[2] Sainte-Beuve is evidently in error, when, in his comparison of

André Chénier with Mathurin Régnier (in his book on French poetry in

the sixteenth century), he attributes the poem _La Liberté_ to a period

subsequent to Chénier's residence in London. Becq de Fouquières has

proved the improbability of Andre's having been in London before 1790.

VII

DE VIGNY'S POETRY AND HUGO'S "ORIENTALES"

The first author to show the influence of Chénier was one of the

most artistically audacious of the school, one of its original

leaders--Alfred de Vigny--who as lyric poet was at times very faulty,

at times an immaculate master. Chaste, lucid, pure, and austere,

there is a quality in his best verse which has led all the critics

who have attempted to describe it to employ such figures as the sheen

of ivory, the whiteness of ermine, the sailing of the swan. It has

the artistic severity, the sober colouring, the conciseness and the

fastidiousness which also characterise Chénier's. And De Vigny was

evidently afraid that these qualities would be attributed to Chénier's

influence. For although no collection of his poetry was published

before 1819, he took the trouble in later editions to furnish a number

of the poems which seem to bear the clearest marks of this influence,

with earlier dates, going even as far back as 1815. But even leaving

out of consideration the fact that single poems of Chénier's had been

given to the public (in Chateaubriand's _Génie du Christianisme_ and

as a supplement to Millevoye's poetical works) still earlier than this,

it is hardly possible to avoid the conclusion that, in spite of the

absolute uprightness which as a rule distinguished him, Alfred de

Vigny has antedated his poems to give himself an undeserved appearance

of complete originality. For the single poems which he published

before the first collection in question are far inferior to those

contained in it which bear a much earlier date--so inferior that he

excluded them from the complete edition of his works. André Chénier's

influence upon De Vigny is thus indisputable. The latter assimilated

many of the characteristics of the rediscovered master, though he

emancipated himself from the old-fashioned Hellenism of style which

hampered Chénier's flight. The poem _La Dryade_, to which he gives

the additional title of "Idyll in the manner of Theocritus," is in

reality an idyll in the manner of André Chénier. What distinguishes De

Vigny most markedly from Chénier as a lyric poet is his cult of pure

intellect and his proud, stoic feeling of solitude. He has painted his

own ideal portrait in such poems as _Moïse, La colère de Samson_, and

_La mort du loup_. He is very present in Moses' sad cry:

"O Seigneur, j'ai vécu puissant et solitaire,

Laissez-moi m'endormir du sommeil de la terre!"

I seem to hear the plaint of his strong, sorely wounded self-esteem

in Samson's outburst of wrath over Delilah's treachery (his Delilah

being the great actress, Marie Dorval). Thrice already has he forgiven

her, but she has been more ashamed than surprised at finding herself

discovered and forgiven:

"Car la bonté de l'Homme est forte et sa douceur

Écrase, en l'absolvant, l'être faible et menteur."

And I feel his stoicism, and at the same time read an apology for his

unproductiveness, in those words in the poem on the wolf which dies

without uttering a sound:

"À voir ce que l'on fut sur terre et ce que l'on laisse,

Seul le silence est grand, tout le reste est faiblesse."

Granted that there is a little affected rigidity in this attitude of

his, still it is his pride, his spiritual nobility, his desire to

perpetuate in his poetry the purity and austerity of his spirit, which

impel him to assume it.

The poet who undertook the further development of Chénier's lyrical

style was a man of different intellectual stamp from both him and

De Vigny--a man intoxicated with self-confidence. Victor Hugo was

three-and-twenty, "the bright dawn illumining his spring." In one of

his poems ("À Mademoiselle J.," in _Chants du Crépuscule_) he has

himself described the certainty of victory with which he made his début

as a lyric poet:

"Alors je disais aux étoiles:

O mon astre, en vain tu te voiles.

Je sais que tu brilles là-haut!

Alors je disais à la rive:

Vous êtes la gloire, et j'arrive.

Chacun de mes jours est un flot!

Je disais au bois: forêt sombre,

J'ai comme toi des bruits sans nombre.

À l'aigle: contemple mon front!

Je disais aux coupes vidées:

Je suis plein d'ardentes idées

Dont les âmes s'enivreront!

Alors, du fond de vingt calices,

Rosée, amour, parfum, délices,

Se répandaient sur mon sommeil;

J'avais des fleurs plein mes corbeilles;

Et comme un vif essaim d'abeilles

Mes pensées volaient au soleil!

