tiger chasing them.”
“Right is the only might that lasts.”
“Of all the fools the greatest is the miser. He breaks his back with
the burden which he carries when the goal is in sight.”
“Before you beat an irresponsible dog for its howl, think of the
manners you owe to its master.”
“If you would have a long twilight of life, you must begin old age
early.”
“Riches may ornament a wall, but only virtue can adorn a person.”
“The heart has one language the world over, but the tongues of men have
many languages.”
“When you are rich the whole world is your cousin; when you are poor,
even your cousin doesn’t know you.”
“He who deserves an increase in his wage is a coward if he does not ask
for it.”
“It’s a pretty mean traveler who destroys the bridge which has served
his purpose; there are other brother-travelers.”
“With money you can yell like a lion; without it you must squeak like a
mouse.”
“There were two fools: one when he was poor thought of days of riches;
the other when he was rich never thought of days of poverty.”
“A kind stranger at hand is better than a cold relative afar.”
“Repentance is only good when it looks forward.”
“Be hard on yourself and easy on your fellows.”
“The same thing can be fact to a friend and fiction to a foe.”
“Rough food is strongest, as rough wool is warmest.”
“Emulation is only proper in charities.”
“Charity is like smoking, hard to learn and hard to stop.”
“Jewels in a pig’s nose and riches in a snob’s hand.”
“He gives more who gives a penny to the poor than he who adds a fortune
to the wealth of the rich.”
“Those who rose from nothing lord it most.”
“Get at the cause rather than attack the effect.”
“A headlong hero is not so good as a timid man who knows just what he
is after.”
“If you would serve a fair master, work for yourself.”
“Once books, art, music, poetry and gardening used to interest the men
of China and the world; now it is the new age, when only food and power
engage; is materialism progress?”
“The best place to await your enemy is at the graveyard boundary, for
he must pass there at last.”
“Another mouth at the table shrinks the bowl on the fire.”
“You can only give a man a stone for bread once.”
“The old boat is full of nails, and the old man is full of
experiences.”
XXXI
AWAKENED INTEREST IN AMERICA
Three recent manifestations, selected from many, will indicate the
awakened interest in America in things Chinese and the New China. Like
the ostrich which pushed its head in the sand, and concluded that the
world that was not seen, did not exist, our stage has for centuries
persisted in ignoring Sinim-histrionics. Now Chinese plays are not
uncommon. One in particular is worthy of mention. William Winter,
the dean of the American critics, says of _The Daughter of Heaven_,
playing at the Century Theater, New York: “I have seen every important
spectacle displayed in America during the last sixty years and I think
_The Daughter of Heaven_ is superior to anything of the kind I ever
saw.” The Liebler Company state that it has cost them $100,000.00 to
stage the play. How my eminent Thespian friends in old China will
marvel when they read this amount! For the same sum they would agree
to give four thousand simultaneous plays in the four thousand walled
cities of China! _Revenons à nos moutons._ There are eight gorgeous
scenes, the exact detail of which the stage manager brought from Peking
and Nanking, where he specially went for local color, and where the
play is laid. Scene one introduces a moving state sanpan boat, lighted
by lanterns, as a setting for a beautiful tenor love song. Scene two
shows the Manchu emperor’s room in the Peking palace. Scene three is
of the Ming empress’ gardens at Nanking. This lovely scene is made
realistic by living flocks of sacred cranes and peacocks moving about
the stage. Scene four is the throne room of the Ming palace at Nanking,
a gorgeous representation of Chinese luxury such as we shall never
see again, now that the old royal China has passed away. Scene five
is outside the pavilion of the Ming empress. Scene six, in contrast
to previous gorgeousness, gives a somber Craig-like setting to the
battlements of Nanking, and all the remarkable modern art of the stage
manager is called into exercise to produce thrilling battle effects.
Scene seven is outside the Chien Men gate at Peking, executions taking
place, and all the daily life of the Manchus holding one spellbound by
its accuracy. Scene eight is the Manchu throne room at Peking.
