REPULSE OF MISSION.
Appearance of enemy--Murder of Margary--Friendly tsawbwas--Mission
attacked--Woonkah tsawbwa bought over--The jungle fired--Repulse
of attack--Incidents of the day--Our retreat--Shitee--Burmese
reinforcements--Halt at guard-house--Retreat on Tsitkaw via
Woonkah--Elias and Cooke’s visit to Muangmow--Li-sieh-tai--Return
of Captain Cooke--Elias at Muangmow--Father Lecomte and the Mattin
chief--A forged letter--The Saya of Kaungtoung--Reports regarding
Margary--The commission of inquiry--Return of Elias--Visit to the
second defile--Mission’s return to Rangoon.
We were all astir with early daylight on February 22nd, and prepared
our baggage for the advance to Manwyne; but about seven o’clock large
bodies of armed men were observed on the heights above us hurrying
downwards in the direction of Shitee, as if to cut off our retreat.
There was no mistaking their hostile purpose, and the Burmese
immediately detached parties to occupy the positions which they had
fortified, one being above the camp, and another thrown forward to a
point of the road leading to Seray, which commanded the next hollow
and the opposite ridge. The Woonkah tsawbwa came into the camp,
and communicated to Colonel Browne a report which received almost
instant confirmation. The tsare-daw-gyee appeared with a very serious
countenance, and produced two letters received from the Burmese agents
at Manwyne. They briefly narrated the horrible murder of Mr. Margary
on the previous day at Manwyne; his writer and other attendants were
also reported to have been killed. No particulars were given; but the
tsare-daw-gyee was warned that we were about to be attacked, and that
it would be for his own interest to detach himself by some miles from
the English, failing which precaution he would incur the same danger,
although the Chinese bore no ill-will to him and his party. The Burmese
officer, however, promptly addressed himself to the defence of the
camp, and we went up with him to the spur just above to reconnoitre,
while the Sikhs took up a position behind a long low boulder lying at
the western end of the camp, which served as a natural breastwork,
whence they commanded the road by which we had come. The friendly
Kakhyen tsawbwas of Woonkah and Wacheoon had hastened away to bring up
reinforcements, and the mules were driven down into the grassy hollow
below the camp. These preparations had not been completed when the
enemy opened fire from all sides but one. The assailants had descended
the ridge, hidden by the forest which, as already described, surrounded
our position on two sides. This had masked their advance, and served
as a perfect cover for them, the report and smoke of their fire-arms
alone showing their whereabouts; it was plain, however, that they were
in force to the south and east, and they evidently selected our party
as the object of attack, avoiding the Burmese, who, however, actively
returned the fire. Presently some of the assailants, led by a Chinese
brandishing a long trident, rushed out from the jungle to the smaller
open space. The Sikhs at once opened fire on them, which drove them
behind whatever cover could be found, and stopped any further advance
for a time. As soon as they were hidden, our men ceased firing. This
seemed to embolden the enemy, and a second detachment rushed down and
distributed themselves among the bushes. A brisk and well-aimed volley
drove them out in a mass, up the narrow entrance to the road. One man
at least was seen to fall dead, and others, wounded, were dragged up by
their companions. For some hours, firing from the men concealed in the
forest continued on all three sides. As these Kakhyens and Chinese only
raised their firelocks to the side of the head, looked for a second
forwards, and then fired, the bullets went over our heads. The steady
firing of the Sikhs at last seemed to be too much for the enemy, and
about 2 P.M. they were seen retreating along the ridge above, and the
firing to the south ceased. As they were retreating, we fired on them
at about a thousand yards’ range, and this evidently astonished them,
as they rushed past, stooping at the exposed points where the fire
told. When everything seemed quiet, and the road appeared clear, the
mules were brought up from the hollow, and the muleteers hastened to
get the loads ready. While this was being done, a party of our Kakhyens
made a rush to the open space, where one of the enemy had been seen to
fall, and returned with his head, which was tied up by the pig tail to
a tree. It was subsequently reported that he was a Chinese officer,
but his dress and appearance hardly indicated such rank. Before the
preparations for a start were completed, the enemy returned in much
greater force, and reoccupied the coverts, and it was estimated that
they were at least five hundred strong. Firing recommenced from
the heights and the forest around, and our position appeared to be
completely surrounded, except on the side of the descent to the
Nampoung valley. The question of abandoning the baggage and effecting
a retreat by this, the only line left open, was mooted, but the
tsare-daw-gyee urged delay, and his men as well as ourselves maintained
a steady fire on the enemy.
