Who that has ever seen the Pistojese the Val di Lima, the country of S.
Marcello, the Val di Reno, the country about Pracchia, does not love
it--the silent ways through the chestnut woods, the temperance of the
hill country after the heat of the cities, the country ways after the
ways of the town? And there are songs there too. But to-day my way lies
through the valley, Val di Nievole, towards Lucca, lost in the plain at
the gate of the Garfagnana. Serravalle, with its old gateway and high
Rocca, which fell to Castruccio Castracani; Monsummano, far on the left,
with its old church in the valley; Montecatini, with its mineral
springs; Buggiano, and Pescia with its mulberries, where the Church of
S. Francesco hides and keeps its marvellous portrait of S.
Francesco--these are the towns at the foot of the mountains that I shall
pass before I turn into the plain between the island hills and come at
last to Lucca, Lucca l'Ombrosa, round whose high ramparts that have
stood a thousand sieges now in whispering ranks there stand the cool
planes of the valley, the shadowy trees that girdle the city with a
cintola of green and gold.
Lucca is the city of a great soldier, of one of the most charming of
Tuscan sculptors, and of Santa Zita. Lucca l'Ombrosa I call her, but she
is the city of light too--Luce, light; it is the patriotic derivation of
her name. For One came to her with a star in His bosom, the Star of
Bethlehem, that heralded the sweet dawn which crept through the valleys
and filled them with morning; so Lucca was the first city in Italy, as
they say, to receive the light of the gospel.
The foundation of this city, which alone of all the cities of Tuscany
was to keep in some sort her independence till Napoleon wrested it from
her, is obscure. She was not Etruscan, but possibly a Ligurian
settlement that came into the power of Rome about 200 B.C., and by 56
B.C. we have certain news of her, for it was here that Caesar, Pompeius,
and Crassus formed the triumvirate. Overwhelmed by the disasters that
befell the Empire, we hear something of her in the sixth century, when
S. Frediano came from Ireland, from Galway, and after a sojourn in Rome
became a hermit in the Monti Pisani, till in 565 John III made him
Bishop of Lucca. It seems to have been about this time that Lucca began
to be of importance, after the fall of the Lombard rule, governed by her
own Dukes. And then the Bishops of Lucca, those Bishop Counts who
governed her so long, had a jurisdiction which extended to the confines
of the Patrimony of St. Peter. The same drama no doubt was played in
Lucca as in Pisa or Florence, a struggle betwixt nobles of foreign
descent and the young commune of the Latin population. We find Lucca on
the papal side in 1064, but in 1081 she joins the Emperor with Siena and
Ferrara; but for the most part after Pisa became Ghibelline Lucca was
Guelph, for her friends were the enemies of Pisa. Thus the fight went
on, a fight really of self-preservation, of civic liberty as it were,
each city prizing its ego above every consideration of justice or unity.
It was the fourteenth century that gave Lucca her great captain,
Castruccio Castracani, the hero of Machiavelli's remarkable sketch, the
sketch perhaps for the Prince. It is strange that Machiavelli should
have cared to write of the only two men who might in more favourable
circumstances have forged a kingdom out of various Republics, Lordships,
Duchies, and Marquisates of the peninsula, Castruccio degli Intelminelli
and Cesare Borgia.
It seems, to follow the virile yet subtle tale of Machiavelli, that at
the end of the thirteenth century there was born out of the family of
Castracani one Antonio, who, entering himself into Orders, was made a
Canon of S. Michele in Lucca, and was even called Messer Antonio. He had
for sister a widow of Buonaccorso Cinami, who at the death of her
husband had come to live with him, resolved to marry no more. Now behind
the house where he lived, Messer Antonio, good man, had a vineyard, and
it happened one morning about sunrise that Donna Dianora (for that was
the sister's name) walking in the vineyard to gather herbs for a salad
(as women frequently do), heard a rustling under the leaves, and turning
toward it she fancied it cried, and going towards it she saw the hands
and face of a child, which, tumbling up and down in the leaves, seemed
to call for relief. Donna Dianora, partly astonished and partly afraid,
took it up very tenderly, carried it home, washed it, and having put it
in clean clothes, presented it to Messer Antonio. "_Eccololi_!" says
she, "and what will Messere do with this?" "Dianora," says he, with a
gasp, "Dianora...!" "No, it is not," says she, fluttering suddenly with
rage, "and I'll thank you, Messer Antonio," and that she said for spite,
"I'll thank you to keep your lewd thoughts to yourself," says she, "and
for the fine ladies, fine ladies," says she, "that come to see you at S.