Now, as to the plot and theme. Pierre Loti, the Orientalist, of course
knows his China, for he fought in the relief of Peking, and I have
related elsewhere in this volume, his unique pilgrimage to Angkor.
Judith Gautier, his collaborator, knows the passionate human heart,
as should the daughter of the famous romantic French poet, Theophile
Gautier. They have combined their skill to write a tragic Shakespearean
theme in a Chinese setting, but the human heart beats to the same pulse
under all colors of complexion. In short, the theme is as follows:
As there has been for three hundred years, in this play there is war
between the Ming and Manchu races. Neither the beautiful young widow,
the Ming empress, nor the bachelor Manchu emperor, has been allowed by
the factionists of their respective parties to consider the national
suicide of race strife. The Manchu emperor resolves if possible to
do two things: to restrain in time his army which is attacking the
Mings, and in disguise personally to sue at Nanking for the hand of
the remarkable beauty, the Ming empress. He can not sue as a Manchu
emperor; he knows the Ming empress has only too much cause to hate
his race. This worthy Romeo gains admittance to the audience chamber
of the Ming empress, and his unusual address and fire carry away the
forlorn empress’ heart, despite herself. He therefore has made the
personal conquest that could only be made on love’s unsupported basis,
and he can afford to wait. In the meantime, the Manchu emperor’s real
character is discovered, but he escapes from the Ming palace. His
armies, controlled by a cabal of generals, against his will, overcome
the Mings, kill the Ming empress’ adored little son and thus break
her heart by destroying the dynasty. The Ming empress is captured by
the Manchu armies, and is brought to the Manchu emperor’s palace at
Peking. There, in real character, the emperor sues for two things: for
the fruition of long deferred love, and for the patriotic union of the
warring races, in their marriage. In an awful scene of Homeric passion,
the Ming empress finally decides that too much blood has flowed between
the races for her selfishly to accept of the offered love and honor.
She sees the shades of the leaders of the great Ming race, led by
her adored little son, and she decides in Oriental fashion, just as
General Nogi did, that duty calls her to follow them into the spirit
land. The fiery hearted Manchu emperor stands by spellbound, for he
can not refute the Cathayan viewpoint, terrible as is his personal
suffering. He, too, must be willing to resign love. The Ming empress
allows the Manchu emperor to escort her up the privileged central
stairway reserved for royalty, to the widest and oldest throne of the
human race, and for a hushed and glorious moment she sits radiant in
the place of power. The shades of her race, in clouds, approach and
reproach her. She asks the emperor to return to her the pearl which
she gave him at Nanking, when, incognito, he was an accepted suitor.
He hands it to her, and she suddenly swallows it. The lines of Loti
and Gautier draw out passion, as the French feel it, in this scene to
the limit of endurance, and to its exquisite pain the brave Anglo-Saxon
acting of the actor Basil Gill adds a tempestuous power that is
thrilling and convincing. When the Manchu emperor at last realizes
that the long silent Ming empress really sits dead on the throne, with
overflowing emotion he strikes the great audience gong, and commands
“to their knees and kotows” the host of viceroys and courtiers which
enters; yes, though proud Manchus, they must, indeed, at last worship a
Ming empress. As I have pointed out in a chapter on the Portuguese in
China in my former book, _The Chinese_, such a scene is historically
correct, for the frenzied king, Don Pedro, once placed the remains of
his beautiful bride, Ignez de Castro, who was murdered for love by his
enemies, on the throne and compelled a before unwilling people, to pay
homage to her. Such is the deathless pride of true love, which mocks at
fate even at the triumphant gates of death.
What further shall be said of the acting of Basil Gill and Viola Allen.
