THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN SUMER; THE DAWN OF HISTORY AND THE RISE OF
LAGASH
In their origin the great cities of Babylonia were little more
than collections of rude huts constructed at first of reeds cut in
the marshes, and gradually giving place to rather more substantial
buildings of clay and sun-dried brick. From the very beginning it would
appear that the shrine of the local god played an important part in the
foundation and subsequent development of each centre of population.
Of the prehistoric period in Babylonia we know little, but it may be
assumed that, already at the time of the Sumerian immigration, rude
settlements had been formed around the cult-centres of local gods.
This, at any rate, was the character of each town or city of the
Sumerians themselves during the earliest periods to which we can trace
back their history. At Fâra, the most primitive Sumerian site that has
yet been examined, we find the god Shuruppak giving his own name to the
city around his shrine, and Ningirsu of Lagash dominates and directs
his people from the first. Other city-gods, who afterwards became
powerful deities in the Babylonian pantheon, are already in existence,
and have acquired in varying degrees their later characters. Enki of
Eridu is already the god of the deep, the shrine of Enzu or Nannar in
the city of Ur is a centre of the moon-cult, Babbar of Larsa appears
already as a sun-god and the dispenser of law and justice, while the
most powerful Sumerian goddess, Ninni or Nanâ of Erech, already has her
shrine and worshippers in the city of her choice.
By what steps the city-gods acquired their later characters it is
impossible now to say, but we may assume that the process was a
gradual one. In the earlier stages of its history the character of
the local god, like that of his city, must have been far more simple
and primitive than it appears to us as seen in the light of its later
development. The authority of each god did not extend beyond the limits
of his own people's territory. Each city was content to do battle on
his behalf, and the defeat of one was synonymous with the downfall of
the other. With the gradual amalgamation of the cities into larger
states, the god of the predominant city would naturally take precedence
over those of the conquered or dependent towns, and to the subsequent
process of adjustment we may probably trace the relationships between
the different deities and the growth of a pantheon. That Enki should
have been the god of the deep from the beginning is natural enough
in view of Eridu's position on an expanse of water connected with
the Persian Gulf. But how it came about that Ur was the centre of a
moon-cult, or that Sippar in the north and Larsa in the south were
peculiarly associated with the worship of the sun, are questions
which cannot as yet be answered, though it is probable that future
excavations on their sites may throw some light upon the subject.
In the case of one city excavation has already enabled us to trace the
gradual growth of its temple and the surrounding habitations during a
considerable portion of their history. The city of Nippur stands in a
peculiar relation to others in Sumer and Akkad, as being the central
shrine in the two countries and the seat of Enlil, the chief of the
gods. Niffer, or Nuffar, is the name by which the mounds marking its
site are still known. They have been long deserted, and, like the sites
of many other ancient cities in Babylonia and Assyria, no modern town
or village is built upon them or in their immediate neighbourhood. The
nearest small town is Sûk el-'Afej, about four miles to the south,
lying on the eastern edge of the Afej marshes, which begin to the
south of Niffer and stretch away to the west. The nearest large town
is Dîwânîya, on the left bank of the Euphrates twenty miles to the
south-west. In the summer the marshes in the neighbourhood of the
mounds consist of pools of water connected by channels through the
reed-beds, but in the spring, when the snows have melted in the Taurus
and the mountains of Kurdistan, the flood-water converts the marshes
into a vast lagoon, and all that meets the eye are isolated date-palms
and a few small hamlets built on rising knolls above the water-level.
Although, during the floods, Niffer is at times nearly isolated, the
water never approaches within a considerable distance of the actual
mounds. This is not due to any natural configuration of the soil, but
to the fact that around the inner city, the site of which is marked by
the mounds, there was built an outer ring of habitations at a time when
the enclosed town of the earlier periods became too small to contain
the growing population. The American excavations, which have been
conducted on the site between the years 1889 and 1900, have shown that
the earliest area of habitation was far more restricted than the mounds
which cover the inner city.[1] In the plan on p. 88 it will be seen
that this portion of the site is divided into two parts by the ancient
bed of the Shatt en-Nîl. The contours of the mounds are indicated by
dotted lines, and each of them bears a number in Roman figures. Mound
III. is that which covered E-kur, the temple of Enlil, and it was
around the shrine, in the shaded area upon the plan, that the original
village or settlement was probably built. Here in the lowest stratum
of the mound were found large beds of wood-ashes and animal bones, the
remains of the earliest period of occupation.
[Illustration: Early Babylonian plan of the temple of Enlil at Nippur
and its enclosure, drawn upon a clay tablet dating from the first half
of the second millennium B.C. The labels on the plan are translated
from notes on the original.--Cf. Fisher, "Excavations at Nippur," I.,
pl. 1.]
It is difficult to trace through all its stages the early growth of
the city, but it would seem that the shrine in the centre of the town
was soon raised upon an artificial mound to protect it during periods
of inundation. Moreover, as at Fâra, the original settlement must
have expanded quickly, for even below the mounds to the south-west
of the Shatt en-Nîl, strata have been found similar in character to
those under the temple-mound, as well as bricks and wells of the
pre-Sargonic period. In reconstructing the plan of the later areas
occupied by the temple and its enclosure, considerable assistance has
been obtained from an ancient plan of the temple, drawn upon a clay
tablet that was found at Nippur. From the form of the characters
inscribed upon it, it does not appear to date from an earlier period
than the first half of the second millennium B.C., but it may well
be a copy of an older original since the form of its temple-enclose
appears to agree with that in the time of Narâm-Sin as revealed by
the excavations. In it the position of E-kur is marked at one end
of a great enclosure surrounded by an irregular wall. The enclosure
is cut by a canal or sluice, on the other side of which stood
temple-storehouses.
[Illustration: NIPPUR: The inner city after Fischer]
The position of gates in the wall are marked, and it will be noted that
a large stream, labelled the Euphrates, washes its upper side, while on
its other sides are terraces and moats. These details are incorporated
in the accompanying plan, but their suggested relation to the remains
uncovered in the course of the excavations is largely conjectural.
Moreover the period in the temple's history represented by the tablet
is not certainly established, and some of the details such as the
ground-plan of the temple itself may reproduce its later form.
The most striking feature in the temple-area, which was uncovered in
the course of the excavations, is the great temple-tower, or ziggurat,
erected by Ur-Engur, and faced by him with kiln-baked bricks bearing
his name and inscription.[2] The ziggurat in its later and imposing
form was built by him, though within its structure were found the
cores of earlier and smaller towers, erected by Narâm-Sin and during
the pre-Sargonic period. In fact, Ur-Engur considerably altered the
appearance of the temple. In addition to building the ziggurat, he
raised the level of the inner court above Narâm-Sin's pavement, and he
straightened the course of the outer wall, using that of Narâm-Sin as
a foundation where it crossed his line. His wall also included mounds
XII. and V., in the latter of which many of the temple-archives have
been found. During the Kassite period these were stored in buildings in
mound X., across the Shatt en-Nîl in the area included within the inner
city during the later periods. An alteration in the course of the river
from the north-east to the south-west side of the temple area probably
dates from the period of Samsu-iluna, who upon a cone found in _débris_
in the temple-court records that he erected a dam and dug out a new
channel for the Euphrates. His object in doing so was probably to bring
a supply of water within reach of the later extension of the city on
the south-west side.
