years, we see the “Gentile front” in Tammany offices and basking in the
glory of Tammany publicity, but in the background there is always his
“Jewish control.” This also is a formula for citizens who wish to know
the meaning of things otherwise unexplainable—“look for the ‘Jewish
control.’”
To this end, therefore, the Jews have been strong in all parties, so
that whichever way the election went, the Jews would win. In New York it
is always the Jewish party that wins. The campaign is staged as an
entertainment, a diversion for the people; they are permitted to think
and act as if they were really making their own government, but it is
always the Jews that win.
And if after having elected their man or a group, obedience is not
rendered to the Jewish control, then you speedily hear of “scandals” and
“investigations” and “impeachments,” for the removal of the disobedient
official. Usually a man with a “past” proves the most obedient
instrument, but even a good man can often be tangled up in campaign
practices that compromise him.
It has been commonly known that Jewish manipulation of campaign matters
has been so skillfully handled, that no matter which candidate was
elected, there was ready made a sufficient amount of evidence to
discredit him in case his Jewish masters needed to discredit him. To
arrange this is part of the thoroughness of Jewish control. And, of
course, the American people have been sufficiently trained to roar
against the public official immediately the first Jewish political hound
emits its warning bay.
Amazing as is the technique of the Jewish political process, the
readiness with which the American people can be counted on to do their
part in forwarding the game is still more amazing.
What Mr. Hylan, the present mayor of New York has done to merit
chastisement, is scarcely clear to a non-partisan investigator. But the
fact that the Jews have set out to “get” him for something, is evident
on every side.
In the Untermeyer so-called “housing investigation,” the people hauled
up were non-Jews, and the result of the whole business has been a
stronger Jewish hold than ever on the housing affairs of New York. Jews
are exempt from such inquisitions. The choice prey are non-Jewish
business houses whose secrets may be forced and whose good name may be
stained under cover of a legal procedure. There is such a thing as
blackmail so entirely respectable as to be unsuspected.
Governor Sulzer, of New York, was the choice of the Jews. They
subscribed money for his campaign, forced it on him, and kept careful
account of it. Finally, under pressure of a compelling sense of justice,
Sulzer pardoned a non-Jewish valet of an important Jewish New York
family, a young man whom a coterie of Jews very prominent in the
political, financial and social worlds had contrived to “put away” for a
period of 30 years. Sulzer had no option but to pardon young Brandt. But
he paid the penalty. He was impeached. The Jews who supported him
testified against him and their checks were used to assist his
dismissal.
The story of young Brandt hangs heavily over the heads of some of the
proudest Jewish names in New York.
Playing on both sides of the political fence, and always retaining a
string on the men they elect to office, are two Jewish characteristics
which should not fail to be reckoned with. THE DEARBORN INDEPENDENT, in
its recent articles showing the hand of Paul Warburg in the Federal
Reserve System, was able to prove by Mr. Warburg’s own words that his
firm, Kuhn, Loeb & Company, during the three-cornered fight between
Roosevelt, Taft and Wilson, supported all three. The Jewish owners of R.
H. Macy & Company, New York, illustrate the same principle; while Nathan
Straus looked after affairs at Tammany Hall, his brother and partner,
Isador Straus, was one of the most active opponents of Tammany. Were the
interests of the two men therefore different? Not at all.
Take the firm of Guggenheimer, Untermeyer and Marshall. This is a
notable firm for the part it plays in the people’s business. Every
community in America has been affected by Louis Marshall’s decisions as
head of the American Jewish Committee. Untermeyer is the arch-inquisitor
for Jewry. Randolph Guggenheimer, the founder of the firm, achieved the
foremost influence of any except the Chief in the old Wigwam, and was a
power to be reckoned with in all matters. But Louis Marshall is a
“staunch” Republican and a member of the Republican Club. Here again is
the favorite method of including all parties under the capacious wing of
the Jewish program.
