A FASHIONABLE WATERING-PLACE.
One cannot be long in Finland during the summer without being asked "Are
you going to _Hangö_?"
"See Rome and die" seems there to be transformed into "See _Hangö_ and
live."
"Where is _Hangö_, what is _Hangö_--why _Hangö_?" we at last inquired in
desperation.
The Finlander to whom we spoke looked aghast, and explained that "not to
have heard of _Hangö_ was a crime, not to have been to _Hangö_ a
misfortune."
Accordingly, desiring to do the correct thing before leaving the land of
thousands of lakes, we took the steamer from the ancient town of _Åbo_,
to the modern fashionable watering-place of _Hangö_.
It was ten o'clock at night when we arrived from _Åbo_, and were met
with warm welcome by kind friends on the quay, with whom we drove to the
hotel, as we thought, but that was quite a mistake. We were at _Hangö_,
and within five minutes the _Isvoschtschik_ stopped before a pavilion
where music was jingling inspiriting tunes; up the steps we were
hurried, and at the top found ourselves, travel-stained and tired, in
the midst of a wild and furious Finnish, or, to speak more properly,
Russian ball.
It was a strange spectacle. At first we thought that some sixty or
seventy sailors from the four Russian men-of-war lying in the harbour
had been let out for the evening, their blue serge blouses and lighter
linen collars with white stripes having a familiar air, still it seemed
strange that such smart ladies, in dainty gowns, hats flowered in Paris,
and laces fingered in Belgium, should be dancing with ordinary
able-bodied seamen. Ere long we discovered these sailors were cadets, or
midshipmen, as we should call them, among the number being two Russian
princes and many of the nobility. Then there were officers in naval
uniform, elderly Generals--who had merely come in to have a look--clad
in long gray coats lined with scarlet; small persons wearing top-boots
and spurs, with linen coats and brass buttons, who smilingly said they
were "in the Guards," although their stature hardly reminded us of their
English namesakes! girls in shirts and skirts and sailor hats, got up
for the seaside and comfort, who looked as much out of place in this
Casino ballroom as many high dames appeared next morning while wandering
down to the "Bad Hus" to be bathed in mud or pine, their gorgeous silk
linings and lace-trimmed skirts appearing absolutely ridiculous on the
sandy roads or beach. To be well-dressed is to be suitably dressed, and
_Hangö_, like many another watering-place, has much to learn in the way
of common sense.
It was Sunday. The ball had begun as usual on that evening at seven, and
was over about eleven; but while it lasted every one danced hard, and
the youngsters from the ships romped and whirled madly round the room,
as youth alone knows how. We all get old very soon--let us enjoy such
wild delights while we may.
No one with a slender purse should go to _Hangö_, not at least unless he
has made a bargain with an hotel, or he will find that even a little
Finnish watering-place ventures to charge twelve marks (9s. 9d.) a day
for a small room, not even facing the sea (with 1 mark 50 penni for
_bougies_ extra), in a hotel that has neither drawing-room,
billiard-room, nor reading-room. But it must again be repeated that
Finland is not cheap, that travelling indeed is just as expensive there
as anywhere else abroad, more expensive, in fact, than in some of the
loveliest parts of the Tyrol, or the quaintest districts of Brittany and
Normandy. And perhaps the most distressing part of the whole business is
the prevalent idea that every Englishman must be immensely rich, and
consequently willing to pay whatever ridiculous sum the Finns may choose
to ask--an idea which cannot be too soon dispelled.
_Hangö_ is certainly a charming spot as far as situation goes, and lies
in more salt water than any other place in Finland, for it is the
nearest point to the German Ocean, while during the winter months it is
the only port that is open for Finland and Northern Russia--even this is
not always the case, though an ice-breaker works hard day and night to
disperse the ice, which endeavour generally proves successful, or the
winter export of butter, one of Finland's greatest industries, would be
stopped and perhaps ruined. Not only _Hangö_ but all the southern coast
of Finland shelters the summer houses of many of the aristocracy of
Russia.
Out to sea are islands; skirting the coasts are splendid granite rocks,
showing the glacial progress later than in other lands, for Finland
remained cold longer than our own country. Pine-trees make a sort of
park thickly studded with wooden villas of every shape and size, some
gray, some deep red, all with balconies wide enough to serve for
dining-rooms, though the pretty villas themselves are often only one
storey high. It is very difficult in such a seaside labyrinth to find
one's friends, because most of the houses are nameless, and many are not
even on roads--just standing lonely among the pines. They are dear
little homes, often very picturesque and primitive, so primitive that it
utterly bewilders any stranger, unaccustomed to such incongruities, to
see a lady in patent leather shoes and silk stockings, dressed as if
going to Hurlingham or the Bois de Boulogne, emerge from one of them and
daintily step through sand to the Casino--walking hither and thither,
nodding a dozen times a day to the same acquaintances, speaking to
others, gossiping over everything and everybody with a chosen few, while
her daughter is left to play tennis with that Finnish girl's idea of all
manly beauty, "a lieutenant," or knocks a very big ball with a very
small mallet through an ancient croquet hoop, that must have come out of
the ark--that is to say, if croquet hoops ever went into the ark.
_Hangö_ is a dear, sweet, reposeful, health-giving, primitive place,
spoilt by gay Russians and would-be-fashionable Finns, who seem to aim
at aping Trouville or Ostend without the French _chic_, or the Parisian
_gaieté de coeur_.
Wonderful summer evenings, splendid effects of light and shade on the
water, beautiful scenery, glorious dawns and sunsets--everything was
there to delight the poet, to inspire the painter, to tempt the worldly
to reflect, but no one paused to think, only nodded to another friend,
laughed over a new hat, chaffed about the latest flirtation, and passed
on.
After studying many over-gowned ladies, we turned by way of contrast to
the ill-dressed emigrants leaving this famous port. It certainly seems
strange, considering the paucity of skilled labour in Finland, that so
many of the population should emigrate. In fact, it is not merely
strange but sad to reflect that a hundred folk a week leave their native
country every summer, tempted by wild tales of certain fortune which the
steamship agents do not scruple to tell. Some of the poor creatures do
succeed, it is true, but that they do not succeed without enduring much
hardship is certain; whereas Finland wants skilled labourers badly, and
other countries could spare them well. For instance, in the large
granite factory at _Hangö_ some four hundred men are always employed,
and paid extremely well, yet skilled labour of the sort is difficult to
get--emigration being presented on all sides as a golden lure. Granite
is found all over Finland; indeed, _Suomi_ has risen from the sea on a
base of granite, green, gray, red, and black, all of fine quality.
Five million roubles were paid for the wonderful _Denkmal_ to be erected
at the Kremlin in Moscow as a memorial of Alexander the Second. The
statue itself was entrusted to Russia's most famous sculptor, but the
pedestals, stairs, etc., we saw in process of manufacture at _Hangö_. We
were shown over the works by a professor well known as a mathematician,
and were much interested to see how Finlanders cut and polish granite
for tombstones, pillars, etc. The rough stone is generally hewn into
form by hand, somewhat roughly with a hammer and mallet, then it is cut
into blocks with a saw really made of pellets of steel powder.