La terre me disait: Poète!

Le ciel me répétait: Prophète!

Marche! parle! enseigne! bénis!

Penche l'urne des chants sublimes!

Verse aux vallons noirs comme aux cimes,

Dans les aires et dans les nids!"

Victor Hugo took the verse which André Chénier had created, that

pellucid medium of pure beauty, and when he had breathed upon it, it

gleamed with all the colours of the rainbow. Strangely enough it was

again from Greece that the inspiration came; but this time from modern

Greece. Under the impression produced by the Greek War of Liberation

Hugo set to work to write his _Orientales_. But what a different use

of language! The words painted; the words shone, "gilded by a sunbeam"

like the beautiful Jewess of the poems; they sang, as if to a secret

accompaniment of Turkish music.

First had come Oehlenschläger's East. This was the East of the child,

of the fairy-tale book, of the _Thousand and One Nights_--half Persia,

half Copenhagen. It was dreams of genii in lamps and rings, of diamonds

and sapphires by the bushel, the illimitable splendours of imagination

all grouped round a few imperishable poetic types.

Then came Byron's East, a great decorative background for passion in

its recklessness and melancholy.

The third in order was Goethe's, the East of the _West-östlicher

Divan_, the refuge of the old man. He took the reposeful, the

contemplative element of Oriental philosophy and wove German Lieder

into it. Rückert, the great word-artist, followed in his steps.

But Hugo's East was different from all of these; it was the brightly

variegated, outward, barbaric East, the land of light and colour.

Sultans and muftis, dervishes and caliphs, hetmans, pirates,

Klephts--delicious sounds in his ears, delightful pictures before his

eyes. Time is a matter of indifference--far back antiquity, Middle

Ages, or to-day; race is a matter of indifference--Hebrew, Moor, or

Turk; place is a matter of indifference--Sodom and Gomorrah, Granada,

Navarino; creed is a matter of indifference. "No one," he tells us in

his preface, "has a right to ask the poet whether he believes in God or

in gods, in Pluto, in Satan, or in nothing." His province is to paint.

He is possessed by a genius which leaves him no peace until the East,

as he feels it, is before him upon paper.

A careful study of the _Orientales_ shows us how they came into being.

They were not written in the order in which they stand in the book. The

first poem in order of production is No. 23, "La ville prise," written

in 1824; next come poems written in 1826 and 1827 upon incidents in

the War of Liberation, and not until 1828 is the poet's imagination

thoroughly fired. The horizon widens; all the elements which tend, by

reason of a close or distant connection of ideas, to crystallise round

the Turkish war, group themselves round that nucleus.

If we examine the little poem, "La ville prise," which is an outcome

of the powerful emotion produced in the poet by the martyrdom of

Greece, we are struck by the identity of its standpoint with the

standpoint of the French Romantic school of painting. In 1824 Eugène

Delacroix exhibits his famous picture of the "Massacre of Scio," a

bold and masterly delineation, glowing with flaming colour and intense

feeling, of a horrible incident, destitute of the slightest element

of conventional poetic justice. Very soon after this Hugo writes his

little poem. It purports to be the intelligence brought by a humble

slave. Standing with his hands crossed on his breast, he says:

"La flamme par ton ordre, ô Roi, luit et dévore.

De ton peuple en grondant elle étouffe les cris;

Et, rougissant les toits comme une sombre aurore,

Semble en son vol joyeux danser sur leurs débris.

Le meurtre aux mille bras comme un géant se lève;

Les palais embrasés se changent en tombeaux;

Pères, femmes, époux, tout tombe sous le glaive;

Autour de la cité s'appellent les corbeaux.

Les mères ont frémi! les vierges palpitantes,

O calife! ont pleuré leurs jeunes ans flétris;

Et les coursiers fougueux ont traîné hors des tentes

Leurs corps vivans, de coups et de baisers meurtris!

Les tout petits enfans, écrasés sous les dalles,

Ont vécu: de leur sang le fer s'abreuve encor...--

Ton peuple baise, ô Roi, la poudre des sandales

Qu'à ton pied glorieux attache un cercle d'or!"

This is the first chord which Hugo strikes in these poems; it rings

sharp and shrill; but the poem is not quite good, because it is not

quite true. It was not thus the slave spoke; we are sensible of the

poet's own indignation in the narrative. The next poems, "Les têtes du

Sérail," "Enthousiasme," and "Navarin," bear additional evidence to the

modern Greek influence to which we originally owe _Les Orientales_. But

then the poet makes a great artistic advance; he transports himself to

the standpoint of the Turks, writes himself into their frame of mind.