The excavations on the site of Nippur and its temple have illustrated
the gradual increase in the size of a Sumerian city, and the manner in
which the temple of the city-god retained its position as the central
and most important building. The diggings, however, have thrown little
light upon the form the temple assumed during periods anterior to the
Dynasty of Ur. In fact, we do not yet know the form or arrangement of
an early Sumerian temple; for on early sites such as Fâra, Surghul,
and Bismâya, the remains of no important building were uncovered,
while the scanty remains of Ningirsu's temple at Tello date from the
comparatively late period of Ur-Bau and Gudea. On the latter site,
however, a number of earlier constructions have been discovered, and,
although they are not of a purely religious character, they may well
have been employed in connection with the temple service. Apart from
private dwellings, they are the only buildings of the early Sumerians
that have as yet been recovered, and they forcibly illustrate the
primitive character of the cities of this time.
The group of oldest constructions at Tello was discovered in the
mound known as K, which rises to a height of seventeen metres above
the plain. It is the largest and highest after the Palace Tell, to
the south-east of which it lies at a distance of about two hundred
metres.[3] Here, during his later excavations on the site, M. de
Sarzec came upon the remains of a regular agricultural establishment,
which throw an interesting light upon certain passages in the early
foundation-inscriptions referring to constructions of a practical
rather than of a purely religious character. It is true the titles of
these buildings are often difficult to explain, but the mention of
different classes of plantations in connection with them proves that
they were mainly intended for agricultural purposes. Their titles are
most frequently met with in Entemena's records, but Ur-Ninâ refers
by name to the principal storehouse, and the excavations have shown
that before his time this portion of the city had already acquired its
later character. Here was situated the administrative centre of the
sacred properties attached to the temples, and possibly also those
of the patesi himself. It is true that the name of Ningirsu's great
storehouse does not occur upon bricks or records found in the ancient
structures upon Tell K, but it is quite possible that this was not
a name for a single edifice, but was a general title for the whole
complex of buildings, courts and outhouses employed in connection
with the preparation and storage of produce from the city's lands and
plantations.
[Illustration: SOUTH-EASTERN FACADE OF A BUILDING AT TELLO, ERECTED BY
UR-NINA, KING OF SHIRPURLA.--_Déc. en Chald._, pl. 54.]
At a depth of only two and a half metres from the surface of the tell
M. de Sarzec came upon a building of the period of Gudea, of which
only the angle of a wall remained. But, unlike the great Palace Tell,
where the lowest diggings revealed nothing earlier than the reign of
Ur-Bau, a deepening of his trenches here resulted in the recovery
of buildings dating from the earliest periods in the history of the
city. In accordance with the practice of the country, as each new
building had been erected on the site, the foundations of the one it
had displaced were left intact and carefully preserved within the new
platform, in order to raise the building still higher above the plain
and form a solid substructure for its support. To this practice we owe
the preservation, in a comparatively complete form, of the foundations
of earlier structures in the mound. At no great depth beneath
Gudea's building were unearthed the remains of Ur-Ninâ's storehouse.
Comparatively small in size, it is oriented by its angles, the two
shorter sides facing north-west and south-east, and the two longer
ones south-west and north-east, in accordance with the normal Sumerian
system.[4] It was built of kiln-baked bricks, not square and flat like
those of Gudea or of Sargon and Narâm-Sin, but oblong and plano-convex,
and each bore the mark of a right thumb imprinted in the middle of its
convex side. A few of the bricks that were found bear Ur-Ninâ's name in
linear characters, and record his construction of the "House of Girsu,"
while one of them refers to the temple of Ningirsu. These may not
have been in their original positions, but there is little doubt that
the storehouse dates from Ur-Ninâ's reign, and it may well have been
employed in connection with the temple of the city-god.
Built upon a platform composed of three layers of bricks set in
bitumen, the walls of the building were still preserved to the height
of a few feet. It is to be noted that on none of the sides is there a
trace of any doorway or entrance, and it is probable that access was
obtained from the outside by ladders of wood, or stairways of unburnt
brick, reaching to the upper story. At D and E on the plan are traces
of what may have been either steps or buttresses, but these do not
belong to the original building and were added at a later time. The
absence of any entrance certainly proves that the building was employed
as a storehouse.[5] Within the building are two chambers, the one
square (A), the other of a more oblong shape (B). They were separated
by a transverse passage or corridor (C), which also ran round inside
the outer walls, thus giving the interior chamber additional security.
The double walls were well calculated to protect the interior from damp
or heat, and would render it more difficult for pillagers to effect an
entrance. Both in the chambers and the passages a coating of bitumen
was spread upon the floor and walls. Here grain, oil, and fermented
drink could have been stored in quantity, and the building may also
have served as a magazine for arms and tools, and for the more precious
kinds of building material.
[Illustration: TELLO: Store-House of Ur-Ninâ.]
Around the outside of the building, at a distance of about four metres
from it, are a series of eight brick bases, two on each side, in a
direct line with the walls.[6] On these stood pillars of cedar-wood, of
which the charred remains were still visible. They probably supported
a great wooden portico or gallery, which ran round the walls of the
building and was doubtless used for the temporary storage of goods and
agricultural implements. On the north-east side of the building a brick
pavement (F) extended for some distance beyond the gallery, and at the
southern angle, within the row of pillars and beneath the roof of the
portico, was a small double basin (G) carefully lined with bitumen.
At a greater distance from the house were two larger basins or tanks
(I and K), with platforms built beside them of brick and bitumen (J
and L); with one of them was connected a channel or water-course (M).
At a later time Eannatum sunk a well not far to the west of Ur-Ninâ's
storehouse, and from it a similar water-course ran to a circular basin;
a large oval basin and others of rectangular shape were found rather
more to the north. These, like Ur-Ninâ's tanks, were probably employed
for the washing of vessels and for the cleansing processes which
accompanied the preparation and storage of date-wine, the pressing
of oil, and the numerous other occupations of a large agricultural
community.
A still earlier building was discovered at a depth of five metres below
that of Ur-Ninâ, but it is more difficult to determine the purpose to
which it was put. It was built upon a solid platform (C), which has the
same orientation as Ur-Ninâ's storehouse and rises above the ground
level marked by the remains of a brick pavement (D). It is strange that
the building itself is not in the centre of the platform and for some
unknown reason was set at a slight angle to it. It consists of two
chambers, each with a doorway, the smaller chamber (A) on a level with
the platform, the larger one (B) considerably below it, from which it
must have been reached by a ladder. At intervals along the surface of
the walls were cavities lined with bitumen, which may have supported
the wooden columns of a superstructure, or possibly the supports of
an arched roof of reeds. It is possible that we here have a form of
religious edifice, but the depth of the larger chamber suggests that,
like Ur-Ninâ's building, it was employed as a sort of store-house or
treasure-chamber.
[Illustration: TELLO: Building anterior to Ur-Ninâ after De Sarzec]
The bricks of the building were small and plano-convex, with
thumb-impressions and without inscriptions, so that it is impossible
to recover the name of its builder. But the objects found at the same
deep level indicate a high antiquity, and present us with a picture of
some of the inhabitants of the country at a time when this building,
which was one of the oldest constructions at Lagash, stood upon the
surface of the mound. The circular relief, sculptured with the meeting
of the chieftains,[7] was found in fragments near the building.
Another archaic piece of sculpture of the same remote period, which
was also found in the neighbourhood, represents a figure, crowned
with palm-branches; one hand is raised in an attitude of speech or
adoration, and on the right are two standards supporting what appear
to be colossal mace-heads. The sex of the figure is uncertain, but it
may well be that of a woman; the lines below the chin which come from
behind the ear, are not necessarily a beard, but may be intended for a
thick lock of hair falling over the right shoulder. The scene probably
represents an act of worship, and an archaic inscription on the field
of the plaque appears to record a list of offerings, probably in honour
of Ningirsu, whose name is mentioned together with that of his temple
E-ninnû. It is interesting to note that in this very early age the
temple of the city-god of Lagash already bore its later name.