Very slow and laborious work it is, and requires great exactitude. Often
when the cutting is nearly accomplished some hidden flaw discloses
itself, and a stone that had appeared of great value proves to be almost
worthless; or the men when chipping the rough granite may suddenly find
a flake too much has been chipped off by mistake, which involves not
merely the loss of that block but of the labour expended on it.
Finnish granites are chiefly exported to Russia, but Scotland takes a
few of the gray. Many of the great Russian churches contain beautiful
specimens.
Some of the more experienced workers earn as much as ten and twelve
shillings per diem--higher pay being given to the best polishers. Flat
polishing can be done by machinery, but one of the four pedestals
intended to support the great Alexander monument was being polished
round the crevices by three men, who had spent twenty-two days doing
those few square feet, and on which, when we left, they were still at
work.
An afternoon we spent on one of the ships of the Russian squadron proved
thoroughly enjoyable. The Admiral kindly invited us on board, and showed
us over his vessel. The squadron at that time at _Hangö_ consisted of
four ships, two of which were utilised for training, one receiving young
cadets from twelve to fourteen years of age, and the other, older lads
who were waiting to be sent off as officers.
They arrange their naval training differently in Russia from what we do
in England. That is to say, for six summer months cadets live on board
the training-ships, but the six winter months are spent at the College
in St. Petersburg, where they learn the theoretical part of their
education.
A boat came to fetch us manned by twelve oars, all cadets, as well as
the steersman who stood at the stern. They were the most charming lads
imaginable, and during the following days we saw much of them, and
learnt to appreciate their delightful manners, and to wonder more and
more at their linguistic accomplishments. Several of them spoke English
admirably, most knew French well, and some German. On an English
training-ship, or, indeed, an English man-of-war, should we be likely to
find such a large percentage acquainted with any language but their own?
When we asked them how it was they were able to converse in foreign
tongues so fluently, they invariably replied they had an English nurse
or French governess in their home when young.
"But," we returned, "although you learnt it when children, how have you
managed to keep it up as men?" For we know how our English schoolboys
forget such languages as they learn at home, or are taught French and
German on some hideous principle at school, which leaves them utterly
incapable of understanding or speaking a word when they go out into the
world.
"Oh," they answered, "we take great trouble to remember what we learnt
when young, for a man must know something more than his own language. We
all read foreign papers or books whenever we get an opportunity."
They were delightful young fellows, although we must own their dress at
first somewhat surprised us, for they were clothed in our ordinary
seamen's clothes--a white blouse and blue sailor collar, with white duck
trousers, being their attire by day, or the same in blue serge by night.
They were unaffectedly proud of their ship, and showed us over it with
great _éclat_, but we must confess that, although the Russians speak
more languages than our own sailors, or officers for that matter, an
English man-of-war seemed to us in every way smarter and better kept
than a Russian.
Between decks was a piano, and the Russian Admiral suggested that some
of the boys (many of whom were Finlanders) should play the _Balalaika_,
the great national instrument, which is something like a triangular
guitar, and emits sweet sounds. One lad at once sat himself down to the
piano, and five others fetching their _Balalaika_, played some of the
quaint national airs of Russia. Then a young man performed most
wonderfully on the violin, and it turned out that they had great
concerts among themselves--music and chess being two of their chief
recreations.
Every cadet wore round his neck a silver or gold chain with a little
cross attached, for each member of the Greek Church has such bestowed in
the following manner:--
A christening was about to take place at the Isaak in St. Petersburg.
Never having seen the rite of baptism performed in a Greek church, we
sat at the golden base of a colossal Finnish granite pillar waiting.
There was the font--a large silver bath on a pedestal, big enough to
hold a child of eight or ten. Round its edges were placed four candles,
three of which were lighted. At a table near sat a long-haired priest,
with a kindly face, who was taking down all the details of the children
from the respective fathers, of whom there were five. The first was a
young officer. He came forward when called upon, and produced from a
pocketbook his passport, which every Russian carries about with him to
prove his identity, his marriage certificate, etc. From the church
documents the statistics of Russia are taken, for it is the priests who
supply all such information. Into a book, therefore, our kindly-faced
priest copied the father's and mother's names, the child's baptismal
name, adding the name of the Saint given to the child when received into
the Church. On the father's passport of identity he entered the child's
name, date of birth and baptism, afterwards duly signing the document.
All this took a long time, and we were struck by the fact that one of
the five fathers, a most respectable-looking person, could not write and
had to put his x. One often hears of Russian lack of education, but
certainly it is difficult to conceive that, in any other civilised
country, an individual of the same rank--for he appeared to be worth
some hundreds of pounds a year--could have been found unable to write
his own name.
While all this was going on, the verger, if we may so call a uniformed
gentleman in attendance, made himself busy in going from nurse to nurse
collecting the baptismal garments. Each woman had brought a coverlet--a
sort of white bedspread, and a small linen and lace chemise. A blue
ribbon was run round the neck of the latter for a boy, and a pink one
for a girl. Another small ribbon, on which hung a gold cross--the gift
of the respective godfather--was placed round the child's neck as a
blessing from the Church, and it was this we noticed every cadet
wearing, no Russian ever going without. While this ceremony was in
progress, the five babies, each one of which was only two or three days
old, for infants must be baptized before they reach the age of eight
days, yelled more or less--and no wonder.
At last all was ready; the five fathers gathered round the font, each
holding the white coverlet into which he was to receive his new-born
baby straight from the blessings of the Church, and between them stood
the respective nurses holding their small charges. The priest donned a
gorgeous robe, read the baptismal service, and went from infant to
infant, crossing their heads, their hands, their feet with sacred oil,
each baby lying naked the while in the coverlet its nurse had brought
for the purpose. After another prayer he proceeded--hot water having
been added to the font--to baptize them, and very cleverly he managed
this extremely difficult undertaking. Putting his right hand on the
chest and under the arms of the infant, he lifted the small nude
specimen of humanity gently, and, with a muttered prayer, turned it
upside down, dipping its head three times right into the water of the
font, while with his left hand he splashed the pure lymph all over its
back. Of course, the baby howled at such ablutions--what infant would
not, for they were well-nigh sufficient to drown it--but he held each
tiny creature securely and kindly till he placed it wet and dripping in
its father's arms. The idea being that the father should receive his
child back cleansed from sin by the hands of the Church.
Each nurse, when relieved of her charge, arranged the new coverlet under
the father's chin and over his hands, as foreigners do their serviettes
at table, and each man--especially the shy young officer--received the
dripping squalling baby therein with an agonised expression of
countenance. The father was obliged to hold his kicking and yelling
infant till the priest had "dressed it in the clothes of the Church," by
slipping the little chemise over its head and clasping the ribbon and
cross round its neck. Even then, however, all was not ended. The infants
had still to receive Holy Communion, there being, we understand, no
confirmation ceremony in the Greek Church. This the priest administered
by simply putting a small spoonful of mixed wine and water into each
child's mouth. When this had been done the five fathers gave the five
infants back to their nurses, who dressed them up and took them home.
New-born babies have their troubles in Russia, for such a christening
must be a grave trouble indeed, and thus they receive their cross, which
they have to carry to the grave. Beneath the low-necked blouses of our
cadets the chain was distinctly visible.
The Russian mazurka being a great institution, we asked our friend the
Admiral, before leaving his ship, if his cadets might dance it for us.