"La douleur du Pacha" is the first, half-ironic attempt. Dervishes and

bombardiers, odalisques and slaves, one after the other, each from his

or her own point of view, try to imagine what can be the reason of the

Pacha's sitting musing in his tent with his eyes full of tears. But

none of the reasons that occur to them is the true one. It is not that

his favourite concubine has been unfaithful, nor yet that there has

been a head too few in the fellah's sack. No, he is grieving over the

death of his favourite Nubian tiger.

But this is still only an attempt. The poet has not yet entirely got

rid of himself, got outside of himself; we are conscious of him in one

weak spot, which disturbs and dissolves the mental picture. But now

comes the "Marche turque," and we are in the East.

Though the refrain of this masterly poem is a very barbarous one, its

general tone is not savage; it is serious, full of a piety which is

not the less heartfelt, and of ideas of honour which are not the less

sincere because they are different from ours:

"Ma dague d'un sang noir à mon côté ruisselle,

Et ma hache est pendue à l'arçon de ma selle.

J'aime le vrai soldat, effroi de Bélial;

Son turban évasé rend son front plus sévère;

Il baise avec respect la barbe de son père,

Il voue à son vieux sabre un amour filial,

Et porte un doliman percé dans les mêlées

De plus de coups que n'a de taches étoilées

La peau du tigre impérial.

Ma dague d'un sang noir à mon côté ruisselle,

Et ma hache est pendue à l'arçon de ma selle.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Celui qui d'une femme aime les entretiens;

Celui qui ne sait pas dire dans une orgie

Quelle est d'un beau cheval la généalogie;

Qui cherche ailleurs qu'en soi force, amis et soutiens,

Sur de soyeux divans se couche avec mollesse,

Craint le soleil, sait lire, et par scrupule laisse

Tout le vin de Chypre aux chrétiens;

Ma dague d'un sang noir à mon côté ruisselle,

Et ma hache est pendue à l'arçon de ma selle.

Celui-là, c'est un lâche, et non pas un guerrier.

Ce n'est pas lui qu'on voit dans la bataille ardente

Pousser un fier cheval, à la housse pendante,

La sabre en main, debout sur le large étrier;

Il n'est bon qu'à presser des talons une mule,

En murmurant tout bas quelque vaine formule,

Comme un prêtre qui va prier!

Ma dague d'un sang noir à mon côté ruisselle,

Et ma hache est pendue à l'arçon de ma selle."

There is nothing Greek in this, nor yet any European satire of Turkish

barbarity; the poet has become the dramatist within the Turkish

intellectual and emotional pale; in this local colouring there is the

genuine brutality which no northern poet has ever attained in handling

such themes. This is true masculine savagery.

These are not sentimental, but robust major chords; and the major key

predominates in all the poems, even where woman and love entwine their

rhythms among the harsh, masculine ones. There are cruel, heartless

women, like the Jewish sultana who demands the heads of her rivals;

and there are refined, musical daughters of Eve, like the captive who

longs for her own country and yet loves the sight of Smyrna's fairy

palaces, and rejoices in breathing the soft air of the East in winter

and in summer, by day and at night when the full moon shines upon the

sea. There is the charming woman depicted in "Les adieux de l'hôtesse

Arabe." The love which finds expression in this last-named poem is sad

in its feeling of unrequitedness, repressed and chaste; it is a mixture

of sisterly care, childlike superstition, and submissive worship, which

reveals itself with plastic grace in a noble, proud character.

From the moment when the poet deserts the Greek camp for that of the

enemy, his imagination allows itself free play. From pictures of

Turkish cruelty it passes to the delineation of Turkish superstition.

"Les Djinns" is a metrical marvel in which the approach of the wild

hunt to the house, its thundering over the heads of the terror-stricken

inmates, and its gradual dying away into the distance, are represented

by the gradual rise from two-syllabic to ten-syllabic lines and gradual

fall back to the two-syllabic. From the life of the Turkish seraglio

it wings its flight to the tents of the Bedouins in the desert; from

the desert as it is to-day to the desert as it was in the days when

Buonaberdi overshadowed it with the wings of his eagles.