The Woonkah tsawbwa, with a number of his men, had returned to the camp
just before the first repulse of the enemy, and he informed Colonel
Browne that the Seray chief had offered him five hundred rupees if he
would join in the attack on us. The drift of this remark was at once
seen by Colonel Browne, who promptly offered him ten thousand rupees
if he could succeed in bringing off all the baggage. It was difficult
for the Kakhyen’s mind to conceive so large an amount of coin, and the
tsare-daw-gyee had to make him comprehend it by stating that he would
receive “three basketfuls of silver.”
Just as this arrangement had been concluded, we heard the shouts of
men, apparently coming up behind the southern spur, which was occupied
by the enemy. The Burmese at first thought that this indicated the
approach of a reinforcement which was hourly expected to arrive from
Bhamô. Presently, however, the forest in front of them burst into a
blaze, having been fired by the Shitee tsawbwa and his Kakhyens with
those of Woonkah. This manœuvre proved most successful, and the enemy
was speedily forced to retire, and as other coverts were successively
fired below the heights by the Burmese, they were soon in full retreat
along the heights, exposed to the fire of our rifles, which told on
them at several open places. Firing, however, continued for some time
below the heights, and on the side of the ridge commanding the Seray
road a desultory fire was also kept up. The Burmese guard were here
posted behind an earthwork, and kept the enemy at bay on that side; and
after the southern spur and eastern heights were cleared, we took the
Sikhs down to support the Burmese, and fired into the further hollow,
the only remaining covert of the enemy.
All firing had nearly ceased by about five o’clock. The jungle on all
other sides being now cleared and the road to Shitee open, the order
was given to reload the mules. They were speedily brought up out
of the hollow, where they had remained in safety, and all were soon
loaded. Some mules and drivers had disappeared, but willing Kakhyens,
either of Shitee or Woonkah, speedily shouldered the remaining loads,
and the vacant pack saddles were heaped up and burned before we left.
At the close of the day, though bullets had been flying about in
all directions, the casualties on our side only amounted to three
men slightly wounded, and a mule shot in the neck. The firing was
mainly directed at the officers of the mission, and whenever we moved
towards the baggage, bullets fell freely about us, while the Chinese
shouted to the tsare-daw-gyee that they did not wish to kill his
men, but the “foreign devils.” Our Burmese showed great spirit, and
the tsare-daw-gyee, from first to last, was deserving of the highest
praise. One of his men, while trying to drive out some Chinese, had
his red turban carried off by the prongs of a trident, but succeeded
in evading a more fatal thrust of the weapon. The loss of the enemy
was variously reported, and it is impossible to give an accurate
return. Some perished in the burning jungle, and so far as the reports
afterwards furnished could be relied on, of the assailants about eight
or ten were killed and thirty wounded. I noticed that young men not
more than twenty years of age, and even boys, were numerous among
their ranks. The well-known loud voice of the Seray pawmine was heard,
and the tsawbwa’s son as well as the tsawbwa of Ponsee were said to
have been present. The son of Seray was detected by the report of his
double-barrelled gun, a present to his father at the time of the former
expedition, both barrels of which were fired at once, making the double
report easily distinguishable.
The letters received from Manwyne had stated that the party about to
attack us was the vanguard of a force of three thousand men, whom the
governor of Momien had despatched to oppose our progress. The reader
will remember that our camp at Ponsee was menaced with attack, in April
1868, by the lawless Kakhyens of this very district, and, although on
the other side of the mountain, our position on this occasion was close
to that place. Numerous robberies had been previously reported in this
district, and the attacking party undoubtedly consisted largely of the
Ponsee and Seray Kakhyens. These belong to the Lakone tribe, while the
clans of the Woonkah, Wacheoon, and Shitee chiefs, who rendered such
faithful assistance, are offsets of the Cowlie tribe. With the Kakhyens
were associated a number of Chinese rowdies or perhaps soldiers; but
the assailants could hardly be reckoned other than local robbers, who
thought that the Burmese would not resist, and that our own guards were
too few, while the prospect of such a rich booty was enough to make
them encounter the risks of a fight. The staunch defence, the effect
produced by the long range of the rifles, and the bold diversion in
our favour directed by the Shitee and Woonkah chiefs, who fired the
jungle, combined to disappoint their expectations. It must not be
understood from this that the subsequent reports of the advance of
Chinese troops, and of hostility on the part of the Momien officials,
are discredited. The frontier Chinese were strongly prejudiced against
our entrance into Yunnan, and the Kakhyens and local robbers would be
stimulated by the reported or actual advance of troops to anticipate
any overt acts of hostility, and try to secure the rich booty for
themselves.