"Certainly," he said. And they did, but as the decks were small and the
dance intricate, we entreated the Admiral to let them come on shore one
night and dance it at the hotel. He very kindly agreed, so after eating
the most delicious Russian sweets (_marmalada_) in his cabin, served on
a great round meat dish, and congratulating him on his wonderful
English, which he spoke most fluently, we left.
It is said no one can learn the Russian mazurka unless brought up to it
from childhood; and, certainly, the figures are more intricate than the
cotillion. Some of the steps resemble the Scotch reel or barn dance,
especially when the dancers beat time with their heels, and we certainly
think the swinging measure of the mazurka is often more knack than
knowledge.
The ladies float through most of it, holding their arms on high as in
the days of the old French minuet, but the men perform many more
elaborate steps to a rattling time and tune. The Russian mazurka is a
very long performance--indeed, it may go on all night; and as there are
many figures, and all intricate, some one has to lead by word of mouth.
When one hears a man roaring for the first time in a ballroom, it sounds
somewhat extraordinary, and yet this is the sort of thing which goes on
during a Russian mazurka or quadrille.
"Ladies and gentlemen turn."
"Ladies in the middle."
"Gentlemen gallop round."
"Men on their knees."
"Ladies dance round them," etc. These commands being given incessantly
for an hour, or perhaps two, until the unfortunate director is worn out
and weary, and hoarse into the bargain.
It is a gift to be a good director, and any man who shows aptitude for
this rôle has generally little time to dance, and has to work very hard
during the evening's entertainment.
There is no doubt about it that the mazurka, when danced by stately
court folk, is a very elegant and beautiful form of the terpsichorean
art, although when young people get together it is apt to degenerate
into something of a romp.
It was with sincere regret that we left _Hangö_, for to us leaving
_Hangö_ meant leaving Finland. Three months previously we had landed on
those shores, strangers in a little-known country, where we met with
warm friends, whose hospitality we enjoyed more than it is possible to
say.
We were tired and weary, for we had travelled far and seen much, and
learnt, we hope, not a little. If in this endeavour to give our
impressions of _Suomi_ as we saw it we have failed, the kind friends
dwelling on the borders of Lapland and Russia must forgive us, and
remember that few books exist by which to correct our impressions. They
must not forget, either, that all our information was gleaned either by
means of observation, and naturally English eyes look at many things
differently from Finnish, or by the willing translations of those we
met, who always had to speak what to them was a foreign language, and
generally, indeed, almost always, a strange one to us. We were therefore
both at a disadvantage, and we cannot help smiling as we remember some
of our struggles to understand properly what the dear folk wished to
impart.
Our eyes were tired with sights, our minds were chaotic with strange
ideas and tongues, but yet we felt how misunderstood that beautiful
county is, how well worthy of careful study, and what a delightful new
field it opens up to the traveller who, though he believes he "knows all
Europe," yet has omitted _Suomi_, one of her quaintest gems.
The days of prophecy are over; but as these pages are about an old-world
land, a land that like Rip van Winkle has been sleeping, we may perhaps
be allowed to predict that, having at last wakened from her long
slumber, _Suomi_ will rise to distinction, for this younger generation
of Finlanders, as Ibsen says, is now "knocking at the door" of nations.
Finnish women are the most advanced in the world to-day. All honour to
them, and all congratulations to their wise men. Great women help to
make great nations.
APPENDIX
QUESTIONS OF NATIONALITY AND POLITICS IN 1912
Finland has suffered.
Finland is suffering under Russian rule, but surely Russia will soon
realise what a valuable people the Finlanders are, and bring the banner
of reconciliation instead of further antagonism into their land.
Finland is a wonderful little country and her people are strong.
The conquest of Finland by Sweden (1157-1323) placed the former country
within the limits of European culture. From that time the Finnish nation
has been included within the ranks of the civilised countries of Western
Europe.
Finland has from olden times had a mixed population. Large portions of
the country were inhabited by Lapps, and to judge from archæological
finds and other data, there was a Scandinavian population in the South
and West. The Finns seem to have come into the country from the East and
the South, crossing the Gulf of Finland. The Lapps were gradually driven
farther to the North, and it also appears that, in many parts, the
Scandinavian element was absorbed into the more numerous Finnish
population, but after the Swedish conquest the Swedes in Finland were
reinforced by immigration from Sweden.
Owing to the scanty information that has come down to us on the
condition of the ancient Finns in heathen times, before the Swedish
conquest, very little is known about their ancient institutions. It is
evident, however, that they were divided among themselves into hostile
clans, without a common bond of union. They lived partly on isolated
farms, partly in village communities, and were governed by elected or
hereditary chiefs; they pursued agriculture, made iron out of native
ores, traded by sea, were doubtless pirates like the Scandinavian
Vikings, and had special trading places, which were frequented even by
foreigners. Among the Scandinavians the Finns were known for their skill
in making arms and by their witchcraft. As to the latter belief, it had,
doubtless, its origin in the old Finns' Shaman rites, but was also
nourished by their Runic songs, in which faith in the supernatural power
of the wise but hidden _word_ prevailed.
The Swedish conquest united the Finnish clans under one government, and
thus formed the unity of the Finnish nation. The free political
institutions of Sweden were introduced into Finland, where they soon
took up their abode owing to the support of the large class of free
peasantry which had existed from olden times. In 1362 the inhabitants of
Finland, through their representatives, received the right to take part
in the election of kings in Sweden, and Finland was now placed on an
equal footing with other parts of the Swedish realm. Representatives of
the Finnish nobility, clergy, burghers, and peasants were sent to the
Swedish parliament (_Riksdag_). This naturally formed a strong safeguard
for the independence of the peasantry, which, in Finland, as also at
times in Sweden, was repeatedly threatened by a powerful aristocracy.
The great advantages that the Swedish government brought with it for
Finland were accompanied, however, by a drawback that gradually became a
heavy burden. The Finnish language was set aside. Swedish being the
language of administration, it was exclusively used in all government
offices, courts of justice, and, by degrees, it became the language of
culture and education. The growing literature appeared in Swedish, and
was naturally inaccessible to the mass of the people. In the churches,
however, the services were held in Finnish. In 1548 the New Testament
was published in Finnish translation, and a hundred years later a
translation of the whole Bible was printed. Other books also were
gradually published in Finnish, the selection being chiefly of a
religious or economic nature. At the meetings of the _Riksdag_ the
representatives of Finland repeatedly insisted that measures should be
taken to induce officials and judges to learn Finnish. These demands,
however, the justice of which was always acknowledged in theory, rarely
produced any practical results.
Situated between two rival realms, Sweden and Russia, Finland became, at
short intervals, the scene of bloody wars which were conducted by those
states against each other. Great parts of the country were thereby
desolated, and the population diminished. An era remarkable in this
respect was the great Northern war (1700-1721), at the end of which the
population of Finland was reduced to a third, and its devastated land
divided between hostile powers. Another division of the country (1743)
only contributed still more to weaken the national strength. All that
remained of this strength was required to maintain the union with
Sweden, which was apparently the only salvation of the nation's
existence.