Enormous stretches of sand and water, the ordering and manœuvres of

masses of troops, the architecture of towns, the sieges and storming

of these towns, are seen with the poet's eye; and at a certain moment

a natural association of ideas summons up the picture of great scenes

of destruction read of in Bible history. In these last Hugo found his

most gorgeous material. And it was also the material nearest akin to

his own personality. His imagination was always at its best in dealing

with the monstrous. The original Pegasus was, in the literal sense of

the word, a superb monster, and that is just what Hugo's Pegasus is, in

the figurative.

He writes "Le Feu du Ciel," the first poem in the book, the last in

chronological order. We see the awful black cloud sailing across the

sky. Whence has it come? Whither is it bound? No one knows. Hovering

above the sea, it asks the Lord if it shall dry up the waters with

its fires. No! answers the Lord, and onward it hurries, driven by His

breath. Over the beautiful bays of the Mediterranean, over the fair

corn lands of Egypt it passes, but the Lord still gives no signal

to stop. Over the desert it flies, over the ruins of ancient Babel.

It asks: Is it here? But still onward it must go. In the night time

it reaches the magnificent sister cities--Sodom and Gomorrah--whose

inhabitants have fallen asleep after their wild, voluptuous revels.

Now the Lord gives the signal. The cloud opens, and from its flaming

gorge pours a torrent of fire and sulphur and brimstone upon the doomed

cities, until agate and porphyry and idols and marble colossi melt like

wax, and the dazzling flames envelop and destroy everything living in

the houses and the streets. Towards morning the ruin of old Babel is

seen to lift its head above the mountain-ridge to see and enjoy the

end of the play. It knows all about it; it also in its day has had

experience of the love that chasteneth.

This is, as already remarked, not poetry in a minor key; some critics

actually accused it of coldness; but if ever there was an unwarrantable

accusation this was one. We feel as if the poet had actually seen it

all, and had painted it with a brush like that pine which Heine would

fain have torn from the Norwegian cliffs and dipped in the fire of

Etna, to write with it the name of his beloved across the expanse

of heaven. These _Orientales_ became the model for Romantic lyric

poetry. In them the poet dared to lay hold of the painful, the ugly,

the terrible (τὸ δεινόν as the Greeks said), and incorporate it in his

verse, assured of his power to penetrate it all with poetry, to impart

transparency to all these shadows and immerge all the blackness in a

poetic sea of light. What he once wrote of the earth may be applied

to his own lyric poetry. He describes the poor, stony, niggardly

soil, which unwillingly yields man his daily bread; burning deserts

here, polar ice there; cities from which mercy and hope have departed

wringing their hands. He paints death, an eyeless spectre which

generally seizes the best first; tells of seas where ships are wrecked

in the night, and of continents where howling war swings its torches

and races fall furiously one upon the other. And, he concludes, of all

this is composed a star in the firmament of heaven.

VIII

HUGO AND DE MUSSET

Scarcely had Victor Hugo completed _Les Orientales_ before he set

to work upon a series of poems of a completely different character.

_Feuilles d'Automne_ conquered a new territory for French lyric poetry,

a domain in which the personal element was as conspicuously present as

it had been absent in _Les Orientales_.

Hugo had married at the age of twenty on the strength of a trifling

pension granted him by Louis XVIII. The dowry of his beloved bride,

Adèle Foucher, was 2000 francs. The young couple lived for a number of

years in straitened circumstances; but after the _Hernani_ battle was

won, Hugo's writings began to bring him in thousands, which rose to

hundreds of thousands, and finally to millions. Still, the poor home

was a happy one, and when, at the age of twenty-five, Hugo appeared

before the public as a literary revolutionist, he was the father of a

family.

In _Feuilles d'Automne_ the poet presents his readers with pictures and

thoughts of his own home. They are memories of his childhood and his

beloved dead, remembrances of his mother's tenderness, of his father's

soldierly figure and mien, of Napoleon, whom, standing by his father's

side as a child, he had once seen. He unburdens his heart to intimate

friends, confesses to them the sadness and the doubts induced in him

by the hard battle of life. There are love poems too, matchless ones.

He finds his first love-letters and reads them with a heart full of

sadness and of longing for the vanished first freshness of youth. He

gives us the poetry of his home. This was a side of life which almost

all the great poets of the world had left untouched. Shakespeare had no

home, and his conjugal relations were not such as to deserve writing

about. Schiller and Goethe wrote few poems to their wives, and none

about their family life. What Byron had thought fit to communicate to

the world of such matters was the reverse of edifying. Oehlenschläger,

whose personal circumstances and literary position in many respects

resemble Hugo's, did not marry his Christiane till her youth was past.