When the baggage train had all moved safely off, escorted by some of
the Burmese guard, we set out on the return to Shitee, followed by the
Sikhs, the rear being brought up by the tsare-daw-gyee. Mr. Fforde,
with a few of his men, remained for a short time, while the Burmese
posted on the road to Seray held their position until all were clear
off, then followed slowly after us to cover the retreat. We started
at 5.30, and in half an hour reached Shitee, having met on the road
some of the Burmese reinforcements which had come up from Bhamô. The
baggage was all collected in a pile before the tsawbwa’s house, and
the tsitkay-nekandaw, who commanded the newly arrived detachment, was
posted with forty of his men behind an earthwork which they had thrown
up, covering the approach to the village. Both the tsawbwa and the
tsare-daw-gyee wished us to remain for the night at this place. The
chief feared that the Chinese would come down and burn his village
in revenge for his having aided us. The Burmese argued, that if the
members of the mission continued the retreat, it would appear as though
we were deserting the baggage, which could not be brought further
that evening. The position of the village, situated on the slope of
the mountain spur, and closely surrounded by dense jungle, seemed too
much exposed to a night attack, and Colonel Browne decided to push on
to the guard-house on the Nampoung. We started accordingly at 6.30,
accompanied by the tsare-daw-gyee and some of the Burmese. It soon
became very dark, and the descent down the rocky footpath, bordered
on one side by a steep declivity, was tedious and dangerous. We could
not see the stones or the edges of the track, and when passing through
thick groves of trees, even a white pony right in front of me was
invisible.
For nearly four long hours we stumbled downwards, the latter part
of the journey being somewhat facilitated by the moonlight, which,
however, was obscured by the impenetrable forest and the surrounding
heights. Crossing the Nampoung, the guard-house was safely reached, and
we were comfortably housed. As four of the mules had brought on some
bedding, food, and cooking utensils, we were not so badly off as the
Sikhs, who had marched laden with ammunition besides packets of sycee
silver, which had been distributed among them for safety in the crisis
of the attack, and had only supplies of dry rice.
The next morning it was resolved that the Woonkah tsawbwa, who had
accompanied us, should return to Shitee, and bring down the remainder
of the baggage, while we should await his arrival. Two hours later
the tsare-daw-gyee reported that the Chinese were collecting in force
at the northern and southern ends of the Nampoung valley to renew the
attack. He therefore advised us to proceed at once to Tsitkaw by the
Woonkah road. In a short time we were toiling up the steep ascent
leading to the district and village of Woonkah, which lies on the
summit of the high ridge forming the western watershed of the Nampoung,
and must be at an altitude equal to that of Shitee. The tsare-daw-gyee
brought up the rear of the party, and during the march sent forward a
messenger to urge us to press on, because the Chinese were reported to
be rapidly assembling. The people of the first Woonkah village welcomed
us with evident satisfaction, and the tsawbwa-gadaw brought a grateful
supply of sheroo, which was most refreshing. Here we were joined by the
tsare-daw-gyee, and it was proposed to him that we should leave the led
horses behind, but he objected to this as unnecessary.
From Woonkah the descent of the hills commenced, the road passing
through a forest of very lofty trees clear of underwood. As we neared
the junction of a road from the north with the Woonkah track, our
advanced guard of Burmese beckoned us to follow quickly, and most
carefully reconnoitred the sides of a spur which sloped down towards
us, but nothing but dense jungle was visible. They evinced the same
anxious caution at the point where the Ponline road joined our route
before the third guard-house was reached. The Sikhs were beginning to
be much distressed, and we had to relieve them by giving up our ponies
for their use in turns. Tsihet was reached at 2.30, and, after a short
rest, we proceeded to Tsitkaw, where we arrived at sundown, and were
congratulated on our escape by the second tsitkay-nekandaw, who met
us outside at the head of a guard lining each side of the road. We
put up in our old quarters, but without any supplies, as no baggage
had arrived; and for bedding, we had straw and Shan felt coverlets.