Such was the state of affairs when Finland, after a heroic defence, was
conquered (1809) by Russia. The high-minded and liberal Emperor,
Alexander I., considered that the new conquest could not be better
preserved than by attaching his new subjects with bonds of affection to
himself. To this end he summoned the representatives of the Finnish
people to a parliamentary meeting at Borgå, where the Estates assembled
on March 22, 1809. At this meeting--the Diet of Borgå, as it is
generally called--the Emperor announced his intention to confirm the
Swedish Constitution, hitherto enjoyed by Finland, as valid for the
Grand Duchy. In the following survey of the political institutions of
Finland we venture to quote somewhat freely from Senator L. Mechelin's
excellent book, _A Précis of the Public Law of Finland_, translated from
the French original into English by Mr. Charles J. Cooke, formerly
British Consul in Finland.
The Emperor signed, on March 27, the following declaration to the
inhabitants of Finland:--
FRENCH ORIGINAL.
Les destinées de la Providence nous ayant fait prendre en possession
le Grand Duché de Finlande, Nous avons voulu, par l'acte présent,
confirmer et ratifier la Religion et les Lois fondamentales du Pays,
ainsi que les privilèges et droits, dont chaque classe dans le dit
Grand Duché, en particulier, et tous les habitants en général,
qu'ils aient une position élevée ou inférieure, ont joui jusqu'ici
selon la Constitution. Nous promettons de maintenir tous ces
avantages et les lois fermes et inébranlables dans leur pleine
force.
ENGLISH TRANSLATION.
Providence having placed us in possession of the Grand Duchy of
Finland, We have desired, by the present act, to confirm and ratify
the Religion and fundamental Laws of the Land, as well as the
privileges and rights, which each class in the said Grand Duchy, in
particular, and all the inhabitants in general, be their position
high or low, have hitherto enjoyed according to the Constitution.
We promise to maintain all these benefits and laws firm and
unshaken in their full force.
Two days later, at a solemn audience held in the Cathedral, the Tzar
received the homage of the Estates as Grand Duke of Finland. The Estates
took the oath of fealty to the new sovereign, and affirmed, at the same
time, the inviolability of the Constitution; the Emperor's declaration
was read aloud, the document was delivered into the custody of the
Marshal of the Nobles; after which a herald of noble birth stood before
the throne and proclaimed: "Vive Alexandre I., Empereur de toutes les
Russies et Grand-duc de Finlande!"
The ceremony concluded with a speech from the Emperor, in the French
language, bearing witness to the sentiments with which he had received
the homage and oath of the country's representatives, and testifying
that it was an _Act of Union_ that had just been effected.
The Emperor and Grand Duke submitted to the Diet propositions on the
four following questions:--
1. The organisation of the Government of the land, or the institution
of a State Council.
2. Taxes and finance.
3. Military organisation.
4. Monetary system.
Thus was Finland's new destiny inaugurated.
The conqueror found himself in the presence of a people firmly attached
to their political institutions and their civil laws, the liberal
principles of which had taken root in the minds and habits of the
citizens. To have employed physical force in order to incorporate this
country with Russia would not have accorded with the Emperor's personal
views, nor conduced to the immediate pacification which the political
interests of the Empire necessitated. Hence Alexander preferred an "Act
of Union." He confirmed the old Constitution, and summoned the
representatives of the nation, so as to establish, conjointly with them,
the new order of things.
The Finlanders, foreseeing the final issue of the war and the
impossibility of a return to the past, could not hesitate to meet
half-way the proposals of the Emperor Alexander, who had given them, as
a security for the future, the most formal assurance to maintain the
former Constitution. In Sweden the king had been dethroned; the Swedish
government had no more power over Finland; the Finnish Estates, elected
and assembled according to law, could alone at that moment represent
with perfect right the Finnish people. Hence the authority they made
use of in binding the inhabitants of the country by the oath taken to
the new sovereign, on the basis of the Constitution confirmed by him,
was acknowledged both by the Emperor and the people. The Emperor
expressed this in his manifesto "to all the inhabitants of Finland,"
published at Borgå, April 4, 1809. No protest was heard in the country.
The union thus established was clearly defined by the Emperor, not only
in the above-mentioned speech of 29th March and his speech at the
conclusion of the Diet, on July 18, 1809, but also on other
occasions--for example, in the manifesto of March 27, 1810, concerning
the militia, from which we extract the introduction:--
"His Imperial Majesty's Gracious Manifesto.
"From the moment that, through the Will of Providence, Finland's destiny
was entrusted to Us, it has been Our aim to rule that land in conformity
with the liberties of the Nation and the rights assured to it by its
Constitution.
"The proofs of devotion the Inhabitants have given Us since the Oath of
Fealty, which they tendered to Us of their perfect free will through
their Representatives assembled at the Diet, have only conduced to
strengthen Us in that purpose.
"All the steps We have hitherto taken, with regard to the internal
administration of the Country, are simply a consequence of and an
addition to that fundamental idea. The maintenance of the Religion and
the Laws, the summoning of the Estates to a general Diet, the formation
of a State Council in the Nation's midst, and the inviolability of the
judicial and administrative authority, afford sufficient proofs to
assure the Finnish Nation (_Finska Nationen_) of its political existence
and the rights appertaining thereto."
As has been said above, one of the questions submitted by Alexander I.
to the Diet was the establishment of a State Council, to carry out the
government of the country. The statutes for this Council were issued on
August 18, 1809, and its name was in 1816 changed to Imperial Senate for
Finland; in the manifesto, in which this change of name was effected,
the Emperor took the occasion to repeat his "assurance of a separate
Constitution of the country, under Our Sceptre and that of Our
successors."
According to the Constitution, the Emperor and Grand Duke is assisted in
the work of governing Finland by the Senate, the Governor-General, and
the office of the Finnish Secretary of State residing in St. Petersburg.
The Emperor and Grand Duke has the right, in criminal matters, to
pardon, to commute the penalty of death, to pronounce the rehabilitation
of and to return forfeited property. He commands the military forces,
provides for the defence of the country, declares war, concludes
treaties of peace, of alliance, and so forth. He appoints to the higher
offices of State. He has the right of conferring titles on persons who
have particularly well merited of the Sovereign or of the country; he
may also raise nobles to the rank of Baron or Count. By means of
naturalisation the Emperor may grant to foreigners and Russian subjects
the status of Finnish citizens.
The Senate is composed of two departments--that of Justice, which is the
supreme tribunal, and the Administrative Department, which manages the
general administration of the country. The two departments, united, form
the "Plenum" of the Senate. The Governor-General presides both over the
Plenum and over each of the departments, which is composed, generally,
of ten members, including the Vice-President. The Administrative
Department comprises the following sections--Judicial matters, Home
Affairs, Finance, Control, Public Worship and Instruction, Agriculture,
Communications, Commerce and Industries. There should also be a section
for military matters, but since the Finnish army has been disbanded, as
we shall see later on, this section no longer exists.
Each of these sections has a Senator at its head, besides which, two
Senators are deputy heads of the Home Affairs and Finance sections; the
Vice-President and one of the members of the Administrative Department
have no portfolios. The number of the Senators is not always, however,
brought up to this full complement.
The Plenum of the Senate is composed of the President and all the
Senators, or, according to the nature and importance of the business at
hand, of four Senators from each department, besides the President.
In the absence of the Governor-General, one of the Vice-Presidents
takes the chair; in the Departments, the oldest Senator present presides
at the Plenum.
The Senators are appointed by the Emperor for a period of three years,
at the expiration of which their appointment may be renewed. All the
Senators of the Department of Justice, and at least two of the members
of the Administrative Department, ought to be competent to discharge the
functions of a Judge.