When he writes of his wife his tone is more dutiful than chivalrous;

she is rather his Morgiana than his Gulnare; and in his poems about his

children there is a touch of parental vanity; he writes of them in the

style in which royal personages sometimes allude to theirs on public

occasions; we feel that he regards them as beings whose welfare must be

of importance to every one. Hugo avoided these pitfalls.

Not that Adèle Foucher remained the central female figure in Hugo's

life during all the years when he was singing of his home. _Feuilles

d'Automne_ is the last collection of his poems in which he could

truthfully write of the happiness he found there. In 1833, during the

rehearsals of his _Lucrèce Borgia_, he became intimate with the young

and beautiful, though talentless, actress, Juliette Drouet (her real

name was Julienne Gauvain), whom he had chosen to play the very small

part of the Princess Negroni. This lady's contemporaries write with

enthusiasm of her beauty, which is said to have combined the purity

of outline of the Greek statue with the poetic expression which we

attribute to Shakespeare's heroines. In Hugo's tragedy she had only two

words to say, merely walked across the stage; yet Théophile Gautier,

after describing her lovely dress, writes thus of her performance:

"She resembled a lizard that had erected itself on its tail, so wavy,

supple, and serpentlike was her carriage. And with all her charm, how

skilfully she managed to insinuate something poisonous into her words!

With what mocking and perturbing agility did she avoid the attentions

of the handsome Venetian noblemen!"

Juliette Drouet's profile was antique, and she had a profusion of

beautiful hair. Pradier, the sculptor, has immortalised her in the

statue of the city of Lille in the Place de la Concorde in Paris.

When Hugo made her acquaintance he was thirty-one and she twenty-seven;

and their connection lasted until her death, that is, for nearly fifty

years. After 1833 she accompanied him on his travels, and both during

and after his exile "Madame Juliette Drouet" lived in his house.

His wife, between whom and Sainte-Beuve there was soon a liaison which

the latter's literary indiscretions made unnecessarily public, seems as

long as she lived to have borne patiently with Hugo's inconstancy; and

Hugo's letters show that he, in his turn, showed both dignity and great

delicacy of feeling in the way in which he received Sainte-Beuve's

intimation of his passion for Madame Hugo.

In his poetry, at least, Hugo remained united by the tenderest of ties

to his home.

It is in the _Chants du Crépuscule_ which were published in 1835,

consequently long after he and Juliette Drouet had become closely

connected, that (in the poem "Date lilia!") he writes of his wife as

the being to whom he says: _Toujours!_ and who answers: _Partout!_

And it is in this same poem that we have the perfectly charming picture

of the young mother followed by her four children, the youngest of whom

still walks with tottering steps:

"Oh! si vous rencontrez quelque part sous les cieux

Une femme au front pur, au pas grave, aux doux yeux,

Que suivent quatre enfants dont le dernier chancelle,

Les surveillant bien tous, et, s'il passe auprès d'elle

Quelque aveugle indigent que l'âge appesantit,

Mettant une humble aumône aux mains du plus petit;

Si, quand la diatribe autour d'un nom s'élance,

Vous voyez une femme écouter en silence,

Et douter, puis vous dire: Attendons pour juger.

Quel est celui de nous qu'on ne pourrait charger?

On est prompt à ternir les choses les plus belles.

La louange est sans pieds et le blâme a des ailes.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Si, loin des feux, des voix, des bruits et des splendeurs,

Dans un repli perdu parmi les profondeurs,

Sur quatre jeunes fronts groupés près du mur sombre,

Vous voyez se pencher un regard voilé d'ombre

Où se mêle, plus doux encor que solennel,

Le rayon virginal au rayon maternel;

Oh! qui que vous soyez, bénissez-la. C'est elle!

La sœur, visible aux yeux, de mon âme immortelle!

Mon orgueuil, mon espoir, mon abri, mon recours!

Toit de mes jeunes ans qu'espèrent mes vieux jours!"

And through all these poems there is a twitter and a hum, a sound as

of the play of little children and their bird-like cries. The child

rushes into the room, and the darkest brow, nay, even the guilty

countenance, brightens; it interrupts the most serious converse with

its questions, and the talk ends in a smile; it opens its young soul to

every impression, and offers a kiss to strangers and to friends.

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