Fortunately, some tins of preserved meat were forthcoming, but we had
to procure from the villagers some clay vessels for cooking, and a blue
bowl to serve instead of plates.
We remained two days at Tsitkaw expecting the baggage, the lighter
portions of which arrived in charge of the Burmese. Another detachment
of eighty-five men came from Bhamô, on the morning after our arrival,
and marched straight on to the hills. The indefatigable tsare-daw-gyee
also received orders from the Woon to return at once to Woonkah, and
remain there personally to oversee the despatch of all the baggage.
It is impossible to speak too highly of the care for our safety on
the march, and the general conduct, of this Burmese officer. Various
reports were brought in as to the loss suffered by the enemy; and both
Burmese and Kakhyens seemed to have been strongly impressed by the
“far shooting” of our rifles. The Kakhyen who had brought the earliest
information of the intended attack made his appearance, and was
delighted at finding his services recompensed with a handsome reward.
He was so elated that, Kakhyen-like, he returned with a “tail” of
followers, and, giving himself out as a tsawbwa, tried to get something
for his companions, in which he was unsuccessful. We were also rejoined
by our old interpreter, Moung Mo, who had disappeared at Shitee; but
of Moung Yoh, or Li-kan-shin, and Allan’s Chinese clerk, who had been
last seen or heard of at Seray, nothing certain could be ascertained.
Subsequent reports stated that they had both been murdered, but no
trustworthy intelligence was received either of their death or escape.
On the second day of our stay at Tsitkaw, letters were received from
the Resident at Bhamô in reply to the despatch announcing our repulse.
He had fortunately been on the point of sending some Lenna Kakhyens
with letters to Elias at Muangmow, and had promised them a reward if
they escorted our companion safely back. The Woon sent to request our
return to Bhamô, as he had heard of an intended attack on Tsitkaw by
the Khanloung Kakhyens, a most lawless race of robbers inhabiting the
hills above the Molay river. Extra guards were accordingly posted by
the choung-oke, and all the soldiers were ordered to be on the alert;
but the night passed off quietly. We all returned, some by road and
the rest by boat, to Bhamô, on February 26th, and were welcomed at the
Residency by Captain Cooke.
He had no news of Elias, who on the 17th instant was still at
Muangmow, and whose position, alone in the power of Li-sieh-tai,
seemed precarious and alarming. To explain it, I must again mention
that Captain Cooke and Mr. Ney Elias had started, under the convoy
of the Lenna chief of Paloungto, by the Sawady route, intending, if
possible, to meet us at Momien. They went from Bhamô to Mansay, and,
leaving the latter place early in the morning, arrived at the Kakhyen
village of Kara by nine o’clock. The chief Kara village, named Peetah,
lies a few miles distant. Two miles from this place, they entered the
country of the Lenna Kakhyens, and a march of seven miles brought them
to Wurrabone, a small village situated near the summit of a mountain.
This is the seat of the elder brother of the Paloungto chief, at whose
house they spent the night, being received with the utmost attention
that Kakhyen hospitality could show. From their observation, the Lenna
tribe appear to be a very superior race of Kakhyens, their houses and
manners evincing a higher degree of civilisation than is found amongst
the Kara or Lakone tribe. Starting at midday from Wurrabone, the party
arrived at sunset at Paloungto, a village of twenty houses. A march
of six miles over a rough hill road led to Namkai, the largest Lenna
village, containing forty houses, whence a road leads to Muangwan
and Hotha. Here the road, passing through a part of the Lakone
country, descended for nine miles to Pamkam, a small village lying
at the foot of the hills on the right bank of the Namwan or Muangwan
river. From this point, at which the Chinese frontier is crossed,
and the level valley of the Shuaylee is entered, Kwotloon, in the
territory of Muangmow, is only a mile distant. Arriving at sunset, the
travellers halted for the night, the Shan inhabitants proving sullen
and inclined to be uncivil. Their behaviour was a marked contrast
to the demeanour of the dreaded Lenna Kakhyens, through whose hills
the party had passed without any difficulty, while their expenses
had not amounted to five rupees, the hospitable tsawbwas insisting
on supplying everything required. The only chance of delay arose at
Paloungto, where the tsawbwa wanted to give a grand buffalo sacrifice
and feast in honour of his guests, and to propitiate the nats in
their favour. He postponed the ceremonial at Cooke’s request until
the return journey of the latter. After leaving Kwotloon, the Namwan
stream was crossed, and a day’s march on the left bank of twenty-four
miles in a south-easterly direction, and ascending the right bank of
the Shuaylee through an open, level country, brought the party to the
Shan town of Muangmow. This place, the residence of the tsawbwa, like
the towns of the Sanda valley, is surrounded by a brick wall sixteen
feet high, without bastions or embrasures, but backed by an earthwork.