All matters to be discussed are reported upon by
Referendary-Secretaries, except financial questions, the report of which
is entrusted to the Controllers of the Financial Departments of the
Senate. The Referendary-Secretaries and the Controllers are appointed by
the Emperor.
All cases are decided by a majority of votes, the President having a
casting vote should there be an equal division.
In the sections of the Administrative Department the Head Senator alone,
or his deputy, decides as to the resolutions to be taken on the report
of the Referendary-Secretary, or of the Controller.
The Procurator-General has the right of being present at the sittings of
the Senate, without, however, voting, or taking part in the
deliberations. He is appointed by the Emperor, as is also his deputy and
assistant.
The Senate has a permanent committee for the preparation of projected
measures, working under the guidance of a Senator, appointed by the
Senate, for each legislative measure with which the committee is
charged. The Plenum of the Senate appoints the members of the committee
for a period of three years.
Under the Constitution, Finland has the right to a separate army
organisation. For a long time after Finland was united to Russia, no
soldiers were raised in Finland, since it was considered that the
country, which had suffered so much under the war, should be for some
time to come relieved of every military burden. Later on, however,
Finnish troops were organised under the old Swedish military tenure
system, and in 1878 a new military law came into force, having been duly
passed by the Diet and received Imperial sanction. Under this law,
personal military service was compulsory for every Finnish citizen;
every able-bodied man had to serve either with the colours, or in the
reserve, or the militia. None but Finnish citizens could enter the army.
The Governor-General was Commander-in-Chief of the troops. How this army
was dissolved will be stated later on.
We have several times referred to the Governors of Provinces, so it may
be well here to enumerate a few of their duties:--
The Governor's functions are very numerous. He must see to the public
order and safety, and to the maintenance of roads and bridges. He is the
head of the provincial police branches. He executes the sentences of
tribunals. He orders the levying of distresses and executions. He
supervises, by means of Crown inspectors, the tenants of Crown lands. He
administers the State grain stores. He controls the collection of direct
taxes and excises, and the administration of the provincial
pay-offices. He presides over the higher recruiting commission. He is
the agent of the Senate in all matters for which the province has no
special officials or agents. The decisions of the Communes in certain
cases require the Governor's sanction. He directs the attention of the
Senate and of the Governor-General to any measures calculated to promote
the prosperity of the province. He presents every year, to the Emperor
and to the Senate, a report on the condition of the province entrusted
to him. The functions of the Governor place him in communication, not
only with the Home Section, but also with the other sections of the
Administrative Department of the Senate.
Legislation in Finland is of a twofold nature. It is an inheritance of
the old Swedish Constitution, which, it will be remembered, remained
valid in Finland after 1809, that the Sovereign exercises legislative
powers, by means of administrative ordinances, in certain minor matters,
described as "cases of economy and order." This, however, forms an
exception to the general rule, under which legislation must be carried
out by the Sovereign and the representatives of the people conjointly.
The Constitution also provided, as it stood up till 1869, that it
depended solely on the Sovereign to convoke the representatives,
whenever a legislative measure, requiring the co-operation of the
representatives, was found desirable. The new rulers of Finland were,
therefore, not by law compelled to convoke the Diet, and so it happened
that no Diet was held until the time of Alexander II., when the Estates
of Finland assembled in 1863. In 1869 a Law of the Diet was issued, and
invested with the sanctity of a fundamental law. The old Swedish system
of four Estates, or orders--the nobles, the clergy, the burgesses, and
the peasantry--was retained. By this law, the summoning of the Diet was
no longer left to the good-will of the monarch, but the Diets were to be
periodical, and the Estates to be convoked at least every five years.
But the Diet still had no other right of initiative than by means of
"petitions" to the Sovereign to present to the Estates a Bill on such
questions as, in the opinion of the Diet, required legislative measures.
The right of initiative, by way of "motions," was to a considerable
extent granted to the Diet under Alexander III., in 1886.
The new Law of the Diet, of July 20, 1906, has materially changed the
composition of the Diet. It now consists of one Chamber only, the number
of members being two hundred. The sessions of the Diet are annual. The
right of initiative by way of motion has been extended to all questions
within the legislative competence of the Diet except questions affecting
the fundamental laws (of which this new law is one) and the organisation
of the defence by land or by sea. On these questions, however, the Diet
has the right to "petition" the Sovereign.
The members of the Diet are elected for a period of three years, but
before the expiration of this period the Diet may be dissolved by order
of the Sovereign. The elections take place, under an elaborate system of
proportional voting, and the franchise is extended to every Finnish
citizen, man or woman, who is twenty-four years old or more.
Disqualified to vote are persons who serve in the active army; who stand
under tutelage; who have not been inscribed as Finnish citizens during
the three years preceding the election; those who during the two
preceding years have failed to pay their taxes, unless this omission is
due to want of means; who are in permanent receipt of poor relief;
undischarged bankrupts; persons condemned to ignominious punishment;
finally, persons convicted for corrupt practices are disfranchised for a
period of six years. The electorate in Finland now amounts to some
1,200,000 persons, or about forty per cent, of the total population.
Women as well as men are eligible as members of the Diet.
It is a fundamental principle of the Finnish Constitution that the
country shall be governed with the assistance of native authorities
only.
* * * * *
A brief survey of party politics in Finland will, perhaps, now be of
interest.
At its union with Russia, Finland presented a country where the upper
classes spoke a language different from that used by the majority of the
people. This majority, with a language that had no place in the
administration of the country, did not consist of serfs or farm-hands,
but of free landowners with their own servants and labourers. That such
a state of things could not last long soon became clear to every
thoughtful person.
Already during past centuries the scientific and lighter literature,
although written in Swedish, had been inspired by a national spirit.
Henrik Gabriel Porthan, Professor of the University of Åbo, had devoted
his life to deep researches into the history, language, and folklore of
the Finnish people, and a great many of his disciples followed in his
footsteps.
The cultured Finn, spite of his Swedish mother-tongue, had always
considered himself a member of the Finnish nation. The altered
circumstances, on which Finland entered subsequent to her union with the
mighty Russian Empire, had the effect of inspiring earnest patriots with
the gravest anxiety.
Was there any possibility for Finland to maintain its home policy, or,
indeed, its national life? If such a possibility existed, could it be
looked for anywhere else than in a unanimous and national feeling? The
answer to these questions may be found in the famous words of a young
University teacher, Arvidsson: "Swedes we are no more, Russians we
cannot become, therefore let us be Finns!"
The national consciousness gathered fresh impulse from the appearance of
the great national epic, _Kalevala_, songs descending from heathen
times, written down by Elias Lönnrot from the lips of the people, as
described in a former chapter. In no less degree was the national
feeling intensified by the great poet, Johan Ludvig Runeberg. In his
poems, inspired by a glowing love for the Finnish fatherland, he
glorified the courage, faithfulness, and honour of the Finnish people.
Although written in Swedish, the poems, successfully translated, have
become the property of the whole population.
With the awakening national feeling it is natural that special
attention should be directed to the cause of the long neglected Finnish
language. One of the earliest and most important champions of this
language was Johan Wilhelm Snellman, who advocated his cause with great
vigour and skill in his two journals, first the _Saima_ (1844-1847), and
_Literaturblad för allmän medborgerlig bildning_[F] (1847-1863).
