CHAPTER V.

THE GENETIC AND DOGMATIC METHODS OF TEACHING.

The very justifiable surprise which Virchow's Munich address has

excited in many circles is due only in part to his opposition to the

theory of descent; for the rest, and in much greater part, it is due

to the astounding arguments which he has connected with it,

particularly as to freedom for instruction. These arguments so closely

resemble those of the Jesuits that they might have been inspired

direct from the Vatican, or, which is the same thing, the notorious

"court-chaplain party" in Berlin. No wonder, then, that these

propositions, which would undermine the whole liberty of science, have

met with the loudest approbation from the "Germania," the "New

Evangelical Church Times" ("Neue Evangelischen Kirchenzeitung"), and

other leading, equivocating organs of the Church militant. On the

other hand, these odious principles are already so extensively

discussed, and have been so clearly laid down in all their

indefensibility, that I may here deal with them briefly.

Virchow's politics as a pedagogue reach their highest pitch in this

demand: "that in all schools, from the poor schools to the

universities, nothing shall be taught that is not absolutely certain.

None but objective and absolutely ascertained knowledge is to be

imparted by the teacher to the learner; nothing subjective, no

knowledge that is open to correction, only facts, no hypotheses." The

investigation of such problems as the whole nation may be interested

in must not be restricted; that is liberty of inquiry; but the problem

ought not, without anything farther, to be the subject of _teaching_.

"When we teach we must restrict ourselves to the smaller, and yet how

great, departments which we are actually masters of."

Rarely indeed has such a treasonable attempt on liberty of doctrine

been made by a prominent representative of science, and a leader of

the intellectual movement too, as this by Virchow. Only inquiry is to

be free and not teaching! And where in the whole history of science is

there one single scientific inquirer to be found who would not have

felt himself quite justified in teaching his own subjective

convictions with as much right as he had to construct them from

inquiry into objective facts. And where, generally speaking, is the

limit to be found between objective and subjective knowledge? Is

there, in fact, any objective science?

This question Virchow answers in the affirmative, for he goes on to

say: "We must not forget that there is a boundary line between the

speculative departments of natural science and those that are actually

conquered and firmly established" (p. 8). In my opinion, there is no

such boundary line; on the contrary, all human knowledge as such is

subjective. An objective science which consists merely of facts

without any subjective theories is inconceivable. For evidence in

favour of this view we must take a rapid survey of the whole domain of

human science, and test the chief departments of it to see how far

they contain, on the one hand, objective knowledge and facts, and on

the other, subjective knowledge and hypotheses. We may begin directly

with Kant's assertion that in every science only so much true--that is

objective--knowledge is to be found as it contains of mathematics.

Unquestionably mathematics stand at the head of all the sciences as

regards the certainty of its teaching. But how as to those deepest and

simplest fundamental axioms which constitute the firm basis on which

the proud edifice of mathematical teaching rests? Are these certain

and proved? Certainly not. The bases of its teaching are simply

"axioms" which are incapable of proof. To give only one example of how

the very first principles of mathematics might be attacked by

scepticism and shaken by philosophical speculation, we may remember

the recent discussions as to the three dimensions of space and the

possibility of a fourth dimension; disputes which are carried on even

at the present day by the most eminent mathematicians, physicists, and

philosophers. So much as this is certain, that mathematics as little

constitute an absolutely objective science as any other, but by the

very nature of man are subjectively conditioned. A man's subjective

power of knowing can only discern the objective facts of the outer

world in general so far as his organs of sense and his brain admit in

his own individual degree of cultivation.

However, granting that mathematics practically constitute an

absolutely certain and objective science, how is it with the rest of

the sciences? Undoubtedly the most certain among them are those "exact

sciences" whose principles are to be directly proved by mathematics;

thus, in the first place, a great part of physics. We say, "a great

part," for another large part--to speak accurately, by far the

greatest--is incapable of any exact mathematical proof. For what do we

know for certain of the essential nature of matter, or the essential

nature of force? What do we know for certain of gravitation, of the

attraction of mass, of its effects at great distances, and so on?

Newton's theory of gravitation is regarded as the most important and

certain theory of physics, and yet gravitation itself is a hypothesis.