[Illustration: Fig. 38.--Archaic plaque from Tello, engraved in low
relief with a scene of adoration. In an inscription on the stone, which
appears to enumerate a list of offerings, reference is made to Ningirsu
and his temple E-ninnû.--_Déc._, pl. 1 _bis_, Fig. 1.]
The earliest written records of the Sumerians which we possess, apart
from those engraved upon stone and of a purely votive character,
concern the sale and donation of land, and they prove that certain
customs were already in vogue with regard to the transfer of property,
which we meet with again in later historical periods. A few such
tablets of rounded form and fashioned of unburnt clay were found
at Lagash on Tell K, and slightly below the level of Ur-Ninâ's
building;[8] they may thus be assigned to a period anterior to his
reign. Others of the same rounded form, but of baked clay, have been
found at Shuruppak. It is a significant fact that several of these
documents, after describing the amount of land sold and recording
the principal price that was paid for it, enumerate a number of
supplementary presents made by the buyer to the seller and his
associates.[9] The presents consist of oxen, oil, wool and cloth, and
precisely similar gifts are recorded on the Obelisk of Manishtusu.[10]
It would thus appear that even in this early period the system of land
tenure was already firmly established, which prevailed in both Sumer
and Akkad under the earlier historical rulers.
From the Shuruppak tablets we also learn the names of a number of early
rulers or officials of that city, in whose reigns or periods of office
the documents were drawn up. Among the names recovered are those of
Ur-Ninpa, Kanizi and Mash-Shuruppak, but they are given no titles on
the tablets, and it is impossible to say whether their office preceded
that of the patesi, or whether they were magistrates of the city who
were subordinate to a ruler of higher rank. Another of these early
deeds of sale is inscribed, not upon a tablet, but on the body of a
black stone statuette that has been found at Tello.[11] From the text
we learn that the buyer of the property was a certain Lupad, and the
figure is evidently intended to represent him. Although it was found
on the site of Lagash, and the text records a purchase of land in that
city, it is remarkable that Lupad is described as a high official
of the neighbouring city of Umma, which was the principal rival of
Lagash during the greater part of its history. The archaic character
of the sculpture, and the early form of writing upon it, suggest a
date not much later than that of Ur-Ninâ, so that we must suppose the
transaction took place at a period when one of the two rival cities
acknowledged the suzerainty of the other. Unlike other Sumerian figures
that have been recovered, Lupad's head has a slight ridge over the
brow and below the cheek-bones. This has been explained by Heuzey as
representing short hair and beard, but it more probably indicates the
limits of those portions of the head and face that were shaved.[12]
Thus Lupad presents no exception to the general Sumerian method of
treating the hair.
[Illustration: Fig. 39.--Figure of Lupad, a high official of the city
of Umma, inscribed with a text recording a purchase of land in Lagash
(Shirpurla); from Tello.--In the Louvre; cf. Comptes rendus, 1907, p.
518.]
[Illustration: Fig 40.--Statue of Essar, King of Adab, preserved in the
Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople; from Bismâya.]
In order to assign a date to such figures as that of Lupad, it is
necessary, in the absence of other evidence, to be guided entirely by
the style of the sculpture and the character of the writing. Several
such figures of archaic Sumerian type have been recovered, and three
of them represent kings who ruled in different cities at this early
period. The finest of these is a standing figure of Esar, King of Adab,
which was found in the course of the American excavations at Bismâya,
and is now preserved in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople.
Its discoverers claimed that it was the earliest example of Sumerian
sculpture known,[13] but it may be roughly placed at about the time of
Ur-Ninâ's dynasty. A second king is represented by two fragments of a
statuette from Tello, inscribed in archaic characters with a dedicatory
text of E-abzu, King of Umma,[14] while the third is a seated figure
of a king of the northern city or district of Ma'er, or Mari, and is
preserved in the British Museum.[15] The same uncertainty applies to
the date of Ur-Enlil, a patesi of Nippur, whose name is mentioned on
one of the fragments of votive vases from that city which were found
together on the south-east side of the temple-tower.[16] As in the case
of Esar, King of Adab, we can only assign these rulers approximately to
the period of the earlier rulers of Lagash.
It is in the city of Lagash that our knowledge of Sumerian history may
be said to begin. The excavation of the site has yielded an abundance
of material from which it is possible to arrange her rulers for long
periods in chronological order, and to reconstruct the part they played
in conflicts between the early city-states. It is true that some of her
earlier kings and patesis remain little more than names to us, but with
the accession of Ur-Ninâ we enter a period in which our knowledge of
events is continuous, so far at least as the fortunes of the city were
concerned. With the growth of her power it is also possible to trace in
some detail the relations she maintained with other great cities in the
land.
[Illustration: Emblems of the city of Lagash (Shirpurla) and of the god
Ningirsu. The upper drawing represents a perforated plaque dedicated
to Ningirsu by Ur-Ninâ. Below is a brick stamped with the figure of
Imgig, the lion-headed eagle of Ningirsu.--In the Louvre; Cat. No. 7
and _Déc._, pl. 31 _bis_, No. 1.]
At the earliest period of which we have any historical records it
would appear that the city of Kish exercised a suzerainty over Sumer.
Here there ruled at this time a king named Mesilim, to whom Lagash,
and probably other great cities in the south, owed allegiance. During
his reign a certain Lugal-shag-engur was patesi of Lagash, and we
have definite record that he acknowledged Mesilim's supremacy. For a
votive mace-head of colossal size has been found at Tello, which bears
an inscription stating that it was dedicated to Ningirsu by Mesilim,
who had restored his great temple at Lagash during the time that
Lugal-shag-engur was patesi of that city.[17] The text, the brevity of
which is characteristic of these early votive inscriptions, consists
of but a few words, and reads: "Mesilim, King of Kish, the builder of
the temple of Ningirsu, deposited this mace-head (for) Ningirsu (at the
time when) Lugal-shag-engur (was) patesi of Lagash." In spite of its
brevity the importance of the inscription is considerable, since it
furnishes a synchronism between two early rulers of Sumer and the North.
[Illustration: Fig. 42.--Mace-head, dedicated to Ningirsu, the god
of Lagash (Shirpula), by Mesilim, King of Kish, at the time of
Lugal-shag-engur, patesi of Lagash.--_Déc._, pl 1 _ter_, No. 2; Cat. No
4.]
The weapon itself, upon which it is engraved, IS also noteworthy. As
may be inferred from its colossal size the mace was never intended
for actual use in battle, but was sculptured by Mesilim's orders with
the special object of being dedicated in the temple of the god. It
is decorated with rudely-carved figures of lions, which run around
it and form a single composition in relief. The lions are six in
number, and are represented as pursuing and attacking one another.
Each has seized the hind-leg and the back of the one which precedes
it; they thus form an endless chain around the object, and are a most
effective form of decoration. Unlike the majority of mace-heads, that
of Mesilim is not perforated from top to bottom. The hole for receiving
the handle of the weapon, though deep, is not continued to the top of
the stone, which is carved in low relief with a representation of a
lion-headed eagle with wings outspread and claws extended. Looked at
from above, this fantastic animal appears as an isolated figure, but
it is not to be separated from the lions running round the side of the
mace-head. In fact, we may see in the whole composition a development
of the symbol which formed the arms of the city of Lagash, and was
the peculiar emblem of the city-god Ningirsu.[18] In the latter, the
lion-headed eagle grasps two lions by the back, and in Mesilim's sacred
mace we have the same motive of a lion-headed eagle above lions. It
was, indeed, a peculiarly appropriate votive offering for an overlord
of Lagash to make. As suzerain of Lagash, Mesilim had repaired the
temple of Ningirsu, the city-god; the colossal mace-head, wrought
with a design taken from the emblem of the city and its god, was thus
a fitting object for his inscription. By depositing it in Ningirsu's
temple, he not only sought to secure the favour of the local god by his
piety, but he left in his city a permanent record of his own dominion.