Hence the popularity of “Fusion” in New York City elections. It has
become the fad, but its most notable purpose is to insure the election
of a Jew whatever his politics may be. In some Assembly Districts it is
impossible to find anyone but a Jew to vote for. When Otto A. Rosalsky,
a jurist who was implicated in the Brandt scandal, was re-elected Judge
of General Sessions in 1920, he was the “Fusion” candidate on both the
Democratic and Republican tickets. It was perhaps fortunate for his
candidacy that he was. The point just now is that whenever a candidate
may be vulnerable, it is very desirable to forestall a fight upon him by
eliminating all opposition before the election. “Fusion” is another
matter that should be carefully scrutinized in behalf of American rule
of American cities.
By the way things are going in New York, these inter-party and “fusion”
expedients may soon be unnecessary, because in any event it will be most
difficult to avoid electing a Jew. Of the candidates of all parties for
the offices of justice of the supreme court of New York, numbering 26,
14 were Jews. Of the Democratic presidential electors, 13 were Jews. Of
the Republican presidential electors, 14 were Jews. Of the Socialist
presidential electors, 22 were Jews.
The strength of Tammany had exactly the same source as the strength of
the Kehillah, namely, in the foreign population; the difference being
that the Kehillah had a more compact foreign mass to draw upon. But both
the Jewish leaders and the Tammany leaders have always been alertly
aware of the fact that their power depended upon an uninterrupted flow
of immigration, to supply the losses sustained by the Americanization of
the people. It is always the un-Americanized foreigner that makes the
best material for the Kehillah’s and Tammany’s purposes. The Kehillah is
based upon the principle of recognizing racial minorities, and Tammany
has made a specialty of giving representation of racial minorities in
its councils. This was a liberal policy, and was thoroughly American in
its original intent (as Tammany was a thoroughly American assemblage at
its inception) but it was soon seized upon by the Jews and used to their
own ends, and to the eventual ruin of all except Jewish representation.
Thus all through the history of immigration activity, Tammany has been
on the side of the wide open gate without any restrictions. The lower
the type of immigrant, the more easily amenable it is to the ward boss’s
orders.
Tammany of recent years has been the able seconder of the Kehillah in
all efforts to frustrate control of immigration.
The third great influx of immigration into the United States occurred in
1884 and was really the cause of the beginning of the degeneration of
Tammany Hall. The great wave was composed of Russian, Austrian and
Hungarian Jews, whose arrival was followed by a memorable period of
crime, the marks of which remain to this day. Indeed, the downfall of
Richard Croker was a direct result.
At that time the police department and the police courts before which
all criminal cases in the city were first brought, were in the hands of
Tammany Hall. The result was a partnership between local government and
crime which has not been duplicated outside of Semitic countries.
Immigrant Jews of the shadier type organized an association called The
Max Hochstim Association, which was known during the Lexow Investigation
as “The Essex Market Court Gang.” One of its chief rulers was Martin
Engel, Tammany leader of the Eighth Assembly District. The “king” of
this Jewish district was a man named Solomon who had changed his name to
the less revealing one of “Smith,” and who became known as “Silver
Dollar Smith” because of the fact that he ruled his little empire from
the Silver Dollar Saloon, which gained its name from the silver dollars
that were cemented into the floor of his place of business. This saloon
was just opposite the Essex Market Court, which was thronged daily by
hordes of Yiddish criminals, the bondsmen, false witnesses and lawyers.
Let not the fastidious reader deem it unnecessary to linger longer round
the old police court at Essex Market, for out therefrom came a word
which has fixed itself in common English speech—the term “shyster,” by
which a certain type of lawyer is described. A Clinton street lawyer
named Scheuster, whose practices were quite characteristic, made himself
very obnoxious to Justice Osborne. Whenever another Yiddish lawyer
attempted a shady trick, the judge would openly denounce it as
“Scheuster practice,” and so it came that the first men in the
profession to bear the name “shyster” were the Yiddish lawyers of Essex
Market Court.