Then, as to the other branches of physics--electricity and magnetism.

The whole scheme of these important sciences rests on the hypothesis

of "electric fluidity," or of imponderable matter of which the

existence is nothing less than proved. Or optics? Optics certainly

appertain to the most important and completest branch of physics, and

yet the undulatory theory of light, which we accept now as the

indispensable basis of optics, rests on an unproved hypothesis, on the

subjective assumption of an ethereal medium, whose existence no one is

in a position to prove objectively in any way. Nay, further, before

Young set up the undulatory theory of light, for a hundred years the

emanation theory as taught by Newton obtained exclusively in physics;

a theory which at the present day is universally regarded as

untenable. In our opinion the mighty Newton won the greatest honours

in the development of the science of optics, inasmuch as he was the

first to connect and explain the vast mass of objective optical facts

by a subjective and pregnant hypothesis. But, according to Virchow's

view, Newton on the contrary transgressed greatly by teaching this

erroneous hypothesis; for even in "exact" physics none but

"independent and certain facts" are to be taught and established by

"experiment as the highest means of proof." Physics as a whole, as

resting on mere unproved hypotheses, may be indeed an object of

inquiry but not of teaching.

Of course the same is true of chemistry; nay, this stands on much

weaker feet, and is even less proved than physics. The whole

theoretical side of chemistry is an airy structure of hypotheses such

as does not exist in any other science. In the last three decades we

have seen a whole series of the most different theories rapidly

succeed each other, none of which can be positively proved, though at

least one of them is taught by every professor of chemistry. But what

is worst of all, the common basis of all the most dissimilar chemical

theories, viz., the atomic theory, is as unproved and unprovable as

any hypothesis can be. No chemist has ever seen an atom, but he

nevertheless considers the mechanism of atoms as the highest term of

his science, he nevertheless describes and constructs the connection

of atoms in their various combinations as though he had them before

him on the dissecting-table! All the conceptions which we possess as

to chemical structure and the affinities of matter, are subjective

hypotheses, mere conceptions as to the position and changes of

position of the various atoms, whose very existence is incapable of

proof. Away, then, with chemistry from our schools! The chemist must

only describe the properties of the different elements and those

combinations which can be put before the pupil as ascertained facts

founded in experiment, "the highest means of proof." Everything that

goes beyond this is mischievous, particularly every suggestion as to

the essence and chemical constituents of bodies; matters as to which,

in the nature of things, we can only form uncertain hypotheses. For as

all chemistry, viewed as a system of doctrine, rests solely on such

hypotheses, it may be indeed a subject of investigation but not of

teaching.

Having thus convinced ourselves that chemistry as well as physics,

those "exact sciences," those "mechanical" bases of all other

sciences, rest on mere unproved hypotheses, and so must not be taught,

we may make short work of the other faculties. For they collectively

are more or less historical sciences and dispense wholly or in part

with even those half-exact, fundamental principles on which physics

and chemistry are based. In the first place, there is that grand,

historical, natural science, geology; the great doctrine of the

structure and composition, the origin and development of our globe.

According to Virchow this too must be limited to the description of

ascertained facts, such as the structure of mountain masses, the

character of the fossils they contain, the formation of crystals, and

so forth. But not for the world must anything be taught as to the

evolution of this globe; for this rests from beginning to end on

unproved hypotheses. For even to the present day the Plutonic and

Neptunic theories are disputing the field, and to this day we know not

as to many of the most important rocks, whether they originated by the

agency of fire or of water. The new and remarkable discoveries of the

great Challenger-expedition threaten to subvert a great many

geological notions which had long been regarded as certain. Then

again, as to fossils. Who can prove with any certainty that these

petrifactions are in truth the fossilised remains of extinct

organisms? They may be--as many distinguished naturalists of even the

last century maintained--marvellous sports of nature, mysterious

"Lusus naturae," or mere rough, inorganic models of the labouring

Creator into which He subsequently "breathed the breath of life;" or

perhaps "stone-flesh" (caro fossilis) brought into existence, on the

dead rocks by the "fertilising air" (aura seminalis), and so forth.