Michele," and she fell to weeping, holding the child in her arms. "I
that might have had little hands (_manine_) under my chin many's the
time if Buonaccorso had not died so old." And she carried the child out
of his sight. Then Messer Antonio later, when he understood the case,
being no less affected with wonder and compassion than his sister before
him, debated with himself what to do, and presently concluded to bring
the little fellow up; for, as he said, "I, Antonio, am a priest, and my
sister hath no children." So he christened the child Castruccio after
his own father, and Dianora looked to him as carefully as if he had been
her own. Now Castruccio's graces increased with his years, and therefore
in his heart Messer Antonio designed him for a priest; but Dianora would
not have it so, and indeed he showed as yet but little inclination to
that kind of life, which was not to be wondered at, his natural
disposition, as Dianora said, tending quite another way. For though he
followed his studies, when he was scarce fourteen years old he began to
run after the soldiers and knights, and always to be wrestling and
running, and soon he troubled himself very little with reading, unless
it were such things as might instruct him for war. And Messer Antonio
was sore afflicted.
Now the great house in Lucca at that time was Guinigi, and Francesco was
then head of it. Ah! a handsome gentleman, rich too, who had borne arms
all his life long under the Visconti of Milan. With them he had fought
for the Ghibellines till the Lucchesi looked upon him as the very life
of that party. This Francesco was used to walk in Piazza S. Michele,
where one day he watched Castruccio playing among his companions. Seeing
his strength and confidence, he called him to him, and asked him if he
did not prefer a gentleman's family, where he could learn to ride the
great horse and exercise his arms, before the cloister of a churchman.
Guinigi had only to look at him to see which way his heart jumped, so
not long after he made a visit to Antonio and begged Castruccio of him
in so pressing and yet so civil a manner, that Antonio, finding he could
not master the natural inclinations of the lad, let him go.
Often after that, Dianora and Antonio too, seeing him ride by in
attendance on Francesco, would admire with what address he sat his
horse, with what grace he managed his lance, with what comeliness his
sword; and indeed scarce any of his age dare meet him at the _Barriere_.
He was about eighteen years old when he made his first campaign. For the
Guelphs had driven the Ghibellines out of Pavia, and Visconti sought the
help of his friends, among them of Francesco Guinigi. Francesco gave
Castruccio a company of foot, and marched with him to help Visconti: and
Castruccio won such reputation in that fight, that his name galloped
through Lombardy, and when he returned to Lucca the whole city had him
in respect.
Not long after, Guinigi fell sick; in truth he was about to die. Seeing,
then, that he had a son scarcely thirteen years old, called Pagolo, he
gave him into Castruccio's charge, begging him to show the same
generosity to his son as he had received from him. And all this
Castruccio promised.
Now the head of the Guelph party in Lucca was a certain Signor Giorgio
Opizi, who hoped when Francesco was dead to get the city into his power,
so that when he saw Castruccio so well thought of and so strong, he
began to speak secretly of a new tyranny, by which he meant the growing
favour of Castruccio. Pisa at this time was under the government of
Uguccione della Faggiuola of Arezzo, whom the Pisans had chosen as their
captain, but who had made himself their lord. He had befriended certain
Ghibellines banished from Lucca, and therefore Castruccio entered into
secret treaty with him in order that these exiles might be restored. So
he furnished in Lucca the Tower of Honour, which was in his charge, in
case he might have to defend it. He met Uguccione on the night
appointed, between Lucca and the hills towards Pisa, and, agreeing with
him, Uguccione marched on the city to St. Peter's Gate and set fire to
it, while he attacked another on the other side of the town. Meanwhile,
his friends within the city ran about in the night calling _To your
arms_, and filled the streets with confusion; so that Uguccione easily
entered, and, having seized the city, caused all the Opizi to be
murdered as well as all the Guelphs he could find. Nor did he stop
there, for he exiled one hundred of the best families, who immediately
fled to Florence and Pistoja. The Florentines, seeing the Guelph power
tottering, put an army in the field, and met the Pisans and Lucchesi at
Montecatini. There followed the memorable battle called after that
place, in which the Florentines lost some ten thousand men.[144] This
was in 1315. Now whether, as Villani says, Uguccione won that battle,
or, as Machiavelli asserts, was sick, so that the honour fell to
Castruccio, there was already of necessity much jealousy between the two
captains; for certainly Castruccio had not called on Uguccione to make
him Lord of Lucca, nor had Uguccione obeyed that call for mere love of
Castruccio. He therefore, being returned to Pisa, sent his son Nerli to
seize Lucca and kill Castruccio, but the lad bungled it: when Uguccione
himself set out to repair this, he found the city ready, demanding the
release of Castruccio, whom Nerli had imprisoned. Seeing, then, the mood
of the city, and that he had but four hundred horse with him, he was
compelled to agree to this. And at once Castruccio, who was in no wise
daunted, assembled his friends and flung Uguccione out of Lucca.