Four gates, corresponding to the points of the compass, lead into
the town, which occupies a square of about six hundred yards, and is
inhabited by Shan Chinese. The travellers at once proceeded to call on
Li-sieh-tai, who was residing in a ruinous yamen, and commanded a force
of apparently about fifty Chinese soldiers, although said to number
three hundred. This redoubtable Chinese official received them with
great civility, addressing Elias as “his elder brother,” and assigned
them quarters in a khyoung close to the western gate of the town.
Li-sieh-tai is described as a little but broad-shouldered and powerful
man, with a large head and ugly visage, having an unusually wide mouth,
with thick and protruding lips. In conversation he looks straight at
his interlocutor, which is in marked contrast to the usually downcast
or shifting glance of the other Chinese. He showed his literary
acquirements by carefully perusing the imperial passports, which he
declared to be quite satisfactory, and amply sufficient to ensure the
bearer’s safety if once in the mandarins’ country beyond Sehfan. The
difficulty would be in the journey from Muangmow to Sehfan, as there
was a feud between the tsawbwas of these states.
Captain Cooke resolved to return to Bhamô, as his presence might render
it more difficult or tedious for Mr. Elias to proceed to Momien. When
he with his followers proposed to depart, he found the western gate
closed, and was told that it could not be opened without the leave
of some official. He had been already requested to sign a letter of
indemnity for Mr. Elias’ safety, which had, as a matter of course,
been declined, and the closing of the gate was intended as a species
of pressure. He outmanœuvred the officials by ordering his Kakhyens
to wait till the gate should be opened, while he took his departure
by another gate. They rejoined him outside the town, and all arrived
without further difficulty at Paloungto. Here the nat sacrifice duly
took place, and a bullock, pig, and fowls were slaughtered, a leg
of the first victim being presented to Cooke, which is a mark of
honour only paid to chiefs. A grand palaver was held in the tsawbwa’s
house, the occasion being a dispute between the chief and one of his
villages, the people of which had stolen a bullock from him. To atone
for this insult, a fine of ten bullocks was imposed, to be paid in
five yearly instalments. At least fifty Kakhyens were present, and
sheroo and samshu were liberally supplied, but the assemblage was
quiet and orderly. At midnight the English guest expressed a wish to
sleep, and all at once departed, while the chief produced for his
accommodation two carpets which he had recently received as a present
from the Residency. The chief explained the difficulties which had
arisen between himself and the leader of the mission at Sawady, by
the fact that he had only agreed to convoy the British mission, and
would not admit a Burmese guard into his country. It is certain that
no mention of the passage of a Burmese guard had been made during the
previous negotiations by Mr. Elias, who was at that time unaware of
and subsequently opposed to the plan. The tsawbwa complained bitterly
of the humiliation he had experienced in being obliged to squat on
the ground before the Burmese officials, and that he had not had any
opportunity of a private interview with the English officers. It is
very much to his credit that he asked for nothing beyond what he had
been promised; and his conduct and that of his brother, the chief of
Wurrabone, and their subjects, showed conclusively that, so far as the
Kakhyens are concerned, this route to Muangmow was unattended by any
real difficulty.
On the day after our arrival at Bhamô, our anxiety concerning the
position of Elias was relieved by the arrival of two Lenna Kakhyens,
bringing letters from him dated from Kwotloon on the 24th. The
messengers had thus accomplished their journey in two days, and were
immediately sent back with letters. As it was probable that Mr. Elias
would have received the letter of recall, his speedy arrival was
looked for; and all our suspense on his account was ended on March 2nd,
when he made his appearance, escorted by the Wurrabone pawmine.