But I am wrong! for with regard to petrifactions, Virchow is in the

highest degree speculative, and accepts without any hesitation the

rash hypothesis that fossils are actually the remains of extinct

organisms, although no "certain proof" whatever can be offered in its

favour, and although experiment, the "highest means of proof," has

never yet produced a single fossil. According to him these are actual

"objective, material evidences," only here we must go no further than

certain experience teaches us, and base no subjective conclusions on

these objective facts. Thus, for instance, in the long series of the

mesozoic formations, in the different strata of the Trias, Jurassic,

and Chalk formations, for the deposition of which a lapse of many

millions of years has been required, we find absolutely no remains of

fossil mammalia beyond lower jaws; seek where we will, nothing is

anywhere to be found but lower jaws, and no other bones whatever. The

simple reasons of this striking imperfection of the palaeontological

record have been clearly expounded by Lyell, Huxley, and others.

(Comp. my "History of Creation," vol. ii. p. 32.) These great

investigators, in accordance with all other palaeontologists, have

demonstrated that these jaw-bones of the mesozoic period are the

remains of mammalia, accurately speaking of marsupials, on the simple

ground that the nether jaws of the extant recent marsupials show a

similar characteristic form with the fossil ones. They therefore

unhesitatingly assume that the rest of the bones in the bodies of

these extinct animals corresponded to those of living mammals. But

this is a quite inadmissible hypothesis devoid of any "certain proof!"

Where, then, are the other bones? Let us see them! till then we

decline to believe in them. According to Virchow, we ought rather to

assume that the lower jaw was the only bone in the body of these

extraordinary beasts. Are there not, in fact, snails, in which an

upper jaw is the only representation of a skeleton.

We cannot omit taking this opportunity of casting a side glance at the

very hazardous position which Virchow, in total opposition to his

boasted cool scepticism, has taken up in anthropology as it is called,

now his favourite branch of science. In his Munich address he tells us

that he is pursuing the study of anthropology with delight, and then

asserts that "the quarternary man" is an universally-accepted fact.

Quite apart from this statement, we have seen that Virchow can never

attain to a profound and really scientific study of anthropology

simply for this reason, that he is lacking in that comprehensive

knowledge of comparative morphology which is indispensable to it; nay,

comparative anatomy and ontogenesis must be, according to him,

unpermitted speculations and the phylogenesis of man, the key to all

the most important questions of anthropology, being based upon these,

is devoid of all certain proof. All the more must we wonder at the

speculative levity with which even the sceptic Virchow in the

"Primeval History of Man" and "Fossil Anthropology," embarks in the

most hazardous conjectures, and gives out uncertain, subjective

hypotheses as certain, objective facts.

There is, in fact, at the present day no department of science in

which the wildest and most untenable hypotheses have blossomed out so

freely as in anthropology and ethnology, so-called. All the

phylogenetic hypotheses which I myself have put forward in my

"Evolution of Man" as to the animal ancestry of man, or in my "Natural

History of Creation" as to the affinities of animal races--all the

other genealogical hypotheses which are now advanced by numerous

zoologists and botanists as to the phylogenetic evolution of the

animal and plant worlds--all these hypotheses together, which Virchow

rejects in a lump, are, critically considered as hypotheses, far

better grounded in facts, far better supported by facts, than the

majority of those innumerable airy and fanciful hypotheses with which,

for the last twelve years, the "Archiv fuer Anthropologie" and

"Zeitschrift fuer Ethnologie," edited by Virchow and Bastian, have

filled their columns. This last periodical has at least the merit of

being a tolerably consistent opponent of the doctrine of evolution,

while in the former, during twelve years, essays on both sides have

been mixed up in cheerful confusion. And how fanciful are the

short-sighted hypotheses which there blossom forth from the mixed mass

of facts, chaotically flung together. Only think of the disputes over

the stone age, bronze age, and iron age; think of the motley

discussions as to the varieties of skull-conformation and their

significance; on the races of man, the migrations of peoples and the

like. Most of these very intricate historical problems are far more

buried in obscurity, and the hypotheses to explain them dispense far

more largely with any basis of facts, than is the case with our

phylogenetic hypotheses; for these are more or less "objectively"

based on the facts of comparative anatomy and ontogenesis.