To make a nasty story brief, the Max Hochstim Association became the
first organized White Slaver group in America, and the revelations made
by the Lexow Committee are shuddering glimpses into that lowest form of
depravity—a coolly conducted, commercialized, consolidated traffic in
women. The traffic was made to yield dividends to politicians, to
Tammany Jews in particular. The Ghetto became the Red Light District of
New York. The first man to undertake the export trade in women with
foreign countries, especially South America, was a man who later became
a Tammany notable.
The surprising fact is that, although these matters are written in
official documents, and although the same matters have been written into
the record of every similar investigation which has been made, Jewish
leaders persist in denying that the leaders in this particular form of
depravity are Jews. When the United States Government made a nation-wide
investigation, it found and recorded the same facts. The New York
Kehillah came into existence as a defense organization at a time when
the exposure of the Jewish White Slave traffic threatened to overwhelm
the New York ghetto.
The Max Hochstim Association was not the only organization of its kind.
The other was the New York Independent Benevolent Association, which was
organized in 1896 by a party of Jewish white slave dealers as they were
returning from the funeral of Sam Engel, brother of Martin Engel,
Tammany leader of the red light district.
The gangs that formed the backbone of Tammany power in the slum
districts were made up of “cadets.” Their principal field of operation
was the cheap dance halls. Paul Kelly’s gang originated in the halls
about lower Broadway. Monk Eastman’s gang grew strong in the
Russian-Jewish District below Delancey street. And Kid Twist’s gang
developed close to a dance hall for Galician Jews on the far East Side.
All of these three were Jewish gang leaders. They were slavers as their
forbears were in the days of Rome’s decline; they were bootleggers
before the days of prohibition; and they constituted a strong support of
the international narcotic ring which to this day has defied the law by
corrupting the officers of the law.
It was to associations like these that the lights of Tammany lent their
names. Tim Sullivan was a vice president of the Max Hochstim
Association. The name of the Honorable Henry M. Goldfogle also appeared
on the picnic announcements.
The exposure which resulted when the white people of New York finally
succeeded in getting the forces of the law to function impartially for a
little while, caused many of the implicated Jews to change their names.
These names are now representative of some of the best Jewish families,
whose concealed bar sinister is the fact that the foundation of the
family fortune was laid in the red light district. Society, sliced down
to its seeds, is a queer growth.
It is due in justice to say that men like Tim Sullivan were not the
originators of the Jewish abuses referred to, nor willing participants
in the gains therefrom. Tammany would do favors for its friends, at the
police court or elsewhere; Tammany had its occasional political
upheavals; Tammany believed that they who profited by political spoils
should divide with the Wigwam’s treasury; but with such traffic as
seduction and barter in women, Tammany had never been compromised until
the Yiddish invasion of New York and the Judaization of the Wigwam. This
much must be said for the Irish and American leaders.
The situation is the same in Boston. An Irish city, its chief political
control is in the hands of Jews. The old-time Irish leaders are still
permitted to be out in front, but the inner power has departed from
them. One Boston ward, where once none but Irish lived, now contains
only Jews, but the old-time Irish boss retains his seat. This is by
favor of the Jews and nothing else.
The same state of facts accounts in large degree for the connection
between a man like Tim Sullivan and the Jews. “Tim,” as everyone knew
him, was leader of a district inhabited by Irish and Germans. Then the
Jews came in. And then began the Jews’ practice of profiting by the
people’s dislike of them.
Foreign Jews well know that they are disliked. It is one of their assets
which never fails to produce dividends. They choose the part of the city
where they desire to live, and a few move in. Their immediate neighbors
move out. More Jews move in—more of the others move out. The property
nearest the Jews always goes down in value. People will sell at a loss
rather than live engulfed in a ghetto.
It was so in Tim Sullivan’s district. As the Jews swarmed in, the Irish
and Germans fled north. Sullivan stood his ground. It was his old
territory, he would not leave it, nor remove his family. He cultivated
the new arrivals and made a partnership with the ex-kosher chicken
butcher, Martin Engel.