Of Lugal-shag-engur we know as yet nothing beyond his name, and the
fact that he was patesi of Lagash at the time of Mesilim, but the
latter ruler has left a more enduring mark upon history. For a later
patesi of Lagash, Entemena, when giving a historical summary of the
relations which existed between his own city and the neighbouring city
of Umma, begins his account with the period of Mesilim, and furnishes
additional testimony to the part which this early king of Kish played
in the local affairs of southern Babylonia.[19] From Mesilim's own
inscription on the mace-head, we have already seen that he interested
himself in the repair of temples and in fostering the local cults
of cities in the south; from Entemena's record we learn that his
activities also extended to adjusting the political relations between
the separate states. The proximity of Umma to Lagash brought the two
cities into constant rivalry, and, although they were separated by the
Shatt el-Hai,[20] their respective territories were not always confined
to their own sides of the stream. During the reign of Mesilim the
antagonism between the cities came to a head, and, in order to prevent
the outbreak of hostilities, Mesilim stepped in as arbitrator, possibly
at the invitation of the two disputants. The point at issue concerned
the boundary-line between the territories of Lagash and Umma, and
Mesilim, as arbitrator, drew up a treaty of delimitation.
The form in which the record of the treaty is cast is of peculiar
interest, for it forcibly illustrates the theocratic feeling of these
early peoples. It is in accordance with their point of view that the
actual patesis of Lagash and Umma are not named, and the dispute is
regarded as having been adjusted by the gods. The deity who presided
over the conference, and at whose invitation the treaty is stated
to have been made, was Enlil, "the king of the lands." Owing to his
unique position among the local gods of Babylonia, his divine authority
was recognized by the lesser city-gods. Thus it was at his command
that Ningirsu, the god of Lagash, and the city-god of Umma fixed the
boundary. It is true that Mesilim, the King of Kish, is referred to by
name, but he only acted at the word of his own goddess Kadi, and his
duties were confined to making a record of the treaty which the gods
themselves had drawn up. We could not have a more striking instance
of the manner in which the early inhabitants of Babylonia regarded
the city-gods as the actual kings and rulers of their cities. The
human kings and patesis were nothing more than ministers, or agents,
appointed to carry out their will. Thus, when one city made war upon
another, it was because their gods were at feud; the territory of
the city was the property of the city-god, and, when a treaty of
delimitation was proposed, it was naturally the gods themselves who
arranged it and drew up its provisions.
We are enabled to fix approximately the period of Mesilim by this
reference to him upon the cone of Entemena, but we have no such means
of determining the date of another early ruler of the city of Kish,
whose name has been recovered during the American excavations on the
site of Nippur. Three fragments of a vase of dark brown sandstone have
been found there, engraved with an inscription of Utug, an early patesi
of Kish. They are said to have been found in the strata beneath the
chambers of the great temple of Enlil on the south-east side of the
ziggurat, or temple-tower.[21] It would be rash to form any theory as
to the date of the vase solely from the position in which the fragments
are said to have been discovered, but the extremely archaic forms
of the characters of the inscription suggest that it dates from the
earliest period of Babylonian history. Moreover, Utug is termed upon
it patesi, not king, of Kish, suggesting that he ruled at a time when
Kish had not the power and influence it enjoyed under Mesilim. The
hegemony in Sumer and Akkad constantly passed from one city to another,
so that it is possible that Utug should be set after Mesilim, when
the power of Kish had temporarily declined. But as the characters of
Utug's inscription are far more archaic than those of Mesilim, we may
provisionally set him in the period before Kish attained the rank of a
kingdom in place of its patesiate. But how long an interval separated
Utug from Mesilim there is no means of telling.
[Illustration: LIMESTONE FIGURES OF EARLY SUMERIAN RULERS.--_Brit.
Mus., Nos._ 22470 _and_ 90828.]
On the assumption that Utug ruled in this early period, we may see in
the fragments of his vase from Nippur, evidence of the struggles by
which the city of Kish attained the position of supremacy it enjoyed
under Mesilim. For Utug's vase was not carried to Nippur as spoil from
Kish, but was deposited by Utug himself in the temple of Enlil, in
commemoration of a victory he had achieved over the land of Khamazi. We
here learn the name of one of the enemies with whom Kish had to fight
in the early stages of its existence as an independent city-state, and
we may conjecture that many more such battles had to be fought and won
before its influence was felt beyond the boundaries of Akkad by the
Sumerian cities in the south. The fact that after his victory Utug
deposited the vase at Nippur as a thank-offering proves that in his
time the shrine of Enlil was already regarded as the central sanctuary
of Babylonia. Zamama, the god of Kish, had achieved the victory over
Khamazi, but Enlil, as the supreme lord of the world, was entitled
to some recognition and gratitude, and also probably to a share of
the spoil. From one line of the inscription upon Utug's vase we may
perhaps infer that his father's name was Bazuzu, but, as no title
follows the name, he is not to be reckoned as a patesi of Kish. We may
thus conclude that Utug did not succeed his father upon the throne.
Whether he was a usurper or succeeded some other relative, and whether
he followed up his military successes by founding at Kish a powerful
dynasty to which Mesilim may have belonged, are among the questions
which may perhaps be answered as the result of future excavation in
Northern Babylonia.
It is probable that the early supremacy which Kish enjoyed during the
reign of Mesilim continued for some time after his death. At any rate,
the names of two other early rulers of that city are known, and, as
they both bear the title of king, and not patesi, we may conclude that
they lived during a period of the city's prosperity or expansion. The
name of one of these kings, Urzage, occurs upon a broken vase of white
calcite stalagmite, which was found at Nippur, approximately in the
same place as the vase of the patesi Utug.[22] The inscription upon
the vase records the fact that it was dedicated by Urzage to Enlil,
"king of the lands." and his consort Ninlil, "the lady of heaven and
earth." The end of the text is wanting, but we may conjecture that,
like his earlier predecessor Utug, the king dedicated the vase in the
temple of Enlil, at Nippur, in gratitude for some victory over his
enemies. We may thus see in the dedication of the vase further evidence
of the continued prosperity of Kish, though it is clear that it only
maintained its position among the other great cities of the land by
force of arms. The name of the other early king of Kish, Lugal-tarsi,
is known to us from a short inscription upon a small tablet of
lapis-lazuli preserved in the British Museum.[23] The text records the
building of the wall of the enclosure, or outer court, of a temple
dedicated to Anu and the goddess Ninni, but, as its provenance is
unknown, it is impossible to base any argument upon it with reference
to the extent of the influence exerted by Kish during the reign of
Lugal-tarsi.[24] Such are the few facts which have come down to us
with regard to the earliest period of the supremacy of Kish. But the
fortunes of the city were destined to undergo a complete change, in
consequence of the increase in the power of Lagash which took place
during the reign of Eannatum. Before we describe the transfer of power
from the north to Sumer, it will be necessary to retrace our steps to
the point where we left the history of that city, during the time that
Mesilim was ruling in the north.