But no one of these historical hypotheses is so daring, so little

"certainly proved," as the group of very various and contradictory

hypotheses which have been put forward as to the antiquity and first

appearance of the human species; and Virchow asserts positively "The

pleistocene man is an universally accepted fact. The tertiary man is,

on the other hand, a problem, though indeed a problem which is already

under substantial discussion!" As if the distinction between the

tertiary and quarternary periods were not itself a geological

hypothesis, and as if the significance of the fossil animal-remains,

which play the largest part in it, did not also rest on mere

hypotheses which escape all certain proof! Where, then, is the actual

experiment "as the highest means of proof," which gives evidence for

these "certain facts"? The whole discussion in general about

prehistoric man, which Virchow has mixed up with his Munich address

(pp. 30, 31), is the clearest evidence of the uncritical spirit in

which he deals with these historical problems as "exact natural

sciences." He assures us that "not one single ape's skull, nor skull

of an anthropoid ape, has ever been found which could actually have

belonged to a human owner!" and he adds this sentence, in italics, "We

cannot teach, for we cannot regard it as a real acquisition of

science, that man is descended from the ape or from any other animal!"

Then evidently no alternative remains but that he is descended from a

god, or from a clod!

But let us go over the rest of the sciences to see what, according to

Virchow, may be taught in each without endangering the safety of

science. In the whole department of biology, as well as in

zoology--including anthropology--and in botany, instruction must be

limited to imparting those trifling fragments of knowledge which

either consist of mere descriptions of dry facts, or which supply an

explanation of them by mathematical formulas. Morphology must be

taught as mere descriptive anatomy and systematising, the history of

development as mere descriptive ontogenesis. Comparative anatomy and

phylogenesis, which by their explanatory hypotheses raise those dead

masses of facts to the place of true and living sciences--these must

not be taught at all. And how then do matters stand with regard to the

cell-theory, that fundamental theory on which every element of our

morphology and physiology depends, and by applying which Virchow

himself reached his grandest results?

Since Schleiden in Jena, forty years ago, first put forward the

cell-theory, and Schwann immediately after applied it to the animal

kingdom and so to the whole organic world, this fundamental doctrine

has undergone very important modifications, for it is indeed a

biological theory, but not a fact. We may recollect under what

different aspects its main principles have appeared in the course of

these four decades: what changes have taken place in the conception of

the cell itself. After the organic cell had originally been conceived

of as a vesicle, consisting of a firm capsule and a fluid content, we

subsequently discerned it to be composed of a glutinous semi-fluid

cell-substance, the protoplasm, and convinced ourselves that this

protoplasm and the cell-core or nucleus enclosed in it are the most

important and indispensable constituent parts of the cell, while the

external firm capsule, the cell-membrane, is not essential and very

frequently wanting. But even now opinions widely differ as to how the

conception of a cell should be precisely defined, and what

consequences must be inferred from the cell-theory, and attempts have

not been wanting to upset it altogether and to treat it as worthless.

The anatomist Henle, of Goettingen, in particular, has repeatedly made

such an attempt, that "gifted" anatomist who, in the preface to his

bulky text-book of human anatomy, declared that scientific ideas are

mere worthless paper money, and that the noble metal of facts, on the

contrary, is the only genuine article. Not long since a bulky volume

in quarto appeared, by one Herr Nathusius-Koenigsborn, in which the

cell is explained to be a subordinate plastic element, and the

cell-theory is eliminated as superfluous; and this monstrous volume,

full of the most amusing nonsense, is dedicated to Herr Henle. Virchow

formerly was one of the victorious opponents of the Goettingen

physician, and wrote brilliant articles against the "rational

pathology" of "irrational Herr Henle;" now apparently he agrees with

him that the paper money of ideas is worthless as compared with the

noble metal of facts. Of course the cell-theory then loses all its

value, and cannot be a subject of instruction; for the cell itself is

not a certain and undoubted fact, but only an abstraction, a

philosophical idea.