Meantime the Pisans had themselves revolted, so that this tyrant was
compelled to retire into Lombardy.
It was now that Castruccio saw his opportunity. He got himself chosen
Captain-General of all the Lucchese forces for a twelvemonth, and began
to reduce the surrounding places near and far which had come under the
rule of Uguccione. The first of these to be attacked was Sarzana in
Lunigiana. But first he agreed with Pisa, who in hatred of Uguccione
sent him men and stores. Sarzana proved very strong, so that before he
won it he was compelled to build a fortress beyond the walls, which we
may see to this day. Thus Sarzana was taken, and later Massa, Carrara,
and Avenza easily enough, until the whole of Lunigiana was in his power,
even Fosdinovo, and later Remoli, and that was to secure his way to
Lombardy. Then he returned to Lucca, and was received with every sort of
joy.
About this time Ludovic of Bavaria came into Italy seeking the Imperial
Crown, and Castruccio went to meet him with 500 horse, leaving Pagolo
Guinigi his Deputy in Lucca. Ludovic received him with much kindness,
making him Lord of Pisa and his vicar in all Tuscany: and thus
Castruccio became the head of the Ghibelline party both in Lombardy and
Tuscany. But Castruccio's aim went higher yet, for he hoped not only to
be vicar but master indeed of Tuscany, and to this end he made a league
with Matteo Visconti of Milan; and seeing that Lucca had five gates, he
divided the country into five parts, and to every part he set a captain,
so that presently he could march with 20,000 men beside the Pisans. Now
the Florentines were already busy in Lombardy against Visconti, who
besought Castruccio to make a diversion. This he readily did, taking
Fucecchio and S. Miniato al Tedesco. Then hearing of trouble in Lucca,
he returned and imprisoned the Poggi, who had risen against him; an old
and notable family, but he spared them not. Meanwhile Florence retook S.
Miniato; and Castruccio, not caring to fight while he was insecure at
home, made a truce carefully enough, that lasted two years.
He now set himself first to make Lucca secure, and for this he built a
fortress in the city; and then to possess himself of Pistoja--for he
even thought thereby to gain a foothold in Florence herself--and for
this he entered into correspondence secretly with both the Neri and the
Bianchi there. These two factions did not hesitate to use the enemy of
their city to help their ambitions, so that while the Bianchi expected
him at one gate, the Neri waited at the other, the one receiving Guinigi
and the other Castruccio himself with their men into the city. Not
content with thus winning Pistoja, he thought to control the city of
Rome also, which he did in the name of the Emperor, the Pope being in
Avignon; and this done, he went through the city with two devices
embroidered on his coat: the one before read, "He is as pleaseth God,"
and that behind, "And shall be what God will have him." Now the
Florentines were furious at the cunning breach of their truce by which
Castruccio had got himself Pistoja; so, while he was in Rome, they
determined to capture the place: which they did one night by a ruse,
destroying all Castruccio's party. And when he heard it, Castruccio came
north in great anger. But at first the Florentines were too quick for
him: they got together all of the Guelph league, and before Castruccio
was back again, held Val di Nievole. Seeing their greatness--for they
were 40,000 in number, while he on his return could muster but 12,000
men at most--he would not meet them in the plain, nor in the Val di
Pescia, but resolved to draw that great army into the narrow ways of
Serravalle, where he could deal with them. Now Serravalle is a Rocca not
on the road but on the hillside above, and the way down into the valley
is rather strait than steep till you come to the place where the waters
divide: so strait that twenty men abreast take up all the way. That
Rocca belonged to a German lord called Manfredi, whose throat Castruccio
cheerfully cut. The Florentines, who were eager not only to hold all Val
di Nievole but to carry the war away from Pistoja towards Lucca, knew
nothing of Serravalle having fallen to Castruccio, so on they came in
haste, and encamped above it, hoping to pass the straits next day. There
Castruccio fell upon them about midnight, putting all to confusion.
