

Antiquities_, had seen a complete copy, but as he describes it merely

as “a book of devotions on vellum” and adds no particulars I think that

he simply described it from the few leaves in his own possession, which

are now in the British Museum in the great so-called Bagford volumes of

despoiled title-pages.

The _Revelation of St Nicholas to a Monk of Evesham_ is one of the most

remarkable volumes of the fifteenth century, very well worth reading,

for it is full of early English stories and allusions. (I may say in

passing that Mr Arber has issued a cheap reprint of it.) The story

tells of a man who was taken through purgatory and was shown various

people whom he had known or heard of and listened to their stories.

It seems to me very curious that no other editions of the book were

issued in early times: it seems exactly the kind of book which must

have been popular. Typographically, the book is interesting as showing

an excellent example of wrong imposition, that is that when the one

side of the sheet had been printed, the other side was put down upon

its form of type the wrong way round, and consequently the pages come

all in their wrong order, page 1 being printed on the first side of the

first leaf, page 14 follows it on the other side, then page 16, then

page 4, and so on. Now, most printers who had done this stupid thing,

and it was not an uncommon accident, would have destroyed the sheet

and reprinted it. Not so Machlinia. He printed off some more copies of

the wrong sheet and, cutting it up, pasted the four pages in their

proper places. In one of the two known copies this has had unfortunate

results, for some curious inquirer, noticing the pages pasted together,

has tried to separate them to find out what was underneath, and they

have suffered severely in the process.

The _Vulgaria Terentii_ is the last of the quartos in this group.

It is a book that was often printed, but of the present edition the

copy in the University Library is the only one remaining, and it,

unfortunately, is slightly imperfect.

Of the folios, the _Nova Statuta_ is the most important, and also by

far the commonest, for I have examined over a dozen copies myself,

and I know of a good many more. The book must have been printed after

April, 1483, as the subject-matter runs up to that date, while an

action in Chancery relating to it was tried between 1483 and 1485. The

_Promise of Matrimony_, another folio in this type, consisting only of

four leaves, relates to the agreement made in 1475 between Edward IV

and Louis XI for the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth of York and

Prince Charles, afterwards Charles VIII, King of France.

I have noticed that in nearly all the copies of the law-books printed

by Lettou and Machlinia, or Machlinia alone, that I have examined, the

initial letters, which were filled in by hand in colour, appear to have

been done by the same person; the letter roughly in red, and a twirl

or two by way of ornament in pale green or blue. I suppose the subject

of the books was so severely practical that unless this had been done

before the book left the office it would never have been done at all.

However, in English printing generally, though the spaces were left

for fine initials, I can remember very few books with them filled in

in any but the plainest way, a contrast to the beautiful work so often

found in Italian books.

The last group of books, which number fourteen, are called the Holbom

type books, because, in the imprint of one of the two books that

contain them we find the words, “Enprente per moy william Maclyn en

Holborn.” The general type used for the text of these books is very

remarkably like that used by Veldener at Utrecht and by John Brito at

Bruges, and may, perhaps, have been obtained by Machlinia from abroad,

though it is of the same school of type as several used in England.

The most important book issued in this series is an edition of the

_Chronicles of England_. It is a very rare book, but there is an

imperfect copy in Cambridge in the Barham collection in Pembroke

College. The space for the initial letters, as is usually the case with

early books, has been left blank to be filled in by the rubricator, but

in one copy that I have seen, the initials have been filled in in gold,

not gold leaf, but gold paint, and this is the only example of its use

that I have found in an early English book. Another curious point about

the book is that though it is a folio, a folio of 238 leaves, yet in

all copies leaves 59 and 66, the first and last leaves of a quire, are

printed on quarto paper. I thought once that perhaps for some reason

these leaves had been cancelled and reprinted, but it seems more

probable that the printer had for the moment run out of his supply of

ordinary-sized paper, and had to use some of a much larger size cut in

half. A similar case of mixed papers is found in the _Nova Rhetorica_

printed at St Albans in 1480, which is partly quarto and partly octavo.