The names of the successors of Lugal-shag-engur, Mesilim's
contemporary, upon the throne of Lagash have not yet been recovered,
and we do not know how long an interval separated his reign from
that of Ur-Ninâ, the early king of Lagash, from whose time so many
inscriptions and archaeological remains have been recovered at
Tello.[25] It is possible that within this period we should set
another ruler of Lagash, named Badu, to whom reference appears to be
made by Eannatum upon the famous Stele of the Vultures. The passage
occurs in the small fragment that has been preserved of the first
column of the text engraved upon the stele,[26] the following line
containing the title "King of Lagash." The context of the passage is
not preserved, but it is possible that the signs which precede the
title are to be taken as a proper name, and in that case they would
give the name of an early ruler of the city. In favour of this view we
may note that in the text upon an archaic clay tablet found below the
level of Ur-Ninâ s building at Tello[27] the name Badu occurs, and,
although it is not there employed as that of a king or patesi, the
passage may be taken as evidence of the use of Badu as a proper name in
this early age.
Assuming that Badu represents a royal name, it may be inferred from
internal evidence furnished by Eannatum's inscription that he lived
and reigned at some period before Ur-Ninâ. The introductory columns of
Eannatum's text appear to give a brief historical summary concerning
the relations which were maintained between Lagash and the neighbouring
city of Umma in the period anterior to Eannatum's own reign. Now the
second column of the text describes the attitude of Umma to Lagash
in the reign of Akurgal, Ur-Ninâ's son and successor; it is thus a
natural inference that Badu was a still earlier ruler who reigned at
any rate before Ur-Ninâ. Whether he reigned before Lugal-shag-engur
also, there are no data for deciding. It will be noted that Eannatum
calls him "king" of Lagash, not "patesi," but the use of these titles
by Eannatum, as applied to his predecessors, is not consistent, and,
that he should describe Badu as "king," is no proof that Badu himself
claimed that title. But he may have done so, and we may provisionally
place him in the interval between the patesi Lugal-shag-engur and
Ur-Ninâ, who in his numerous texts that have been recovered always
claims the title of "king" in place of "patesi," a fact that suggests
an increase in the power and importance of Lagash.[28] To the same
period we may probably assign Enkhegal, another early king of Lagash,
whose name has been recovered on an archaic tablet of limestone.[29]
It is possible that Ur-Ninâ himself, though not a great soldier, did
something to secure, or at least to maintain, the independence of his
city. In any case, we know that he was the founder of his dynasty, for
to neither his father Gunidu, nor to his grandfather Gursar, does he
ascribe any titular rank. We may assume that he belonged to a powerful
Sumerian family in Lagash, but, whether he obtained the throne by
inheritance from some collateral branch, or secured it as the result
of a revolt within the city, is not recorded. It is strange that in
none of his numerous inscriptions does he lay claim to any conquest
or achievement in the field. Most of his texts, it is true, are of
a dedicatory character, but, to judge from those of other Sumerian
rulers, this fact should not have prevented him from referring to
them, had he any such successes to chronicle. The nearest approach to
a record of a military nature is that he rebuilt the wall of Lagash.
It is therefore clear that, though he may not have embarked on an
aggressive policy, he did not neglect the defence of his own city.
But that appears to have been the extent of his ambition: so long as
the fortifications of the city were intact, and the armed men at her
disposal sufficient for the defence of Lagash herself and her outlying
territory, he did not seek to add to his own renown or to the city's
wealth by foreign conquest. The silence of Entemena with regard to
the relations of Lagash to Umma at this period is not conclusive
evidence that Mesilim's treaty was still in force, or that the peace he
inaugurated had remained unbroken. But Entemena's silence fully accords
with that of Ur-Ninâ himself, and we may infer that, in spite of his
claims to the royal title, he succeeded in avoiding any quarrel with
his city's hereditary foe. Ur-Ninâ's attitude towards the city-state
upon his own immediate borders may be regarded as typical of his policy
as a whole. The onyx bowl which he dedicated to the goddess Bau may
possibly have been part of certain booty won in battle,[30] but his
aim appears to have been to devote his energies to the improvement of
his land and the adornment of his city. It is therefore natural that
his inscriptions[31] should consist of mere catalogues of the names of
temples and other buildings erected during his reign, together with
lists of the statues he dedicated to his gods, and of the canals he cut
in order to increase the material wealth of his people.
But, while Ur-Ninâ's policy appears to have been mainly of a domestic
character, he did not fail to maintain relations with other cities
in the sphere of religious observance. That he should have continued
in active communication with Nippur, as the religious centre of the
whole of Babylonia, is what we might infer from the practice of the
period, and we may probably trace to this fact his dedication to Enlil
of one of the canals which was cut during his reign. A more striking
instance of the deference paid by Ur-Ninâ to the god of another city
may be seen in his relations to Enki, the Sumerian prototype of the
god Ea. When Ur-Ninâ planned the rebuilding of the temple E-ninnû, he
appears to have taken precautions to ensure the success of his scheme
by making a direct appeal to Enki, the city-god of Eridu. On a diorite
plaque that has been found at Tello[32] he records the delivery of his
prayer to Enki, that in his character of Chief Diviner he should use
his pure reed, the wand of his divination, to render the work good and
should pronounce a favourable oracle. The temple of Enki in the city
of Eridu, near the shore of the Persian Gulf, was one of the earliest
and most sacred of Sumerian shrines, and we may perhaps picture Ur-Ninâ
as journeying thither from Lagash, in order to carry his petition in
person into the presence of its mysterious god.
Of the deities of Lagash to whose service Ur-Ninâ appears especially
to have devoted himself, the goddess Ninâ, whose name he bore within
his own, was one of the most favoured. For one of the chief claims to
distinction that he puts forward is that he built her temple at Lagash;
and although, unlike the later great builder Gudea, he gives in his
inscriptions few details of his work, we may conclude that he lavished
his resources upon it. He also boasts that he made a statue of Ninâ,
which he no doubt set up within her temple, and one of his canals he
dedicated to her. Her daughter Ninmar was not neglected, for he records
that he built her temple also, and he erected a temple for Gatumdug,
Ninâ's intercessor, and fashioned a statue of her. Another group of
Ur-Ninâ's buildings was connected with the worship of Ningirsu, the
city-god of Lagash, whose claims a ruler, so devoted to the interests
of his own city as Ur-Ninâ, would naturally not have ignored.
A glance at his texts will show that Ur-Ninâ more than once describes
himself as the builder of "the House of Girsu," a title by which he
refers to E-ninnû, the great temple dedicated to Ningirsu, since it
stood in that quarter of the city which was named Girsu and was by
far its most important building.[33] He also built E-pa, a sanctuary
closely connected with E-ninnû and the worship of Ningirsu. This temple
was added to at a later date by Gudea, who installed therein his
patron god, Ningishzida, and set the nuptial gifts of Bau, Ningirsu's
consort, within its shrine; it is possible that Ur-Ninâ's onyx bowl,
which was dedicated to Bau, and the fragments of other bowls found
with it,[34] were deposited by Ur-Ninâ in the same temple. Of other
deities in Ningirsu's entourage, whom Ur-Ninâ singled out for special
veneration, may be mentioned Dunshagga, Ningirsu's son, and Uri-zi, the
god whose duty it was to look after Ningirsu's _harîm_. Among lesser
temples, or portions of temples, which were built or restored by him
was the Tirash, where on the day of the New Moon's appearance it was
the custom to hold a festival in honour of Ningirsu; while another act
of piety which Ur-Ninâ records was the making of a statue of Lugal-uru,
the god from whose festival one of the Sumerian months took its name.