The Jews lived under Sullivan’s rule for a time, awaiting the moment
when they should know what to do for themselves. The Yiddish flood
increased until the district was crowded, and then the Jews demanded
representation for themselves. With a premonition that a new force had
arisen, Tim Sullivan played safe and helped the Jews to get
recognition—Martin Engel was made leader of the old Eighth. But Sullivan
had previously gone to Tammany—or to what remained of the old non-Jewish
Tammany—and exacted an understanding that his rule should be left
unchanged below Fourteenth street.
From that time forward, in spite of the understanding, Sullivan’s power
began to wane, principally because he continued to get in deeper and
deeper with the Jews. He went into Jewish lines of business. He formed a
theatrical partnership with George Kraus, among his enterprises being
the Imperial Music Hall, the Dewey Theater, and the traveling Eagle
Burlesque Company. Still the old district continued to become crowded
and overcrowded and saturated with Yiddish newcomers, for whom neither
the name Sullivan nor the traditions of the district had any meaning.
In his closing years, scarcely more than a hanger-on around the former
scene of his power, Tim Sullivan bitterly lamented the ease with which
he was led into associations that undermined his power.
Croker was destroyed in public confidence by the terrific shock of the
exposure attending the Jewish “cadet” activities. Sullivan, equally
picturesque, was the slowly shoved-out victim of Jewish infiltration.
There were other occurrences and other downfalls, all of which are a
part of the real story of Tammany.
——
Issue of September 24, 1921.
_“I need hardly explain that I do not think Jews ought to insist
overmuch on their rights or nationality in a negative sense. They ought
to be as much Jews as they can, but ought to be as little as possible of
what is merely anti-Christian. For the Jews to try to get a song out of
the public schools because it praises Jesus is natural but perhaps
hardly wise. I admit that question, however, is an extremely complex and
baffling one. Again, the Jews have naturally taken a great interest in
this war, but in that case also they ought to choose as far as possible
the more tolerant view. Too much hostility to Russia was shown, it seems
to me, when some of their spokesmen were fighting over the wording of
the Immigration Act. They seemed to be fighting not for a real gain, but
simply to rub their political power in America into the Russian mind.”_
—_Norman Hapgood._
LIV.
Jew Wires Direct Tammany’s Gentile Puppets
The proposal that non-Jews emigrate from New York City, 500,000 in the
first exodus, and 500,000 in the second, to hasten the event which is
held to be certain of occurrence, namely, that New York shall become an
all-Jewish city, may be a joke; but it is no joke that the Jews
themselves discuss and have proposed that the City of New York be
separated from the state of New York, and made both a state and city in
itself. This would entail three governments—state, county and
municipal—whose offices the Jews could parcel out as they pleased.
Besides, it would rid them of Albany. It is a most amazing fact that the
state capital, bad as it is, has always been able to defeat the New York
Jew in his most ardently pursued quests, as notably, his insistent
appeal to abrogate the Sunday law.
Of course, if the non-Jews emigrated from New York, the Jews would soon
follow. They are not self-sufficient. If New York could be isolated,
Jewish initiative would not suffice to provide enough potatoes for the
inhabitants.
It is too trite to say that New York is already in the hands of the
Jews. But it would be most startling to give a schedule illustrating how
completely this is so. The New Yorker himself can scarcely comprehend
the extent of his vassalage to the Jew. The average intelligent New
Yorker does not know what the Kehillah is, nor yet how it works. Like
the child born within sound of Niagara Falls, the New Yorker takes
Jewish supremacy as a matter of course, as the way things should be, and
as the way they probably are elsewhere. The New Yorker is thus like a
native of the Balkans.
The Hylan administration, ostensibly non-Jewish, is really Jewish, as
any New York administration must necessarily be, except there should
arise a man whose ambition would be to prove that New York could be
better governed if the Jews should be excluded from the government.
Well-informed New Yorkers say that the power of Hylan is Hirschfield.