Three editions were published by Machlinia of the curious _Treatise of

the Pestilence_ by Canutus or Kamitus, Bishop of Westeraes in Sweden,

and of each edition only one copy is known, one in the British Museum,

one in the University Library, and one sold lately in the sale of

the Ashbumham Library and now at Manchester. I must warn anyone who

uses Dibdin’s _Typographical Antiquities_, that the facsimile page of

the book which he gives is made up from the upper part of the first

leaf of the Cambridge copy and the lower part of the same leaf of the

Manchester copy, which he must have seen when it was in the possession

of Triphook, the bookseller, so that the resulting facsimile is rather

puzzling. The fact that one of these editions, that in the British

Museum, has a title-page, makes us inclined to put it to rather a late

date, but at any rate it is the earliest title-page in an English

printed book.

Another book in this group, by far the commonest and best known, is

the _Speculum Christiani_, ascribed to a writer named John Watton,

a curious medley of theological matter interspersed with pieces of

English poetry. The colophon states that the book was printed for and

at the expense of a merchant named Henry Vrankenbergh. About this

merchant I could find out nothing until, curiously enough, on my last

visit to Cambridge a fortnight ago, my attention was drawn by a friend

to a note in the Descriptive Catalogue of ancient deeds in the Record

Office, where is a note of a “Demise to Henry Frankenbergk and Barnard

van Stondo, merchants of printed books, of an alley in St Clement’s

Lane, called St Mark’s Alley, 10th May, 1482.”

This is, I believe, the earliest note relating to foreign stationers or

merchants of printed books in England, but I hope from the same source

we may expect to obtain many more as soon as the endless series of

documents in the Record Office are calendared.

An edition of the _Vulgaria Terentii_ was also printed in this type. An

almost perfect copy was added to the British Museum Library some years

ago, and a considerable portion of another copy is in the library of

Caius College.

Machlinia also printed two of the _Nova Festa_, the _Festum

visitationis beate Marie virginis_ and the _Festum transfigurationis

Jesu Christi_. The first of these is only known from two leaves which

had been used to line the boards of the binding of Pynson’s _Dives and

Pauper_. Of the second a beautiful and perfect copy is in the library

of the Marquis of Bath. It is curious to notice that it contains not

only the feast according to the Sarum use, but also according to the

Roman use.

The last three of Machlinia’s books to be noticed are the three which,

though undated themselves, contain certain evidences of date. The first

of these contains the statutes made in the first year of Richard III,

and, as this first year ran from June 26, 1483, to June 25, 1484, the

book cannot be earlier than the second half of the latter year.

The second book is one about which I am very much inclined to doubt

whether it was printed by Machlinia at all, but rather by Veldener,

who used apparently identical type; and though I have had for several

years under my charge at Manchester the only copy of the book known I

cannot make up my mind about it. It is an edition of the _Regulae et

ordinationes_ of Innocent VIII, and could not at any rate have been

printed before the very end of 1484. The type seems newer in appearance

than any of Machlinia’s, though to all appearance identical. Dibdin,

with his usual readiness, helps us by remarking, “It presents us with

the same character or general appearance of type as that which Caxton

and Machlinia occasionally used. It is not much unlike the St Alban’s

type.”

The last production is a Bull of Innocent VIII confirming the marriage

of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York. It was reissued in 1494 by

Alexander VI, and there the date is given as 27th March, 1486.

Two copies of this Bull are known, one in the library of the Society

of Antiquaries and one in the Rylands Library, Manchester. Both are in

poor condition, and show signs of having been used at one time to line

the boards of a binding.