In this connection, mention may also be made of the god Dun-...,[35]
whom Ur-Ninâ describes as the "God-king," since he stood in a peculiar
relation to Ur-Ninâ and his family. He became the patron deity of the
dynasty which Ur-Ninâ founded, and, down to the reign of Enannatum II.,
was the personal protector of the reigning king or patesi of Lagash.[36]
For the construction of his temples Ur-Ninâ states that he fetched
wood from the mountains, but unlike Gudea in a later age, he is not
recorded to have brought in his craftsmen from abroad. In addition
to the building of temples, Ur-Ninâ's other main activity appears
to have centred in the cutting of canals; among these was the canal
named Asukhur, on the banks of which his grandson Eannatum won a
battle. That the changes he introduced into the canalization of the
country were entirely successful may be inferred from the numerous
storehouses and magazines, which he records he built in connection
with the various temples,[37] and by his statement that when he added
to the temple of Ningirsu he stored up large quantities of grain
within the temple-granaries. In fact, from the inscriptions he has
left us, Ur-Ninâ appears as a pacific monarch devoted to the worship
of his city-gods and to the welfare of his own people. His ambitions
lay within his own borders, and, when he had secured his frontier, he
was content to practise the arts of peace. It was doubtless due to
this wise and far-seeing policy that the resources of the city were
husbanded, so that under his more famous grandson she was enabled
to repel the attack of enemies and embark upon a career of foreign
conquest. Ur-Ninâ's posthumous fame is evidence that his reign was a
period of peace and prosperity for Lagash. His great-grandson Entemena
boasts of being his descendant, and ascribes to him the title of King
of Lagash which he did not claim either for himself or for his father
Enannatum I., while even in the reign of Lugal-anda offerings continued
to be made in connection with his statue in Lagash.[38]
We are not dependent solely on what we can gather from the inscriptions
themselves for a knowledge of Ur-Ninâ. For he has left us sculptured
representations, not only of himself, but also of his sons and
principal officers, from which we may form a very clear picture of the
primitive conditions of life obtaining in Sumer at the time of this
early ruler. The sculptures take the form of limestone plaques, roughly
carved in low relief with figures of Ur-Ninâ surrounded by his family
and his court.[39] The plaques are oblong in shape, with the corners
slightly rounded, and in the centre of each is bored a circular hole.
Though they are obviously of a votive character, the exact object for
which they are intended is not clear at first sight. It has been, and
indeed is still, conjectured that the plaques were fixed vertically to
the walls of shrines,[40] but this explanation has been discredited by
the discovery of the plaque, or rather block, of Dudu, the priest of
Ningirsu during the reign of Entemena. From the shape of the latter,
the reverse of which is not flat but pyramidal, and also from the
inscription upon it, we gather that the object of these perforated
bas-reliefs was to form horizontal supports for ceremonial mace-heads
or sacred emblems, which were dedicated as votive offerings in the
temples of the gods.[41] The great value of those of Ur-Ninâ consists
in the vivid pictures they give us of royal personages and high
officials at this early period.
[Illustration: PLAQUE OF UR-NINA, KING OF SHIRPURLA, ENGRAVED WITH
REPRESENTATIONS OF THE KING AND HIS FAMILY--_In the Louvre; Déc. en
Chald., pl._ 2 (_bis_).]
[Illustration: PLAQUE OF DUDU, PRIEST OF NINGIRSU DURING THE REIGN OF
ENTEMENA, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA.--_In the Louvre; Déc. en Chald., pl._ 5
(_bis_).]
The largest of the plaques[42] is sculptured with two separate scenes,
in each of which Ur-Ninâ is represented in a different attitude and
with a different occupation, while around him stand his sons and
ministers. In the upper scene the king is standing; he is nude down
to the waist and his feet are bare, while around his loins he wears
the rough woollen garment of the period,[43] and upon his shaven head
he supports a basket which he steadies with his right hand. The text
engraved beside the king, in addition to giving his name and genealogy,
records that he has built the temple of Ningirsu, the abzu-banda which
was probably a great laver or basin intended for the temple-service,
and the temple of Ninâ; and it has been suggested that the king is
here portrayed bearing a basket of offerings to lay before his god or
goddess. But the basket he carries is exactly similar to those borne by
labourers for heaping earth upon the dead as represented upon the Stele
of the Vultures,[44] and baskets have always been used in the east by
labourers and builders for carrying earth and other building-materials.
It is therefore more probable that the king is here revealed in the
character of a labourer bearing materials for the construction of the
temples referred to in the text. The same explanation applies to the
copper votive figures of a later period which are represented bearing
baskets on their heads. In a similar spirit Gudea has left us statues
of himself as an architect, holding tablet and rule; Ur-Ninâ represents
himself in the still more humble rôle of a labourer engaged in the
actual work of building the temple for his god.
Behind the king is a little figure intended for the royal cup-bearer,
Anita, and facing him are five of his children. It is usually held
that the first of these figures, who bears the name of Lidda and is
clothed in a more elaborate dress than the other four, is intended for
the king's eldest son.[45] But in addition to the distinctive dress,
this figure is further differentiated from the others by wearing long
hair in place of having the head shaved. In this respect it bears
some resemblance to an archaic statuette, which appears to be that
of a woman;[46] and the sign attached to Lidda's name, engraved upon
the stone, is possibly that for "daughter," not "son." It is thus
not unlikely that we should identify the figure with a daughter of
Ur-Ninâ. The other figures in the row are four of the king's sons,
named Akurgal, Lugal-ezen, Anikurra and Muninnikurta. A curious point
that may be noted is that the height of these figures increases as
they recede from the king. Thus the first of the small figures, that
of Akurgal, who succeeded Ur-Ninâ upon the throne, is represented as
smaller than his brothers, and it has been suggested in consequence
that he was not the king's eldest son,[47] a point to which we will
return later. In the scene sculptured upon the lower half of the plaque
the king is represented as seated upon a throne and raising in his
right hand a cup from which he appears to be pouring a libation. We may
probably see in this group a picture of the king dedicating the temple
after the task of building was finished. The inscription records the
fact that he had brought wood from the mountains, doubtless employed
in the construction of the temples, a detail which emphasises the
difficulties he had overcome. The cup-bearer who stands behind the
throne is in this scene, not Anita, but Sagantug, while the figure
facing the king is a high official named Dudu, and to the left of Dudu
are three more of the king's sons named Anunpad, Menudgid, and Addatur.
[Illustration: Fig 43.--Early Sumerian figure of a women, showing the
Sumerian dress and the method of doing the hair.--_Déc., pl_ 1 _ter_,
No 3.]
A smaller plaque, rather more oval in shape than the large one
figured on the plate facing p. 110, but like it in a perfect state of
preservation, gives a similar scene, though with less elaboration of
detail. According to its inscription this tablet also commemorates
the building of Ningirsu's temple. Here the king carries no basket,
but is represented as standing with hands clasped upon the breast,
an attitude of humility and submission in the presence of his god.
In other respects both the king and the smaller figures of his sons
and ministers are conceived as on the larger plaque. A small figure
immediately behind the king is Anita, the cup-bearer, and to the
left of Anita are the king's son Akurgal and a personage bearing
the name Barsagannudu. In the upper row are two other small figures
named Lugal-ezen and Gula. Now from the largest plaque we know
that Lugal-ezen was a son of Ur-Ninâ; thus the absence of such a
description from Gula and Barsagannudu is not significant, and it is
a fair assumption that both these, like Lugal-ezen, were sons of the
king. But it is noteworthy that of the four figures the only one that
is specifically described as a "son" of Ur-Ninâ is Akurgal.