Nothing more clearly shows what a complete change Virchow has

undergone in his most important principles, and what an utter

metapsychosis in this special province, than his famous axiom,

uttered in 1855--"Omnis cellula e cellula." That is unquestionably the

boldest generalisation to which the youthful, independent Virchow ever

attained, and one on which he justly prided himself not a little. He

himself repeatedly compared it with Harvey's saying, which marked an

epoch--"Omne vivum ex ovo." But neither of these axioms is universally

correct. On the contrary, we now know that every cell does not

necessarily originate from a cell, any more than that every organic

individual originates from an ovum. In many cases true nucleated cells

proceed from un-nucleated cytods, as in the Gregarinae, Myxomycetae and

others. Nay more, the primordial organic cells could only have

originated in the first instance from non-cellular plastides or monads

by their homogeneous plasson resolving itself into an internal nucleus

and an external protoplasm. Thus, as we subsequently learnt to know

most of the exceptions to this generalisation of Virchow, it appeared

all the bolder; the more so as we were at that time far from being

able to refer all the different tissues of the higher animals with any

certainty to cells, and as not a few experiments seemed to point to

the hypothesis of free cell-formation. That guiding axiom, which so

powerfully furthered the cell-theory, Virchow, from his present

standpoint, must wholly condemn as a crime against exact science, and

he surely can never forgive himself for having propounded this

hypothesis--which was afterwards found to be not universally true--as

an important doctrinal axiom.

We shall indeed find much worse sins against his own principles of

to-day if we turn to Virchow's own special department of science,

namely, pathological anatomy and physiology, the most important

division of theoretic medicine. The great and incomparable services

which Virchow here effected do not depend on the numerous independent

new facts which he discovered, but on the theories and hypotheses by

which, like an inspired pioneer, he sought to open a way through the

dead waste of pathological knowledge and to form it into a living

science. These new theories and the hypotheses on which they were

founded, Virchow then propounded to us, his disciples, with such

incisive assurance that every one of us was convinced of their truth;

and yet later experience has shown that they were in part

insufficiently proved and in part wholly false. For example, I will

only here recall his famous theory of the connective-tissue, for which

I myself in several of my early works (1856 to 1858) broke a lance.

His theory seemed to explain a host of the most important

physiological and pathological phenomena in the simplest manner, and

yet it was afterwards proved to be false. In spite of this, I declare

to this day that it was of the greatest service for the development of

our acquaintance with the formation of the connective-tissue; as a

guiding hypothesis and as a provisional clue to our investigations.

Virchow, on the contrary, if he impartially reflects on the part he

took in the diffusion of this misleading doctrine, must reproach

himself severely for it. For "we must draw a hard and fast line

between what we are to teach and what we are to investigate. What we

investigate are problems," but "the problem ought not to be the

subject of teaching." That Virchow, in his course of instruction,

every day belied this, his present view of teaching, that he every

hour taught his disciples some unproved theory and problematical

hypothesis, every one knows who, like myself, for years and with the

deepest interest, enjoyed his distinguished instruction. Still the

captivating charm of this instruction--in spite of the defective

method of unprepared lectures--lay precisely in this, that Virchow as

a teacher constantly let us, his pupils, enter into those problems

with which he himself at the moment was occupied; that he propounded

to us his personal hypothesis for the elucidation of the given facts.

And what really gifted teacher who lives in his science would not do

the same? Where is there, or where has there ever been, a great master

who in his teaching has confined himself to only imparting certain

and undoubtedly ascertained facts? Who has not, on the contrary, found

that the charm and value of his instruction lay precisely in

propounding the problems which link themselves with those facts, and

in teaching the uncertain theories and fluctuating hypotheses which

may serve to solve these problems? Or is there for the young and

struggling mind anything better, or more conducive to culture, than to

exercise the intelligence in problems of investigation?

How unpractical and how absurd is Virchow's demand--that only

ascertained facts and no problematic theories shall be admitted in

teaching--will be still more strikingly shown by a glance over the

remaining provinces of human knowledge. What, indeed, will be left of

history, of philology, of political science, of jurisprudence, if we

restrict the teaching of them to absolutely-ascertained and

established facts. What of "science" will remain to them if the idea

which endeavours to discern the causes of the facts is banished? if

the problems, the theories, the hypotheses, which seek these causes

may not be generally taught? And that philosophy--the science of

knowing--by which all the common results of human knowledge are to be

bound up into one grand and harmonious whole--that philosophy, I say,

must not be generally taught, is, according to Virchow, quite

self-evident.