Richard Pynson was by birth a native of Normandy, but practically

nothing is known of his personal history. It is probable that he was

educated at the University of Paris, for we find in a list of students

in 1464 the name “Ricardus Pynson Normannus,” and this may very well

be the printer. It was, however, in Normandy that he learned to

print, probably from Guillaume le Talleur, a noted printer of Rouen,

as may be seen by certain small habits connected with printing which

he fell into, and which are very typical of Rouen work. Although we

have only circumstantial evidence, evidence depending on a number of

almost trifling details to back up the statement, it seems now almost

certain that Pynson succeeded Machlinia. My own impression is that

he succeeded immediately on the death or retirement of the latter,

with hardly any interval. A very strong reason for this impression is

that had any long time elapsed between the cessation of Machlinia’s

press and the commencement of Pynson’s, England would have been left

without a printer who could set up law French. Caxton and Wynkyn de

Worde were presumably unable to do it, at any rate they printed no

books of the kind except some statutes of Henry VII, and it must be

remembered that in Henry VII’s reign for the first time the statutes

were written in English. I do not mean to suggest that Pynson ever

worked with Machlinia, but only that when the latter ceased to work

Pynson came over and started in his place, perhaps taking over some

of his printing material or even starting work in his old office. The

engraved border which Machlinia had used in his Sarum _Horae_, the only

piece of ornament he seems to have possessed, we find used afterwards

by Pynson, and it is a very common thing to find Pynson’s earliest

bindings lined with waste leaves of Machlinia’s printing. Had Pynson

worked with Machlinia we should have expected the latter’s founts of

type to have passed into his hands, as Caxton’s were inherited by

Wynkyn de Worde, but they did not. Indeed they totally disappeared, and

what we do find of Machlinia’s in Pynson’s hands is merely the refuse

that we might expect a printer to find in an office just vacated by

another. Had Pynson not been ready to take over the place this waste

stuff would have been destroyed. The question is, then, when did

Machlinia cease or Pynson begin? I should say that Machlinia ceased

much later than is supposed and Pynson began much earlier, and that the

two events happened between 1488 and 1490. At first when Pynson arrived

he was without material, so he commissioned Le Talleur at Rouen to

print for him the two law-books most in demand, _Littelton’s Tenures_

and _Statham’s Abridgement of Cases to the end of Henry VI_.

[Illustration]

Probably in 1490-1491 he began printing on his own account. His

first dated book was issued in November, 1492, but five books, if

not more, can be placed earlier; these are an edition of Chaucer’s

_Canterbury Tales_, a _Latin Grammar_, a poetical book, and two or

more _Year-books_. The _Chaucer_ is a particularly fine book, printed

in two sizes of type, a larger for the poetry, and a smaller for the

prose, which is printed in two columns. It is also illustrated with a

set of woodcuts illustrating the different pilgrims. It is interesting

to notice that these cuts were altered in some cases while the book

was passing through the press in order to serve as the portrait of

another pilgrim. The serjeaunt with a little alteration becomes the

doctor of physick, the squire becomes the manciple. There has been a

good deal of controversy as to the date of the printing of this book

and whether it could have appeared before Caxton’s death in the latter

part of the year 1491. Pynson in his prologue, which is rather confused

and difficult to understand, says, speaking of Chaucer: “Of whom I

among alle other of his bokes, the boke of the tales of Canterburie,

in whiche ben many a noble historie of wisdome policie mirth and

gentilnes. And also of vertue and holynes whiche boke diligently

ovirsen and duely examined by the pollitike reason and ouirsight of my

worshipful master William Caxton accordinge to the entent and effecte

of the seide Geffrey Chaucer and by a copy of the seid master Caxton

purpos to imprent, by ye grace, ayde, and supporte of almighty god.”

I think had Caxton been dead Pynson would have alluded to it in some

way, speaking of him, perhaps, as “my late worshipful master” or “my

worshipful master late dead.” The term worshipful master does not imply

that Pynson had been an apprentice or assistant to Caxton, but was

merely a courteous way of referring to the printer and editor whose

work he was about to reprint. Blades in his life of Caxton, speaks

of Pynson’s having used Caxton’s device, but this mistake has arisen

through a made-up book in the British Museum, a copy of Bonaventure’s

_Speculum vite Christi_. The copy wanted the end, and some former

owner, in order to make the book look more complete, has added a leaf

with Caxton’s device printed on it.

The _Latin Grammar_ is known only from three leaves, one in the

Bodleian and two in the British Museum. The leaf in the Bodleian

appears from an inscription upon it to have been used to line a binding

as early as 1494. The book was printed entirely in the large black type

of the _Chaucer_, the first of Pynson’s types, and which he does not

appear to have used after 1492.

The printers, stationers and bookbinders of Westminster and London from 1476 to 1535 · 第 3 / 17 段