Horse and foot fell foul upon one another, and both upon the baggage.
There was no way left for them but to run, which they did helter-skelter
in the plain of Pistoja, where each man shifted for himself. But
Castruccio followed them even to Peretola at the gates of Florence,
carrying Pistoja and Prato on the way; there he coined money under their
walls,[145] while his soldiers insulted over the conquered; and to make
his triumph more remarkable, nothing would serve the turn but naked
women must run Corsi on horseback under the very walls of the city. And
to deliver their city from Castruccio, the Florentines were compelled to
send to the King of Naples, and to pay him annual tribute.
But Castruccio's business was always spoiled by revolt, and this time it
was Pistoja which rose, and later Pisa. Then the Guelphs raised a great
army--30,000 foot and 10,000 horse it was--and after a little, while
Castruccio was busy with Pisa, they seized Lastra, Signa, Montelupo,
Empoli, and laid siege to S. Miniato: this in May 1328. Castruccio, in
no wise discomposed, thought at last Tuscany was in his grasp; therefore
he went to Fucecchio and entrenched himself with 20,000 foot and 4000
horse, leaving 5000 foot in Pisa with Guinigi. Fucecchio is a walled
city on the other side of Arno opposite S. Miniato. There Castruccio
waited; nor could he have chosen better, for the Florentines could not
attack him without fording the river from S. Miniato, which they had
taken, and dividing their forces. This they were compelled to do, and
Castruccio fell upon and beat them, leaving some 20,000 of them dead in
the field, while he lost but fifteen hundred. Nevertheless, that proved
to be his last fight, for death found him at the top of his fortune;
riding into Fucecchio after the battle, he waited a-horseback to greet
his men at the great gate of the place which is still called after him.
Heated as he was with the fight, it was the evening wind that slew him;
for he fell into an ague, and, neglecting it, believing himself
sufficiently hardened, it presently killed him, and Pagolo Guinigi ruled
in his stead, but without his fortune.
Following that strangely successful career, that for Macchiavelli at any
rate seemed like a promise of the Deliverer that was to come, the first
of modern historians gives us many of Castruccio's sayings set down at
haphazard, which bring the man vividly before us. Thus when a friend of
his, seeing him engaged in an amour with a very pretty lass, blamed him
that he suffered himself to be so taken by a woman--"You are deceived,
signore," says Castruccio, "she is taken by me." Another desiring a
favour of him with a thousand impertinent and superfluous words--"Hark
you, friend," says Castruccio, "when you would have anything of me, for
the future send another man to ask it." Something of his dream of
dominion may be found in that saying of his when one asked him, seeing
his ambition, how Caesar died, and he answered, "Would I might die like
him!" Blamed for his severity, perhaps over the Poggi affair, one said
to him that he dealt severely with an old friend--"No," says he, "you
are mistaken; it was with a new foe." Something of his love for
Uguccione--who certainly hated him, but whom he held in great
veneration--may be found in his answer to that man who asked him if for
the salvation of his soul he never thought to turn monk. "No," says he,
"for to me it will be strange if Fra Nazarene should go to Paradise and
Ugguccione della Faggiuola to Hell." And Macchiavelli says that what was
most remarkable was that, "having equalled the great actions of
Scipio and Philip, the father of Alexander, he died as they did, in the
forty-fourth year of his age, and doubtless he would have surpassed them
both had he found as favourable dispositions at Lucca as one of them did
in Macedon and the other in Rome." Just there we seem to find the desire
of the sixteenth century for unity that found expression in the deeds of
Cesare Borgia, the Discorsi of Niccolò Macchiavelli.
[Illustration: THE TOMB OF ILARIA DEL CARETTO
_By Jacopo della Quercia. Duomo, Lucca_
_Brogi_]
The rest of the history of Lucca is a sort of unhappy silence, out of
which from time to time rise the cry of Burlamacchi, a fool, yes, but a
hero, the howling of the traitors, the whisper of feeble conspiracies,
the purr of an ignoble prosperity, till in 1805 Napoleon came and made
her his prey.