This is a rather peculiar situation to those who do not understand how
the Jewish leaders work. Directly you say the Hylan administration is
Jewish, it is objected: “But it is the arch-Jewish inquisitor,
Untermeyer, who is trying to break down the Hylan administration!”
Exactly. That is the game. It’s inside and outside that does it. There
is power gained in making them and there is power gained in breaking
them, and often it is profitable to try both ways with the same man.
That is the way Russia went: there were Jews plentifully sprinkled
throughout the government of Russia (in spite of the “persecution”) and
there were Jews outside. Between the two, they got Russia. It is the
same in a Texas city today. Four non-Jewish candidates for postmaster
were made the center of a political deadlock—up through the deadlock
pops a Jew as a compromise candidate for all sections. A sufficient
number of Jews were available in that city to keep all the non-Jewish
candidates in a deadlock until their own man was trotted out. The
“Gentile mind,” of course, does not easily realize these turnings and
twistings of group conspiracy. And that is why the Jews feel safe, as a
rule: they rely on what they call “Gentile stupidity.” The Gentile says,
“incredible!” And the traditional Jewish game is incredible, until by
mountainous proofs and centuries of illustration the actuality of it is
forced home to the mind.
But to return to the New York City government: The police department has
its Jewish streak in the higher offices—a Jewish police commissioner who
has fortunately escaped thus far the full story of his career. The
department of health, where it actually touches the people, is Jewish,
although occasionally a distinguished non-Jewish name meets the eye in
the roster of the higher officials. The public health is becoming more
and more a Jewish monopoly in all our cities. The department of
accounts, the board of child welfare, the board of inebriety, the
municipal service commission, the board of taxes and assessments, are
all under the leadership and domination of Jews.
The judiciary becomes increasingly Jewish, litigation is almost
overwhelmingly Jewish, and the consequences to the reputation of the
courts of justice and the profession of the law are well understood.
Real estate exploitation and speculation is strictly Jewish, the
profiteers treating even their own co-nationalists with the utmost
cruelty.
In short, New York’s most influential press (within New York) is the
Yiddish press; New York’s real government is the Yiddish Kehillah; New
York’s real administration of the law is the Yiddish administration; New
York’s real politics is Jewish. A little more, and New York’s official
language would be the Yiddish dialect.
In all this Tammany Hall is little more than a name; it is one of the
rallying centers which the Jews have left the non-Jew who still
interests himself in New York politics. There must be rallying places
for the non-Jews, and one or two do not hurt. The Jew has the double
advantage in such a matter, for while he claims equality with all, he
denies equality with any. That is, any Jew proclaims his right to join
any fraternity, or any club, or any society, or any party whose members
are chiefly non-Jewish, but where is the Jewish fraternity, or club, or
society that admits non-Jewish members? The newspapers carried the
report, after a certain occurrence, that hundreds of Jews had offered to
join the Knights of Columbus! It was very typical of Jewish character.
But let any non-Jew attempt to join the B’nai B’rith or the Hebrew Young
Men’s Association, or the Menorah Society, or any of the others: he will
see how far the principle of equality operates. “We want to be part of
yours, but we want our own for ourselves,” is the Jewish attitude.
So, politically, the New York Jew has the advantage. He belongs,
together with the non-Jew, to organizations like Tammany or the
Republican Club—but the non-Jew cannot with him belong to the Kehillah.
It is all so very familiar: the Jew insists on double everywhere. In the
Balkans he insists on a double citizenship. He insists on a double
protection. He insists on a double standard of education. He insists on
all his own religious rights as strenuously as he insists that all
Christian majority rights shall be stamped out in this country. He
insists that he shall have his Sabbath and that you shall not have
yours. He wants his own social rights and yours too—but he wants you to
have only your own and not his with it. It casts serious doubts on
Jewish intelligence that this course should be so seriously pursued, as
if on the one hand the humor of the “nerve,” and on the other hand the
disgusting impudence of it, had never appeared to his consciousness.
In New York, therefore, the Jew politically belongs twice, while all
non-Jews belong but once, and it can easily be perceived that this is an
advantage.