He makes a brave, eloquent, manly lover, and his reading of the lines
can be heard round and full throughout the immense vault of the Century
Theater. Viola Allen, as the Ming empress, touches with finished skill,
every chord of emotional acting, ever with burning fire and yet ever
with artistic control, which best brings the sympathetic tear. They
both ring the changes, both in what they suggest and in what they say,
on the noble chord: _Dulce et decorum est pro patriâ mori_. Compared
with the silly themes of some popular plays, what a wholesome one is
_The Daughter of Heaven_. While there is little accurate Chinese music,
one wishes for more of it, as the Chinese throughout their plays use
more music than this play uses. The costumes, the most gorgeous ever
seen, will be seen no more, as the old China has passed away. The
Liebler Company have rendered a public service by staging so accurate,
expensive and educational a production, even if the actors repeatedly
mispronounce the word “dynasty”! All Orientalists eagerly hope that the
public will avail themselves of the unique opportunity without delay,
as there is no telling how long it will pay the producer to stage such
an expensive play. No such spectacle will again be seen; the old China
has passed away, but it is caught and preserved in the amber in _The
Daughter of Heaven_.
Among the Americans who deserve special credit for awakening an
interest in the New China should be mentioned Professor George H.
Blakeslee, of the Department of History of Clark University, Worcester,
Massachusetts, who for years has brought together a remarkable
World’s Oriental Congress, the influence of which, in its published
proceedings, etc., is rolling like a golden wheel around the globe,
raying forth information, reconciliation, altruism and a forward
Americanism in the Orient, which is pro-Oriental and not incursive in
any sense, in the opinion of the Orientals. At the last conference
there were thirty-six major addresses by specialists.
In closing this long volume, I would like to make a plea for China.
America should at once, without waiting for the “concert of Europe”
(the “entangling alliances” which Washington prohibited) recognize
the new Chinese republic. For some time, with others, I have been
working on such a popular movement (as an American, and in no sense in
the pay of the Chinese government), writing to editors, authors and
influential men, making addresses before learned and popular bodies,
and ascertaining the opinions of Orientalists and Orientals. In public
meetings, I have found the sentiment of the American people to be
entirely in favor. I wrote Ex-president Roosevelt in full on November
25th, 1912, and the _Outlook_ of November 30, 1912 kindly published an
article in favor. The editor of the _Independent_ wrote me that they
had long been favorable. From my mail, I quote a few representative
sentiments as follows:
“Mr. Carnegie asks me to say that he is confident the republic will be
among the first to recognize her sister republic.” The frank editor
of the _North American Review_ writes: “We are in sympathy with your
belief that the time has come for America’s recognition of, and aid
to, the new Chinese republic.” President Woodrow Wilson warmly wrote
me from Bermuda: “You may be sure that my interest in the fortunes of
China is deep and permanent, and that the subject of recognition to
which you call my attention will have my very serious and thoughtful
consideration.” The earnest Ex-treasurer of New York, Colonel Arthur
MacArthur, editor of the influential Troy _Budget_, writes: “My paper
will continue to publish editorials and information in favor, and help
to keep the movement prominently before the people.” The Worcester,
Massachusetts, _Telegram_ has been most zealous. These are only samples
of what the journals of the country are doing. Honorable Champ Clark,
Speaker of the House of Representatives, writes me: “Individually I
think the Chinese republic ought to be recognized, but it has been
settled definitely in this country that the recognition of governments
is an executive function.” Governor William Sulzer, the “father” of the
famous Sulzer Resolution which passed Congress, and which congratulated
republican China on her new form of government, writes me: “You can
rely on me to do all I can in the future, as in the past, to promote
the welfare of the Chinese republic.” Professor Blakeslee, of Clark
University, wrote me: “I want to tell you how much I appreciate
all that you are doing to urge the early recognition of the Chinese
republic. Have you thought of getting up another petition? I should be
glad to sign it; so would Professor A. B. Hart, of Harvard University,
and three-fourths of those who spoke at the Conference would sign it.”
Of course there are some American “Manchus” and Laodiceans who are not
in favor of the movement. At our last conference, at Clark University,
of Orientalists recently arrived from the Orient, it was the general
opinion that China should be helped by recognition, as miniature
Portugal and South American republics, some of a moth’s life, have been
helped. Americans at the head of Chinese universities have told me:
“We are heart and soul in favor.” The able Chinese officials educated
in America, are passionate in their appeal for recognition by America
now, without waiting for the “concert of Europe” on this one point.