Snellman's activity was of epoch-making importance for Finland. With
much penetration he proved that the existence of the Finnish people
depended on the preservation and development of the language spoken by
the bulk of the population. He maintained that the West-European
civilisation, that had been imparted to the Finnish nation, would never
take firm root if only supported by a small upper class--it ought to
become the property of the whole people. An educated, Finnish-speaking
class must be created, and to this end schools established in which the
pupils could receive their instruction in Finnish. The Finnish language
must be introduced in government offices, courts of justice, and so on.
Snellman's ideas were embraced with enthusiasm by large portions of the
educated classes, particularly so by University students. Snellman's
campaign was not conducted without opposition. His career commenced at
the period of bureaucratic reaction characteristic of the _régime_ of
Nicholas I. In 1850 the draconic edict was issued by which the
publication of all other books than those of a religious or economic
nature in the Finnish language was forbidden. This somewhat preposterous
edict had soon to be repealed, and Snellman's work gained more
recognition. He was appointed Professor of Philosophy in 1856, and a
member of the Senate in 1863. In the same year an ordinance was issued
by which the Finnish language was admitted to Government offices and
Courts of Justice, but it was not as yet recognised as a language with
equal rights with Swedish. In the meantime the language question came to
form the dividing line between the two principal parties in the home
politics of Finland.
As explained in Chapter VII., the champions of the Finnish language were
dubbed _Fennomans_, while those who advocated the position of Swedish
were known as _Svecomans_. The strife between the two parties was at
times very bitter, especially between the extreme wings of the parties.
The extremists on the Finnish side wanted the Finnish tongue to
supersede the Swedish, which was to be reduced to the position of a
tolerated local language. The moderates on both sides found a _modus
vivendi_ in the equality of rights of the two languages. On the whole,
the Svecoman party recognised the justness of the Finnish claims, but
advocated vigorously the necessity of preserving the Swedish language,
which, besides being the mother tongue of a considerable portion of the
peasantry in Finland, possessed historic rights as the language of the
higher culture in the country, and forms the link of communication with
Scandinavian, and the whole West European civilisation. The Svecomans
gave a warning against a too hasty introduction of the Finnish language
into official use before its undoubted lack of an official terminology
had been properly filled. The Fennomans, again, admitting the soundness
of this objection, set to work at the development of Finnish, and their
untiring efforts have borne excellent fruits, so that at the present
time it not only is well equipped with a legal phraseology, but is
capable of serving the demands of cultured literature and science. One
point of difference between Fennomans and Svecomans consisted in this,
that the former, naturally impatient to effect a full recognition of
their language, insisted that the language question should be settled by
means of an administrative ordinance, which could be done much quicker
than by a law duly passed by the Diet. This latter procedure might take
years, considering the long intervals at that time between the sessions
of the Diet, even if the Diet, in which then the Swedish element
predominated, would pass such a Bill. The Svecomans, again, preferred
the second course, as being constitutionally sounder, and they also
pointed to the dangerous precedent an administrative procedure would
involve. The opposition of the Svecomans was also to some degree at
least based on their reluctance, especially on the part of officials
belonging to an older generation, to acquire knowledge of an extremely
difficult language, and a language which was still in official making.
The resistance offered by the extremists of the Svecoman party to the
establishment of new Finnish secondary schools was certainly not to
their credit.
It is impossible to follow here the language struggle in Finland in all
its vicissitudes. At present, Finnish and Swedish form the two official
languages in Finland, with a natural preponderance of Finnish, as the
language of the majority. Every one aspiring to an official position in
Finland must possess a sufficient knowledge of both languages. In some
posts, Russian is also required, and the plan is now contemplated in St.
Petersburg to supersede both Swedish and Finnish with Russian in all the
more important Departments, though the Russian-speaking population in
Finland only amounts to a few thousand people.
To a stranger like myself this seems a curious idea, hardly worthy of so
great a country as Russia.
The language question is no longer the dominant factor in Finnish party
politics; but before we proceed to an account of the new party
divisions, it will be necessary to give a brief sketch of the recent
political history of the Grand Duchy.
Whereas under Alexander II. the Constitution of Finland had been
respected, and its liberties even to some degree extended, attempts were
made under Alexander III. to over-ride the Finnish laws, but these did
not affect questions of greater importance. At that time not only was
Finland at peace, but Russia herself had not begun that terrible
struggle which later kept her in an iron grip--the universal socialistic
unrest from which the whole world is suffering.
When, in 1894, Nicholas II. ascended the throne, he signed, as had all
his august predecessors, the Act of Assurance, in which he promised to
maintain the Constitution.
For some time everything went on smoothly, until 1898, when General
Bobrikoff was appointed Governor-General of the Grand Duchy, and grave
misgivings began to be entertained in Finland. General Bobrikoff was
preceded by a reputation of being the principal agent in the
Russification of the Baltic Provinces, and it soon appeared that he was
sent to Finland on a similar mission.
Simultaneously with General Bobrikoff's appointment, the Finnish Estates
were summoned to an extraordinary session in January 1899, and in the
summons it was said that a Bill for a new military law would be
presented to them. The Bill, when it arrived in the Diet, turned out to
be entirely subversive of the existing military organisation, and tended
to a complete denationalisation of the Finnish army; it contained no
provision as to the limitation of recruits to be taken out annually for
service with the colours, and their number might be increased five or
even six times, as compared with the number taken out under the old law.
It soon became evident that the Diet would not accept this Bill, and
while the deliberations were still in a preliminary stage, an event
happened which was to mark a new epoch in the recent history of Finland.
A "Gracious Manifesto," dated February 15, 1899, was published, by which
the legislative competence of the Finnish Diet was limited to minor
local affairs, and the general effect of which was an overthrow of the
Finnish Constitution. It is impossible to describe adequately the
excitement created in Finland by this entirely unexpected measure.
Meetings of protest were held everywhere, and in the course of a few
weeks a monster address was signed by over half a million people, or
about half of the adult population. A mass deputation of five hundred
persons, representing all the parishes in Finland, went to St.
Petersburg to present the address to the Tzar.
But it was not received by him.
The immediate effect of the "February Manifesto" was that the Finnish
Diet was no longer required to exercise its legislative powers on the
Army Bill, but it was declared that the Estates had only to give their
"opinion" on the matter.
The Diet refused to submit to this curtailment of the constitutional
rights of the country, and drew up a counter proposal, which, while
maintaining the national character of the army, provided for a
considerable increase of the Finnish troops. This proposal, as may have
been expected, did not receive the Sovereign's sanction, and in 1901 a
new Military Law was issued by means of an Imperial Decree, based almost
entirely on the original Bill, which had been refused by the Diet.
When this new Army Edict was to be enforced it met with a vigorous
opposition. The would-be recruits, summoned to the annual levies, failed
in large numbers to put in their appearance. One of the effects of this
opposition was the disbandment of the existing Finnish regiments.
In the meantime--both before and after the promulgation of the Army
Edict--a long series of ordinances were issued, and other measures taken
which were not only unconstitutional in principle, but also in direct
conflict with the common law of the land, too numerous to be recorded in
detail in this brief summary. We may here mention only the introduction
of the Russian language in public departments, the appointment of
Russians to important public posts, such as provincial governorships,
the transfer of administrative powers from the Senate to the person of
the Governor-General. To all these measures a "passive resistance" was
organised in Finland.