[Illustration: Plaque of Ur-Ninâ, King of Lagash (Shirpurla),
sculptured with representations of himself, his cup-bearer, Anita, and
four of his sons.--_Déc., pl._ 2 _bis_, No. 2; Cat. No. 9.]
Another of Ur-Ninâ's plaques is not completely preserved, for the right
half is wanting upon which was the figure, or possibly two figures, of
the king. On the portion that has been recovered are sculptured two
rows of figures, both facing the right. The first in the lower row is
Anita, the cup-bearer; then comes a high official named Banar; then
Akurgal, distinguished by the title of "son," and on the extreme left
Namazua, the scribe. Of the four figures preserved in the upper row,
the two central ones are Lugal-ezen and Muninnikurta, both of whom bear
the title of "son," as on the largest of the three plaques. The reading
of the names upon the figures on the right and left is uncertain, but
they are probably intended for officials of the court. The one on the
left of the line is of some interest, for he carries a staff upon his
left shoulder from which hangs a bag. We may perhaps regard him as the
royal chamberlain, who controlled the supplies of the palace; or his
duty may have been to look after the provisions and accommodation for
the court, should the king ever undertake a journey from one city to
another.[48]
[Illustration: Fig 45.--Portion of a plaque of Ur-Ninâ, King of Lagash
(Shirpurla), sculptured with representations of his sons and the high
officials of his court.--_Déc., pl._ 2 _ter_, No. 1; in the Imperial
Ottoman Museum.]
While Ur-Ninâ's sons upon the smaller plaques are all roughly of the
same size, we have noted that the similar figures upon the largest
plaque vary slightly in height. It has been suggested that the
intention of the sculptor was to indicate the difference in age between
the brothers, and in consequence it has been argued that Akurgal,
who succeeded Ur-Ninâ upon the throne of Lagash, was his fifth, and
not his eldest, son. This inference has further been employed to
suggest that after Ur-Ninâ's death there may have followed a period of
weakness within the state of Lagash, due to disunion among his sons;
and during the supposed struggle for the succession it is conjectured
that the city may have been distracted by internal conflicts, and, in
consequence, was unable to maintain her independence as a city-state,
which she only succeeded in recovering in the reign of Eannatum, the
son and successor of Akurgal.[49] But a brief examination of the theory
will show that there is little to be said for it, and it is probable
that the slight difference in the height of the figures is fortuitous
and unconnected with their respective ages. It may be admitted that a
good deal depends upon the sex of Lidda, who, on the largest plaque,
faces the standing figure of Ur-Ninâ. If this is intended for a son of
the king, his richer clothing marks him out as the crown-prince; but,
even so, we may suppose that Akurgal was Ur-Ninâ's second son, and that
he succeeded to the throne in consequence of Lidda having predeceased
his father. But reasons have already been adduced for believing that
Lidda was a daughter, not a son, of Ur-Ninâ. In that case Akurgal
occupies the place of honour among his brothers in standing nearest
the king. He is further differentiated from them by the cup which he
carries; in fact, he here appears as cup-bearer to Lidda, the office
performed by Anita and Saguntug for the king.
That the crown-prince should be here represented as attending his
sister may appear strange, but, in view of our imperfect knowledge
of this early period, the suggestion should not be dismissed solely
on that account. Indeed, the class of temple votaries, who enjoyed
a high social position under the Semitic kings of the First Dynasty
of Babylon, probably had its counterpart at the centres of Sumerian
worship in still earlier times; and there is evidence that at the time
of the First Dynasty, the order included members of the royal house.
Moreover, tablets dating from the close of Ur-Ninâ's dynasty show the
important part which women played in the social and official life of
the early Sumerians.[50] Thus it is possible that Ur-Ninâ's daughter
held high rank or office in the temple hierarchy, and her presence
on the plaque may have reference to some special ceremony, or act of
dedication, in which it was her privilege to take the leading part
after the king, or to be his chief assistant. In such circumstances it
would not be unnatural for her eldest brother to attend her. In both
the other compositions Lidda is absent, and Akurgal occupies the place
of honour. In the one he stands on a line with the king immediately
behind the royal cup-bearer, and he is the only royal son who is
specifically labelled as such; in the other he is again on a line with
the king, separated from Anita, the cup-bearer, by a high officer of
state, and followed by the royal scribe. In these scenes he is clearly
set in the most favoured position, and, if Lidda was not his sister but
the crown-prince, it would be hard to explain the latter's absence,
except on the supposition that his death had occurred before the
smaller plaques were made. But the texts upon all three plaques record
the building of Ningirsu's temple, and they thus appear to have been
prepared for the same occasion, which gives additional weight to the
suggestion that Lidda was a daughter of Ur-Ninâ, and that Akurgal was
his eldest son.
But, whether Akurgal was Ur-Ninâ's eldest son or not, the evidence of
at least the smaller of the two complete plaques would seem to show
that he was recognized as crown-prince during the lifetime of his
father, and we may infer that he was Ur-Ninâ's immediate successor.
For an estimate of his reign we must depend on references made to him
by his two sons. It has already been mentioned that the early part of
the text engraved upon the Stele of the Vultures appears to have given
an account of the relations between Lagash and Umma during the reigns
preceding that of Eannatum,[51] and in a badly preserved passage in
the second column we find a reference to Akurgal, the son of Ur-Ninâ.
The context is broken, but "the men of Umma" and "the city of Lagash"
are mentioned almost immediately before the name of Akurgal,[52] and
it would appear that Eannatum here refers to a conflict which took
place between the two cities during the former's reign. It should be
noted that upon his Cone[53] Entemena makes no mention of any war at
this period, and, as in the case of Ur-Ninâ's reign, his silence might
be interpreted as an indication of unbroken peace. But the narratives
may be reconciled on the supposition either that the conflict in
the reign of Akurgal was of no great importance, or that it did not
concern the fertile plain of Gu-edin. It must be remembered that the
text upon the Cone of Entemena was composed after the stirring times
of Eannatum, Entemena's uncle, and the successes won by that monarch
against Umma were naturally of far greater importance in his eyes than
the lesser conflicts of his predecessors. It is true that he describes
the still earlier intervention of Mesilim in the affairs of Lagash
and Umma, but this is because the actual stele or boundary-stone set
up by Mesilim was removed by the men of Umma in Eannatum's reign, an
act which provoked the war. The story of Mesilim's intervention, which
resulted in the setting up of the boundary-stone, thus forms a natural
introduction to the record of Eannatum's campaign; and the fact that
these two events closely follow one another in Entemena's text is not
inconsistent with a less important conflict being recorded by the Stele
of the Vultures as having taken place in the reign of Akurgal.
The only other evidence with regard to the achievements of Akurgal
is furnished by the titles ascribed to him by his two sons. Upon
the Stele of the Vultures,[54] Eannatum describes him as "king" of
Lagash, and from this passage alone it might be inferred that he was
as successful as his father Ur-Ninâ in maintaining the independence
of his city. But in other texts upon foundation-stones, bricks, and a
small column, Eannatum describes him only as "patesi," as also does
his other son Enannatum I. It should be noted that in the majority
of his inscriptions Eannatum claims for himself the title of patesi,
and at the end of one of them, in which he has enumerated a long list
of his own conquests, he exclaims, "He (_i.e._ Eannatum) is the son
of Akurgal, the patesi of Lagash, and his grandfather is Ur-Ninâ,
the patesi of Lagash."[55] That he should term Ur-Ninâ "patesi" does
not accord with that ruler's own texts, but, if Eannatum himself had
been merely a patesi at the beginning of his reign, and his father
had also been one before him, he may well have overlooked the more
ambitious title to which his grandfather had laid claim, especially
as this omission would enhance the splendour of his own achievements.