Subsequently to Captain Cooke’s departure from Muangmow, Li-sieh-tai,
whose conduct and character had made a rather favourable impression
on Mr. Elias, held out hopes that he might be able to arrange for his
safe conduct to Sehfan. The tsawbwa, however, was more explicit, and
assured him that it was impossible in the then state of the country.
Subsequent observations, and refusals of access to the tsawbwa, on
various pretexts, convinced Elias that there was no intention to let
him proceed. He therefore bade farewell to Li, who accepted a rifle
as a parting present, and returned to Kwotloon, to which place two
Shans brought the news of the attack on our camp. The aged tsawbwa of
Wurrabone, with his pawmines, went to Kwotloon to escort him safely to
Mansay; and leaving Kwotloon on the 28th, they accomplished the journey
of sixty-four miles by a direct road, avoiding Paloungto, in two days.
While passing Peetah, the Lennas evinced some apprehension that the
Kara Kakhyens, who had previously grumbled about the smallness of their
gains, might prove troublesome; but the party passed through without
opposition.
It is impossible to avoid the reflection that, if the murder of Margary
and the attack on our camp had been directed by Li-sieh-tai, he could
easily, by direct or indirect means, have disposed of his visitor;
and his civility and consideration for his safety by not allowing him
to advance are surely to be esteemed a strong argument in his favour.
Among the Lenna Kakhyens the opinion was freely expressed that the
opposition was due to secret tactics on the part of the Burmese. That
this idea prevailed among the hill tribes to the south of the Tapeng
was further confirmed by Father Lecomte, who returned from a visit to
Mattin at the time of our arrival at Bhamô. When he and his companion
reached the first Kakhyen village, there was an incessant discharge of
fire-arms, and the villagers appeared unwilling to receive them, until
they assured them that they were not Englishmen. Their sacerdotal garb
assisted to make the Kakhyens believe that they belonged to a different
race, and they were then entertained, but informed that at first the
people had said, “If these are kalas, let us kill them, because the
king of Burma does not wish them to enter our hills.” The tsawbwa
of Mattin, whose intelligence and general knowledge impressed them
strongly, told them that there was no chance of the mission reaching
Yunnan. He further remarked that the Kakhyens were glad to see the
Englishmen at Bhamô; but “what will become of the trade and occupation
of our people if they make a railway from Bhamô to Momien?” This
feeling, both among the Chinese merchants and the Kakhyens, especially
those under Burmese and Chinese influence, that our gain in the way of
open trade would prove their loss, must be largely taken into account
in estimating the difficulties of progress.
The opinion that the king of Burma was hostile to the mission owed
its origin to a forged royal letter, directing the Kakhyens to oppose
us. A copy of this letter was obtained by the Resident, and there was
no doubt that it had been widely circulated. The forgery was brought
home to no less a personage than the chief phoongyee, or _saya_,
of Kaungtoung. The Woon of Shuaygoo, whose district includes both
Kaungtoung and Sawady, it will be recollected, refused any co-operation
with his colleague at Bhamô. I personally experienced his hostility to
foreigners during a boat voyage through the second defile on the return
from Bhamô, when he not only refused a guide, but sent instructions to
the headmen of his villages to forbid my landing. He has been since
deprived of office, and the actual perpetrator of the forgery has
been tried by the ecclesiastical court of Mandalay, degraded from the
priesthood, and sentenced to carry one hundred loads of water into the
khyoung of the court. The sentence ran as follows:--“In the case of
rahans, if in a matter not ordered by our most excellent Lord Buddha,
one represents it to be a sacred order, he is guilty of _dakka-apat_.
In the case of laymen, if a person represents that which is not a
royal order as a royal order, the customary punishment is to widen
his mouth (by slitting the cheeks) or to cut off his hand. In the
present instance, Shin Thula Tsara, the Saya of Kaungtoung, without
orders from an ecclesiastical court, by making that which was not a
royal order into a royal order, was the one who ordered the obstruction
of the British mission proceeding to China. He accordingly has been
deprived of his office of bishop; but as a rahan and a soldier of the
Buddhist religion is not punishable according to the civil law, the
decision, in accordance with the rule given in the Wini, made by the
assembled members of the ecclesiastical court, is--Let him be punished
by carrying one hundred loads of water,” &c. This isolated case of
hostility on the part of Burmese officials in nowise detracts from the
good opinion which the zeal and energy displayed in our service by the
Bhamô authorities earned from all who witnessed and profited by them.