Wu Ting Fang, first foreign minister, and Wang Chung Wei, assistant
foreign minister of the southern republicans, who won the battles of
the revolution, have been asking for America’s recognition since their
first formal note of January, 1912. America has from the beginning
warmly appreciated the recognition by France, Spain, etc., of our
struggling republic in 1778, and leading Chinese ministers of state
have told me that China would have the same feeling if recognition is
not delayed till China is strong enough not to care so much as now.
The forceful idiom of one official, who smiled as he spoke, was: “You
know a beggar appreciates those favors the most which were given to him
when he was a beggar, and not when he comes into his estate.” Are we
waiting till China gives a _quid pro quo_ in concessions or monopolies,
or until some future election confirms the revolution, as though the
battles won were not a firmer expression of determination than even an
election, in which latter, enemies can cloud the issue. Americans have
almost entire charge of China’s higher education. The Panama Canal is
going to bring trade intercourse with China very dose to the Eastern
and Mississippi states of America. Secretary of State John Hay’s note
to the powers in 1900, insisting for all time on the “integrity of
China,” really commits America now to the recognition of the republic.
Delayed recognition is really encouraging certain powers in ignoring
the American altruistic doctrine of the “non-partition of China”. I
refer partially to the secession of parts of Chinese Turkestan and
Mongolia, largely caused by Monsieur Korostovetz’ intrusive visit in
the van of Cossacks to the heart of the latter dependency as late as
December, 1912.
My idea is that generously helping China in republicanism, in
accordance with the spirit and terms of Washington’s Farewell Address,
which specified that Americans “should recommend their form of
government to the applause, affection and the _adoption_ of every
nation,” will redound to the reputation of America in altruism.
America’s largest field for expansion in trade, educational and
religious influence, is in the New China, and the new progressive
Chinese, from long association with them, I can give my word, fully
deserve our unreserved admiration and friendship. As illustrating
the general opinion of American educationalists in China, I quote
the following letter from my warm friend Doctor J. E. Williams,
Vice-president of the great University of Nanking, China. Mr. Williams
led in the movement whereby $430,000 was collected for China’s relief
in the last flood and famine, and in the conservative administration of
that relief, and the model farm colonies which were later established
for the Chinese. “I am greatly interested in what you are doing to
hasten America’s recognition of the republic. I am heart and soul in
sympathy. I also agree with what you write, that there are many who are
not the friends of China. To any one who knows the inside facts, the
latter make no case at all against China, but to the people who do not
know, they put up a plausible story. Compare China’s advance after a
year of revolution and reform, with the efforts of our own forefathers
to establish the American republic. After one year of enlistment,
Washington’s soldiers were leaving him and returning to their homes.
As for financial credit, the original colonies had absolutely none. As
for trade and commerce, there was nothing worth mentioning. As for the
development of popular education as a basis of republican government,
there were hardly the rudiments in evidence. As for the ability to open
mines and railways as the _sine qua non_ of recognition, the original
Thirteen Colonies had not even dreamed of mines and railways. It is
my conviction that the Chinese are better prepared for republican
government, and have a better outlook for its achievement than the
Americans did any time up to the conclusion of the Civil War. I should
be pleased to cooperate in any way in your plans for influencing the
leaders in bringing about early recognition. Your plan is capital in
every respect and I heartily concur.”
Generally, America has in the case of the South American republics,
etc., recognized governments after they have been established one year.