It was inculcated on the minds of the people that every Finnish citizen,
whether in an official position or not, affected by any illegal
measures, should refuse to comply, and should act in accordance only
with the indisputably legal rights of the country, irrespective of
threats of punishment. Finland was struggling for her rights.
That this resistance would provoke repressive measures was fully
expected, and the expectations were amply fulfilled. Scores of
officials, though legally irremovable except by trial and sentence, were
summarily dismissed; judges equally summarily removed; numerous
domiciliary visits were paid by the Russian police and gendarmes to
persons suspected of tendencies of opposition; illegal arrests were
effected.
The newspapers were ruthlessly persecuted. In the years 1899 to 1901
scores of newspapers were suspended for short periods, and twenty-four
were permanently suppressed.
In 1903 General Bobrikoff procured for himself dictatorial powers in
Finland, of which he availed himself freely. Among other things, more
than fifty Finlanders, many of them belonging to the most prominent
citizens of the Grand Duchy, were exiled or deported to Russia. Some of
the deportations, however, happened after the death of General
Bobrikoff.
On June 16, 1904, a young official, Eugen Schauman, who had never been
known to take an active interest in politics, shot General Bobrikoff
dead, and immediately afterwards killed himself. A few weeks later, on
July 28, M. de Plehve fell the victim of a plot of Russian
revolutionaries, aided and abetted, it appears, by agents of the Russian
secret police. M. de Plehve combined with his office of Russian Minister
of the Interior the post as Secretary of State for Finland, which, by
the way, also was illegal, as this post should be filled by a Finlander.
Thus two of the most prominent enemies of Finland were no longer
among the living. M. de Plehve's immediate successor, Prince
Sviatopolsk-Mirski, was a humane and liberal-minded man. The new
Governor-General in Finland, Prince Obolenski, also was a man of a far
less aggressive type than General Bobrikoff. Shortly after his arrival
in Finland more lenient methods in dealing with Finland were adopted. In
the autumn of 1904 the Diet was convoked, and those of the exiles who
were either members by right of birth of the House of Nobles, or had
been elected to either of the other Houses, were allowed to return.
At this time Russia was involved in the disastrous war with Japan. The
grave difficulties which the Government experienced from the repeated
defeats in the Far East were further enhanced by the revolutionary
movement at home. At the end of October 1905 a general strike was
proclaimed in Russia, which resulted in the Tzar's manifesto of October
30, in which the establishment of a Constitutional Government in Russia
was promised. The same day a general strike broke out in Finland. All
government offices, schools, industrial establishments, restaurants,
public-houses, and shops were closed. The railway service, and to a
great extent the steamship service, stopped; so also the telephones and
the supply of electric light. Only a few telegraph lines were in
operation. In the towns, the tramways and cabs no longer moved in the
streets. Only the water and food supply was kept going. In Helsingfors,
a deputation of leading citizens went to Prince Obolenski, and urged him
to resign his post. The same demand was directed to the members of the
Senate, who were too much compromised on account of their submissiveness
to General Bobrikoff's _régime_.
On December 31, 1904, the Diet had adopted a "Humble Petition" to the
Tzar for the restitution of Finland's constitutional rights, but no
answer had been forthcoming. This petition was now brought to the Tzar's
notice, and on November 4, 1905, he signed a Manifesto, in which he
granted the petition and repealed all the more important of the
previous unconstitutional measures. The Manifesto of February 15, 1899,
was to be "suspended until the questions therein contained shall be
arranged by an act of legislation." At the same time, the Diet was
convoked for December 20, 1905.
The importance of this Diet is only surpassed by that held at Borgå in
1809, almost a century before, and it is equalled only by the Diet of
1863. It was the last Diet held under the system of four Estates,
sitting in separate houses, and the last remnant of this time-honoured,
venerable, but certainly somewhat cumbrous Swedish system of
representation disappeared. For at this Diet the new law of the Diet, of
which a brief account is given above, was adopted in May 1906. During
the "Bobrikoff era," or "Era of Oppression," as the preceding years were
called in Finland, women had done excellent service in the organisation
of the passive resistance movement, and largely for this reason men were
ready and willing that the suffrage should be extended to women on the
same conditions as to men themselves. No vulgar rioting was necessary.
Finnish men were wide-minded enough to see that as regards brains,
employment, and politics, there should be no such question as sex.
The proportional system of voting was also adopted without any
opposition.
The same year the principles of the freedom of the Press, of assemblies,
and of associations were guaranteed by a law, invested with the sanctity
of fundamental laws, which, for their repeal or alteration, require a
qualified majority.
We can now return to the question of parties in Finland. Already before
the commencement of the "Bobrikoff era," the Fennoman party had split up
into two groups known as the Old-Finnish and the Young-Finnish party.
The latter professed more liberal views on various questions, as in
regard to religion and social problems. The Svecoman party had to a
considerable extent abandoned its opposition to the Finnish claims, but
it still remained as representing the interests of the Swedish
population in Finland. When the Russian attacks first commenced, all
party divergences were sunk into oblivion, and the country provided the
spectacle of a completely united nation. General Bobrikoff was too much
of a tactician to be pleased with this state of affairs, and he began to
play up to the Old-Finns, not without success. Among other things, he
filled all public posts, vacated by their former occupants, who had
either resigned on constitutional grounds or had been dismissed,
exclusively with Old-Finns.
The Swedish and Young-Finnish parties now entered on a powerful party
alliance, and formed the "constitutional" _bloc_, which was also joined
by many influential members of the Old-Finnish party, and strongly
supported by the great masses, who had previously exercised very little
political influence, and from the ranks of which the recent Social
Democratic party was later on to be recruited.
It was by this _bloc_ that the passive resistance campaign was
principally carried on. The leaders of the Old-Finnish party adopted a
policy of yielding to General Bobrikoff's demands, by which they hoped
to save some remnants of the Finnish rights. The party was to some
extent disfigured by a number of office hunters, but on the whole it was
actuated by patriotic motives. General Bobrikoff was well aware that the
Old-Finns at heart were much opposed to his policy, but from their
submissive attitude, and their readiness to waive constitutional
objections in return for temporary advantages, he took occasion to
represent to the Tzar that his policy had the "support of the mass of
the people."
When by the law of 1906 the suffrage was extended to the great masses of
the people, two new parties arose. The most numerous of all parties in
Finland is now the Social Democratic party, which is strongly opposed to
the Russian demands. So also is the Agrarian Reform party, which takes
up a radical platform in questions of land legislation, and is closely
allied to the Young-Finns, with some leanings towards Socialism. A small
group is formed by the "Christian Labourers."
Since 1906 no less than five elections have been held, and their results
may be seen from the following table:--
Agrarian
Social Swedish Reform Christian
Democrats. Old-Finns. Young-Finns. Party. Party. Labourers.