Upon our safe arrival, the Woon sent letters to the governor of Momien
to inquire into the causes of the opposition offered to the progress
of the mission and the murder of one of its officers. The report that
Chinese troops were still marching in great numbers from Momien to
Manwyne was also the subject of inquiry. He did not disguise his fear
that the Chinese would attack Bhamô; and the preparation of bricks for
the construction of a wall around the town, which had already begun,
was actively pressed forward.
During our stay, all opportunities for ascertaining, if possible,
the exact details of the murder of Mr. Margary and his followers
were eagerly availed of by us; but beyond the melancholy fact, though
various reports were current, it was impossible to collect evidence
either as to the perpetrators or the circumstances of this atrocious
crime. It seemed, however, agreed that there were Chinese officials and
troops at Manwyne. The muleteers and others who accompanied Margary had
fled for their lives into the jungle. One reported that he had been
examined as a friend of the foreigners, and had escaped by asserting
that he was a resident of the district, and not connected with us. The
most trustworthy account was furnished by two of the six Burmese who
were at Manwyne, and whom the Chinese officials threatened to kill.
The most intelligent one stated that he saw Margary walking about the
town, sometimes with Chinese and at other times alone. On the morning
of the 21st, the very day of his murder, some men invited him to go and
see a hot spring, and when he was outside the town, they knocked him
off his pony and speared him. His writer and messenger and two servants
were killed in the khyoung. This was only hearsay, and no one had seen
the heads of the victims, which were reported to have been affixed to
the town wall, or, according to another account, to have been sent to
Momien. Our informants had not seen any troops, though one had heard
them marching at night while he was concealed in the jungle.
Later accounts stated that the Chinese officers had been ordered back
in disgrace to Momien, because they had allowed our party to escape,
and that the Shans were at feud with the Chinese, as the phoongyee
complained that the khyoung had been desecrated by blood-shedding.
It is to be hoped that the commission of inquiry now traversing China
from the east will be able to elicit the facts, and to determine to
whom the guilt of the barbarous murder of a British officer attaches.
It is in no wise fitting to prejudge the case. Whether local marauders
or the Momien officials, actuated either by prejudice against
foreigners or commercial jealousy, or, it may be, a groundless fear of
encouragement to be derived by the Mahommedans from the presence of
the English, violated the rights guaranteed by treaty and the express
commands of an imperial passport, remains to be seen. It is possible
that the authority of the viceroy of Yunnan was prostituted to oppose
the entrance of the hated foreigners; and the recent reports seem to
indicate a determination in the Yunnan yamens at least to screen the
offenders.
For my own part, I desire to record the deep sympathy entertained for
those who mourn for the loss of one so beloved. Our brief intercourse
lasted long enough to win for him the esteem and cordial friendship
of us all; and while we deplored the early loss to his country of the
services of one whose past career and talents promised to raise him to
high distinction, we lamented his untimely death as that of an old and
dear friend. To his family and those who looked forward to share his
future, the loss is irreparable; and the punishment of the guilty will
bring but little consolation. But he may be said to have bequeathed it
as a public duty--made more imperative by its being the most fitting
tribute to his worth--to establish in those border lands the right of
Englishmen to travel unmolested.
The death of this young officer and the repulse of the British mission
from the frontiers of China have left a marked impression on the minds
of the various populations. The question of opening trade routes may
be left to the future. Overland commerce cannot be forced, or even
stimulated, by extraordinary efforts. The existence of a channel of
trade between Burma and China has been demonstrated; and when the
restored prosperity of Yunnan shall create a demand, the steamers
of the Burmese rivers and the entrepot of Bhamô, where the British
flag assures protection to British interests, are ready to furnish
the supply. For the present, above and beyond the task of avenging
his murder on the guilty, of whatever rank they may be, the name of
AUGUSTUS RAYMOND MARGARY will be most fitly honoured by a party of
his countrymen formally asserting the right to traverse, in honour
and safety, the route between Burma and China, which he was the first
Englishman to explore, and which should be maintained as his most
durable monument.