Finally, there remains nothing but theology. Theology alone is the one

true science, and its dogmas alone may be taught as certain. Of

course! for it proceeds directly from revelation, and only divine

revelation can be "quite certain;" it alone can never err. Yes,

incredible as it sounds, Virchow, the sceptical opponent of dogma, the

leader of the fight for "liberty of science," Virchow now finds the

only sure basis for instruction in the dogmas of the Church. After all

that has gone before, the following memorable sentence leaves no doubt

on this score:--"Every attempt to transform our problems into dogmas,

to introduce our conjectures as a basis of instruction, particularly

any attempt simply to dispossess the Church and to supplant her dogma

by a creed of descent--ay, gentlemen--this attempt must fail, and in

its ruin will entail the greatest peril on the position of science in

general."

The shouts of triumph of the whole clerical press over Virchow's

Munich address is thus rendered perfectly intelligible, for it is well

known that "there is more joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth

than over ten just men." When Rudolf Virchow, the "notorious

materialist," the "advanced radical," the "great supporter of the

atheism of science," is so suddenly converted, when he proclaims

loudly and publicly that the dogmas of the Church are the only sure

basis of instruction, then the Church militant may well sing "Hosanna

in the highest!" Only one thing is to be regretted, that Virchow has

not more clearly defined which of the many different church-religions

is the only true one, and which of the innumerable and contradictory

dogmas are to form the sure basis of instruction. We all know that

each Church regards itself as the only truly saving one, and her own

dogma as the only true one. But as to whether it is to be

Protestantism or Catholicism, the Reformed or the Lutheran confession,

whether the Anglican or the Presbyterian dogma, whether the Roman or

the Greek Church, the Mosaic or the Mohammedan dispensation, whether

Buddhism or Brahmanism, whether, finally, it is to be one of the many

fetish-religions of the Indians and Negroes that is to form the

permanent and sure basis of instruction, let us hope that Virchow will

at the next meeting of German naturalists and physicians divulge his

opinion.

At any rate, the "instruction of the future, according to Virchow," will

be greatly simplified if he will do this. For the dogma of the Trinity

in Unity as a basis of mathematics, the dogma of the resurrection of the

body as a basis of medicine, the dogma of infallibility as a basis of

psychology, the dogma of the immaculate conception as a basis of genetic

science, the dogma of the staying of the sun as a basis of astronomy, the

dogma of the creation of the earth, animals, and plants as a basis of

geology and phylogenesis--these or any other dogma, at pleasure, from any

other church will make all other doctrine quite superfluous. Virchow,

"that critical spirit," knows as well as I, and as every other naturalist,

that these dogmas are not true, and nevertheless, in his opinion, they

are not to be supplanted as the "basis of instruction" by those theories

and hypotheses of modern natural science of which Virchow himself says

that they may be true, that in a great measure they probably are true,

but are not yet "quite certainly proved."

At pages 15, 24, 26, 28, and elsewhere in his Munich address, Virchow

strongly insists that only that objective knowledge may be taught

which we possess as absolutely certain fact! and then at page 29 he

requires us to conclude that the basis of instruction shall continue

to be the purely subjective dogmas of the Church; revelations and

dogmas which not only are not proved by any facts whatever, but on the

contrary, stand in the most trenchant contradiction to the most

obvious facts of natural experience and fly in the face of all human

reason. These contradictions, to be sure, are no greater than some

others which stand out conspicuous and incomprehensible in Virchow's

discourse. Thus at the beginning of his address he glorifies Lorenz

Oken and deeply laments "that he, that highly-valued and honoured

master, that ornament of the high school of Munich, had been forced

to die in exile! That cruel exile which oppressed Oken's latter years,

which left him to perish far from those cities to which he had

sacrificed the best powers of his life, that exile will be remembered

as the note of the time which we have passed through. And so long as

there continue to be meetings of German naturalists, so long may we

gratefully remember that this man to his death bore upon him all the

signs of a martyr, so long shall we point to him as one of the

witnesses who have fought for us and for the liberty of science."