The year has long passed in the case of China. China has poor railroad
communication and recognition should not be delayed until the suffrage
is voting in machine form, and perhaps by “machine” plan! How smoothly
was the American suffrage voting in 1778 when France, Holland, Sweden,
Prussia and Spain recognized America? We did not even have a capital
at that time, for our enemies had ravaged Philadelphia. China has two
capitals (one of sentiment and one of fact) Nanking and Peking, but
would like to have one, if foreigners will permit her! Why should
America delay? “China has been forever and will be forever.” Soon she
will be strong enough not to care, but what America does _now_ she
will forever appreciate, and America will sit nearest to her heart’s
gratitude. Think of it! A republic of 400,000,000 people trading
and communing with us across the narrowing Pacific, and beneath the
smiling rays of the same warm sun which we both face: an altruistic
brotherhood of East and West, working for the uplift of the whole
world. China should be recognized and sent on her way rejoicing. Be
not deceived; the new Chinese know us well, and take due remembrance
of any delay that is based on narrow-mindedness or the uncharitable or
selfish heart. Great cycles have opened beyond the seas; let America
and Britain be great with them, and part of that greatness consists in
helping China to be great. One leading Chinese minister and polished
orator in our own language, who, I believe, will some day be president
of China, for he has the youth, ability and ambition, told me with
tears in his enthusiastic eyes, as he declaimed on the great subject,
that if America will stand by China in this matter of honor, China
will engrave gratitude forever on the core of her heart. The Chinese
republican officials say that whether the excuse for delay is that the
republic must be tried at the polls; or that China hasn’t railways, or
China hasn’t credit, or China hasn’t “Christian science”, and whatnot,
the delay is encouraging Russia to encroach, and is discouraging
their own people, by the fact that one great Pacific republic won’t
officially recognize the other one, which was bought by the same awful
price set by Freedom: the sacred blood of patriots sacrificed by the
war-sword on the altar of Liberty.
The recognition movement is growing among our people, and is not
confined to one class. Many business organizations are in favor of it.
The Pacific Coast Chambers of Commerce have adopted resolutions urging
favorable action without longer delay. Our National Chamber of Commerce
has done the same thing. Senator Bacon, of Georgia, has recently
introduced in congress a joint resolution, favoring early recognition.
Representative university presidents have written me of their sympathy
with the movement. I quote from a letter from Doctor David Starr
Jordan, president of Leland Stanford Jr. University, of California, as
follows: “I am thoroughly in sympathy with your work for recognition,
and am thoroughly in sympathy with the desire of most of the American
people that the republic in China may be officially recognized by the
United States.” Notable pulpit orators have also joined the movement. I
quote from a representative letter from the Reverend Doctor John Haynes
Holmes, pastor of the Unitarian church of the Messiah, Park Avenue, New
York City, as follows: “The Chinese subjects which you have suggested
that my church, along with others, should bring to the attention of
our people, are certainly pertinent. I am particularly interested in
the second, viz., recognition of China as a sister republic. I shall
hope to find place in my preaching for some emphatic favorable mention
of these matters. With appreciation of the splendid work that you are
doing for China’s recognition, I am.”
It is fitting that I should close this volume with the following
important letter to me from my one-time fellow-townsman of Hongkong,
Doctor Sun Yat Sen (Sunyacius), the leading citizen of the New China,
the greatest of the Chinese reformers, who was at the head of the
Chinese republican revolution; the first provisional president of
China at Nanking, and who is at present the head of China’s National
Railway and Industrial Development Board. This message, which will
make history, is really a semi-official message from the vast Chinese
republic of 400,000,000 people, through their greatest hero, the
Christian founder of their republic, and their most influential
official and citizen, to the American people. It reads:
“I have the honor of acknowledging your letters, together with the
newspaper interviews with you urging America’s prompt recognition of
the Chinese republic. In reply I beg to inform you that your effort in
your interviews, books, etc., in conducting this campaign in China’s
interest, is highly appreciated by me and my associates. We hope that
your efforts for the recognition of China by the United States of
America will be _speedily crowned with great success_.”
Those who know the American people know that their hearts unanimously
bespeak a warm and favorable answer without further delay to so
momentous an appeal. It is the great privilege and honor of this book
to help to convey Doctor Sun Yat Sen’s message to America.
THE END
INDEX
Aborigines, 349, 361, 437, 446, 455, 490.
Advertising, 144, 181.
Aeroplanes, 71, 322.
Agriculture, 138, 142, 211, 220, 338, 512, 533.
Aglen, Sir F., 169, 288.
Aigun, 219.
American-British “entente”, 232, 266, 284.
America’s fleet in China, 6, 7, 12, 31, 41, 43, 46, 78, 88, 106, 110,
206, 215, 231, 262, 309.