It is also possible that at this time the distinction between the two
titles was not so strictly drawn as in the later periods, and that
an alteration in them did not always mark a corresponding political
change.[56] However this may be, the subsequent conflicts of Eannatum
suggest that Lagash had failed to maintain her freedom. We may assume
that the North had once more interfered in the affairs of Sumer, and
that Kish had put an end to the comparative independence which the city
had enjoyed during Ur-Ninâ's reign.
[1] For an account of the excavations at Nippur and their results, see
Hilprecht, "Explorations in Bible Lands," pp. 289 ff., and Fisher,
"Excavations at Nippur," Pt. I. (1905), Pt. II. (1900).
[2] At a later period this was converted into a Parthian fortress.
[3] See the plan of Tello on p. 19.
[4] For example, compare the orientation of Enlil's temple on p. 88.
[5] It has been compared to the granaries of Egypt as depicted in
wall-paintings or represented by models placed in the tombs; cf.
Heuzey, "Une Villa royale chaldéenne,"--p. 9 f.
[6] See H, H on plan.
[7] See above, p. 45 f.
[8] Cf. Heuzey, "Une Villa royale," p. 24.
[9] Cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Recueil de tablettes chaldéennes," p. i. f.,
Nos. 1 ff., 9 ff., and "Rev. d'Assyr.," VI., pp. 11 ff.
[10] See below, Chap. VII., p. 206 f.
[11] Cf. Heuzey and Thureau-Dangin, "Comptes rendus de l'Acad. des
Inscriptions," 1907, pp. 516 ff. The head of the figure had been found
many years before by M. de Sarzec, and was published in "Déc. en
Chald.," p. 6 _ter_, Figs. 1 _a_ and _b_.
[12] Cf. Meyer, "Sum. und Sem.," p. 81, n. 2.
[13] Cf. Banks, "Scientific American," Aug. 19, 1905, p. 137, and
"Amer. Journ. Semit. Lang.," XXI., p. 59.
[14] "Déc. en Chald.," pl. 5, No. 3.
[15] See the plate opposite p. 102. The king of Ma'er's figure is the
one on the right.
[16] Cf. Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," II., pl. 44, No. 96, and
Thureau-Dangin, "Königsinschriften," p. 158 f.
[17] See Heuzey, "Revue d'Assyr.," IV., p. 109; cf.
"Königsinschriften," p>. 160 f.
[18] See the blocks on p. 98. A variant form of the emblem occurs on
the perforated block of Dudu (see the plate facing p. 110). There the
lions turn to bite the spread wings of the eagle, indicating that the
emblem is symbolical of strife ending in the victory of Lagash (cf.
Heuzey, "Cat.," p. 121).
[19] See the Cone of Entemena, "Déc. en Chald.," p. xlvii.;
and cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., pp. 37 ff., and
"Königsinschriften," pp. 36 ff. Entemena's sketch of the early
relations of Lagash and Umma precedes his account of his own conquest
of the latter city; see below, p. 164 f.
[20] See above, pp. 11, 21 f.
[21] See Hilprecht, "Old Babylonian Inscriptions," Pt. II., p. 62, pl.
46, No. 108 f., and Pt. I., p. 47.
[22] See Hilprecht, _op. cit._, Pt. II., p. 51, pl. 43, No. 93;
cf. Winckler, "Altorientalische Forschungen," I., p. 372 f., and
Thureau-Dangin, "Königsinschriften," p. 160 f.
[23] See "Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum," Pt. III., pl.
1, and cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 74, and
"Königsinschriften," p. 160 f. For a photographic reproduction of the
tablet, see the plate facing p. 218.
[24] Since the central cult of Ninni and of Anu was at Erech, it is
possible that Lugal-tarsi's dedication implies the subjection of Erech
to Kish at this period.
[25] See above, pp. 91 ff.
[26] "Déc. en Chaldée," p. xl.; cf. Thureau-Dangin,
"Königsinschriften," p. 10 f.
[27] See Thureau-Dangin, "Recueil de tablettes chaldéennes," p. 1, pl.
1, No. 1.
[28] It has been suggested that the title lugal, "king," did
not acquire its later significance until the age of Sargon
(Shar-Gani-sharri), but that it was used by earlier rulers as
the equivalent of the Semitic belu, "lord" (cf. Ungnad, "Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.," 1908, col. 64, n. 5). But, in view of the fact that
Mesilim bore the title, it would seem that in his time it already
conveyed a claim to greater authority than that inherent in the word
patesi. The latter title was of a purely religious origin; when borne
by a ruler it designated him as the representative of his city-god, but
the title "king" was of a more secular character, and connoted a wider
dominion. But it must be admitted that some inconsistencies in the use
of the titles by members of Ur-Ninâ's dynasty seem to suggest that
the distinction between them was not quite so marked as in the later
periods.
[29] See Hilprecht, "Zeits. für Assyr.," XI., p. 330 f.; and
Thureau-Dangin, _op. cit._, XV., p. 403.
[30] See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 106. A fragment of a similar
bowl, probably of the same early period, is definitely stated in the
inscription upon it to have been set aside for Bau as a part of certain
spoil.
[31] They are collected and translated by Thureau-Dangin,
"Königsinschriften," pp. 2 ff.
[32] "Découvertes en Chaldée," p. xxxvii., No. 10.
[33] See above, p. 90 f. Other divisions of Lagash were Ninâ,
Uru-azagga and Uru.
[34] See above, p. 107.
[35] The reading of the second half of the name is uncertain. The two
signs which form the name were provisionally read by Amiaud as Dun-sir
("Records of the Past," N.S., I., p. 59), and by Jensen as Shul-gur
(cf. Schrader's "Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek," Bd. III., Hft. 1, p.
18 f.); see also Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr." III., p. 119, n. 5,
and Radau, "Early Bab. Hist.," p. 92, n. 18.
[36] See below, pp. 168 f., 177.
[37] For a description of his principal storehouse or magazine, the
remains of which have been found at Tello, see above, pp. 91 ff.
[38] See below, p. 169.
[39] See the opposite plate and the illustrations on p. 113 f.
[40] Cf. Meyer, "Sumerier und Semiten," p. 77.
[41] Dudu's block was probably let into solid masonry or brickwork,
while the plaques of Ur-Ninâ would have rested on the surface of altars
built of brick; cf. Heuzey, "Découvertes en Chaldée," p. 204.
[42] See the plate opposite p. 110.
[43] See above, p. 41 f.
[44] See the plate opposite p. 138.
[45] So, for instance, Radau, "Early Bab. History," p. 70.
[46] The figure, which is in the Louvre, was not found at Tello, but
was purchased at Shatra, so that its provenance is not certain.
[47] See Radau, _op. cit._, p. 70, and cp. Genouillac, "Tablettes
sumériennes archaïques," p. xi.
[48] See the similar figure on a fragment of shell, illustrated on p.
41.
[49] Cf. Radau, "Early Bab. History," p. 71.
[50] Cf. Genouillac, "Tablettes sumériennes archaïques," pp. xxii. ff.
[51] See above, p. 105.
[52] "Déc. en Chaldée," p. xl., Col. II.
[53] _Op. cit._, p. xlvii.
[54] Col. II., l. 9.
[55] "Déc. en Chaldée," p. xliii., Col. VIII.
[56] See above, p. 106, n. 1.