1907 80 59 26 24 9 2
1908 83 54 27 25 9 2
1909 84 48 29 25 13 1
1910 86 42 28 26 17 1
1911 80 43 28 26 16 1
The reason why so many elections have taken place--practically every
year--though the members are elected for three years, is that the Diets
have been dissolved by Imperial command, because they have protested
against new breaches of the Constitution. Some of the more important
instances may here be recorded. In June 1908 the Russian Council of
Ministers was invested with far-reaching powers to interfere in the
business both of the Finnish Senate and the Diet. In 1910 the Russian
Legislature adopted a proposal, presented by the Tzar, and sanctioned by
him on June 30, which provided that a vast number of questions,
specified in the new law, were withdrawn from the competence of the
Finnish Diet. Legislation on such questions was henceforward transferred
to the Russian Legislature, and the Diet was placed in a position to
give its opinion on them only. When a law relating to Finland was to be
discussed in the Russian Duma or Council of State, Finland was to be
represented by four members in the former, and two members in the latter
Chamber. The Finnish Diet declared that it could not recognise the new
law as legal, since it was unconstitutionally enacted, and in substance
constituted a breach of Finnish laws.
In February 1912 the Russian Legislature passed a law, by which Russians
coming to Finland were to enjoy all the rights accruing to Finns without
acquiring Finnish citizenship. A serious question of principle is
involved in this new measure, since it amounts to the negation of a
separate Finnish citizenship, which has hitherto been recognised by the
Russian rulers even in their dealings with foreign powers. One of the
obvious motives for this law is to make it possible to appoint Russian
officials to Finnish posts. Several such appointments have already taken
place. In August 1912 the members of the Wiborg Town Court were
arrested, and brought to St. Petersburg to be tried before a Russian
Court for having refused to apply the law just mentioned.
The people of Finland are awaiting with grave anxiety further
developments in the present Russian policy.
I am only an outsider, but I have travelled a little both in Finland and
Russia. It seems to me that the characters of the two peoples are so
fundamentally different, they should each have free hands; and that
Russia, while retaining Finland as part of the Russian Empire, should
allow her the administration of her own affairs, which she has always
shown herself so capable of exercising.
THE END.
FOOTNOTES:
[F] _Journal for Literature and General Instruction in Civic Affairs._
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climber of his day. He was the first, for example, to ascend that most
formidable of the Chamonix Aiguilles, the Grepon, where the "Mummery
Chimney" still commemorates his achievement. The present volume is one
of the great classics of mountaineering, and can be read with delight by
those who have never seen anything higher than the Surrey Downs.
(_August 6._)
NELSON LIBRARY OF NOTABLE BOOKS
_CONDENSED LIST._
Scrambles Amongst the Alps.
Collections and Recollections.
The Great Boer War.
Life of John Nicholson.
Dean Hole's "Memories."
Life of Gladstone.
Psalms in Human Life.
Wild Life in a Southern County.
The Forest.
The Golden Age.
Sir Henry Hawkins's Reminiscences.
Selected Essays.
Life of Lord Russell of Killowen.
Making of Modern Egypt.
From the Cape to Cairo.
Life of Alexander Hamilton.
A Book about the Garden.
Culture and Anarchy.
Collections and Recollections. 2nd Series.
Life of Frank Buckland.
A Modern Utopia.
With Kitchener to Khartum.
Unveiling of Lhasa.
Life of Lord Dufferin.
Life of Dean Stanley.
Popular Astronomy.
Dream Days.
Round the World on a Wheel.
Path to Rome.
The Life of Canon Ainger.
Reminiscences of Lady Dorothy Nevill.
A Social Departure.
Letters and Recollections of Sir Walter Scott.
Literature and Dogma.
Sermons by the Rev. C. H. Spurgeon.
My Confidences.
Sir Frank Lockwood.
The Making of a Frontier.
Life of General Gordon.
Collected Poems of Henry Newbolt.
Pot-Pourri from a Surrey Garden.
The Ring and the Book.
The Alps from End to End.
The English Constitution.
In India.
The Life of Cobden.
The Life of Parnell.
Havelock's March.
Up from Slavery.
Recollections of the Rt. Hon. Sir Algernon West.
Great Englishmen of the Sixteenth Century.
Where Black Rules White.
Historical Mysteries.
The Strenuous Life.
Memories Grave and Gay.
Life of Danton.
A Pocketful of Sixpences.
The Romance of a Proconsul (Sir George Grey).
A Book about Roses.
Random Reminiscences.
The London Police Courts.
The Amateur Poacher.
The Bancrofts.
At the Works.
Mexico as I Saw It.
Eighteenth Century Vignettes.
The Great Andes of the Equator.
The Early History of C. J. Fox.
Through the Heart of Patagonia.
Browning as a Religious Teacher.
Life of Tolstoy.
Paris to New York.
Life of Lewis Carroll.
A Naturalist in the Guianas.
The Mantle of the East.
Letters of Dr. John Brown.
Jubilee Book of Cricket.
By Desert Ways to Baghdad.
Fields, Factories, and Workshops.
Some Old Love Stories.
Life of Lord Lawrence.
Problems of Poverty.
The Burden of the Balkans.
Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay--I. and II.
What I Saw in Russia.
Wild England of To-day.
Leaves from an Inspector's Logbook.
_Others in Preparation._
* * * * *
THOMAS NELSON AND SONS.
* * * * *
Transcriber's Note:
The following corrections have been applied to this text:
The national air of Finland is _Maamme_ or _Vårt Land_ in
Swedish ("Our Land").
"Vårt" was printed as "Vart" in the original.
for in those Northern climes there are many strange natural effects
far more beautiful than in the South.
"there are" missing in the original.
with a bathroom."
Nested opening quotes are closed with one closing quote.
_Me tahdomme lähteä_ (or _matkustaa_) We would like to leave at one
_kello yksi._ o'clock.
"Me tahdomme" lähteä was printed as "Meetahdommlähteä" in the Original.
_Viisi kymmentä._ 50.
"kymmentä" missing in the original
_Kolme sataa._ 300.
"sataa" was printed as "soloa" in the original.
_Tuhat kahdeksansataa yhdeksänkymmentä kuusi._ 1896.
"kuusi" was missing in the original.
Let us take as an example a 400-mark _öre_ (tax).
"us" was printed as "as" in the original.
and is
certainly in a very flourishing condition.
"flourishing" was printed as "flourishng" in the original.
for my sister and I were going back
to _Ilkeäsaari_ alone
"Ilkeäsaari" was printed as "Ilkeâsaari" in the original.
and for the male, _slöjd_, gardening, and fieldwork.
"slöjd" was printed as "slojd" in the original.
When we went to _Kuopio_ we hoped to meet _Minna Canth_
"Kuopio" was printed as "Koupio" in the original.
lined throughout with black sheepskin.
"througout" was printed as "thoughout" in the original.
feeling the incarnation of industry and pride,
"feeling" was printed as "fealing" in the original.
coupled with the bare
simplicity of the boards
"simplicity" was printed as "simplictiy" in the original.
Accordingly, every year on that day in June sixty men start work
at _Uleåborg_
"every" was printed as "ever" in the original.
we explained it was to go to the _ångbåtshytt_
(cabin) number ten
"ångbåtshytt" was printed as "angbat shytt" in the original.
par l'acte présent
"présent" was printed as "present" in the original.
ont joui jusqu'ici selon la Constitution
"jusqu'ici" was printed as "jusqu' ici" in the original.
maintenir tous ces avantages
"ces" was printed as "ses" in the original.
afford sufficient proofs to assure the Finnish Nation
"proofs" was printed as "poofs" in the original.