Verily these words from Virchow's lips sound like the bitterest irony;

for was not Lorenz Oken one of the foremost and most zealous champions

of that monistic doctrine of development against which Rudolf Virchow

at this day is most violently striving? Did not Oken himself proceed

farther in the construction of bold hypotheses and comprehensive

theories than any supporter of the doctrine of evolution at the

present time? Is not Oken justly considered as the one typical

representative of that older period of natural philosophy who rose to

much higher and bolder flights of fancy, and left the solid ground of

facts much farther behind him than any tyro of the new philosophy? And

this makes the irony seem all the greater with which Virchow at the

beginning of his address glorifies Oken the free teacher, as a martyr

to the freedom of science, and at the end of it insists that this

freedom applies only to inquiry and not to teaching, and that the

master must teach no problem, no theory, no hypothesis.

While this unheard-of demand sets Virchow's views of teaching in the

most extraordinary light, and while every unprejudiced and experienced

teacher must most emphatically protest against this strait-waistcoat

for instruction, he will feel no less bound to resist Virchow's other

strange demand, that every ascertained truth shall forthwith be taught

in all schools, down to the elementary schools. I myself, in my Munich

address, sought the instructional value of our monistic evolution

theory above all in the genetic method, in the inquiry, that is to

say, for the effective causes of the facts taught; and I added these

words--"How far the principles of the doctrine of universal evolution

ought to be at once introduced into our schools, and in what

succession its most important branches ought to be taught in the

different classes--cosmogony, geology, the phylogenesis of animals and

plants, and anthropology--this we must leave to practical teachers to

settle. But we believe that an extensive reform of instruction in this

direction is inevitable, and will be crowned by the fairest results."

I purposely avoided any closer discussion of this specialist

question, as I felt not even approximately capable of solving it, and

I believe, in fact, that none but skilled and experienced practical

teachers can undertake the solution of it with any success.

For Virchow these specialist difficulties seem not to exist; he

regards my reticence as a mere "postponement of the task," and he

answers in the following astonishing sentences:--"If the theory of

descent is as certain as Herr Haeckel assumes, then we must

demand--for it is a necessary consequence--that it shall be taught in

schools. How is it conceivable that a doctrine of such importance,

which must effect such a total revolution in all our mental

consciousness, which directly tends to create a new kind of religion,

should not be included in the school scheme of instruction? How is it

possible that such a--revelation, shall I say--should be in any

measure suppressed, or that the promulgation of the greatest and most

important advance which has been made in our views during the present

century should be left to the discretion of schoolmasters? Ay,

gentlemen, that would indeed be a renunciation of the hardest kind,

and practically it could never be carried out! Every schoolmaster who

assumes this doctrine for himself will involuntarily teach it, how can

it be otherwise?"

I must here be permitted to take Virchow exactly at his word. I

endorse almost all that he has said in these and the following

sentences. The only difference in our views is this, that Virchow

regards the theory of descent as an unproved and unproveable

hypothesis; I, on the contrary, as a fully established and

indispensable theory. How then will it be if the teachers of whom

Virchow speaks agree with my views, if--apart, of course, from all

special theories of descent--they, like me, consider the general

theory of descent as the indispensable basis of all biological

teaching? And that that is actually the case Virchow may easily

convince himself if he looks over the recent literature of zoology and

botany! Our whole morphological literature in particular is already so

deeply and completely penetrated by the doctrine of descent,

phylogenetic principles already prevail so universally as a certain

and indispensable instrument of inquiry, that no man for the future

would deprive himself of their help. As Oscar Schmidt justly

observes--"Perhaps ninety-nine per cent. of all living, or rather of

all working zoologists, are convinced by inductive methods of the

truth of the doctrine of descent." And Virchow with his magisterial

requirements will attain only the very reverse of what he aims at. How

often has it not been said already that science must either have

perfect freedom or else none at all? This is as true of teaching as

it is of inquiry, for the two are intrinsically and inseparably

connected. And so it is not in vain that it is written in section 152

of the German Code, and in section 20 of the Prussian Charter,

"Science and her teaching shall be free!"

Freedom in Science and Teaching. from the German of Ernst Haeckel · 第 5 / 7 章