By the arrival of Mr. Ney Elias, our chief cause of anxiety was
removed, and when on March 3rd the boats arrived from Tsitkaw freighted
with the baggage and stores which successive officials had been
despatched to expedite, there was no farther necessity for delay at
Bhamô. Everything, with very trivial exceptions, was delivered safely
according to the inventory which had been taken at Woonkah, and the
tsawbwa of that place received his promised reward of £1000, which
undoubtedly made him the richest chief among the northern Kakhyens.
As the steamer from Mandalay had not arrived, I hired a native boat, in
order to make a leisurely inspection of the second defile, and dropped
down to Sawady. The Woon of Bhamô had informed me that there was danger
to be apprehended from the Kakhyens on the hills of the defile, and
advised an application to the Shuaygoo Woon, who was at Sawady, for a
guide. After some delay, the Woon received me, but most ungraciously,
and declined the request, as the Bhamô Woon had sent no official letter
on the subject. Not content with this refusal, he sent a boat with
soldiers to convey orders to the villages not to allow me to remain
for the night, the result of which we experienced at a place called
Thembaw-eng, where the headman came down and compelled us to leave
our moorings. We were not assailed by Kakhyens, but had a nocturnal
alarm of a tiger, which the boatmen declared to be not a real tiger,
but the nat of the locality, who was enraged at their having cut down
some branches which interfered with my camera, when photographing the
great cliff. A more disagreeable incident was a violent storm, almost
amounting to a tornado, which overtook us in the river. The hurricane
was presaged by a most brilliant light seen, in the west, from which
quarter the wind soon after burst upon the river with tremendous
fury, lashing its surface into great waves, while incessant flashes
of lightning lit up the scene, which was one of terrific grandeur. A
pleasing incident of the trip was the arrival of a boat containing
our old friend and patient, the old tsare-daw-gyee, who had escorted
us from Mandalay, and who had arrived at Bhamô in chains on his way
to Mogoung a few days before. He expressed great pleasure at seeing
me safe, and I congratulated him on having regained his liberty. This
was due to royal orders brought by an express boat from Mandalay two
days previously. As he intended to halt at Shuaygoo-myo, he promised
to neutralise the malice of the Woon, by personal instructions to the
headman, which proved most useful.
The steamer _Colonel Fytche_, with the members of the mission, overtook
us at the wooding station of Yuathet on March 7th, and, after the
usual delays caused by grounding on sandbanks, we reached Mandalay on
the 10th, and found the steamer _Yunnan_ about to start for Rangoon.
We were almost amused to hear the various and contradictory rumours
which had been flying about this most gossiping of capitals as to
our dangers and escapes. An account of the attack, as being made by
Kakhyens and disaffected Chinese, had been published in a printed
Chinese broadsheet, which professed to give the most recent and
exact information concerning the mission, a curious illustration of
the interest which the subject possessed for the Chinese traders of
Mandalay. The _Yunnan_ conveyed us to Rangoon, where the welcome of
the Chief Commissioner and the hearty congratulations, on our safety,
of our other friends were not lessened by our having been compelled
to return _re infecta_, leaving the task, it is to be hoped, soon and
successfully to be accomplished by another mission.
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX I.
A NOTE BY BISHOP BIGANDET ON BURMESE BELLS.[42]
Bells are common in Burma, and the people of that country are well
acquainted with the art of casting them. Most of the bells to be seen
in the pagodas are of small dimensions, and in shape differ from those
used in Europe. The inferior part is less widened, and there is a
large hole in the centre of the upper part. No tongue is hung in the
interior, but the sound is produced by striking with a horn of deer or
elk the outward surface of the lower part. No belfry is erected for
the bells; they are fixed on a piece of timber laid horizontally, and
supported by two posts, at such a height that the inferior part of the
bell is raised about five feet from the ground.
The largest specimens of Burmese art are the two bells to be seen, the
one at the large pagoda of Rangoon, called Shuay Dagon, and the other
at Mengoon.
The first was cast in 1842, as recorded by the inscription on it. The
weight of metal is 94,682 lbs.; its height, 9½ cubits; its diameter,
5 cubits; its thickness, 15 inches. But during the process of
melting, the well-disposed threw in copper, silver, and gold in great
quantities. It is supposed that in this way the weight was increased
one-fourth.
The bell of Mengoon was cast at the beginning of this century. In shape
and form it resembles our bells of Europe. It is probable that some
foreigner residing at Ava suggested the idea of giving such an unusual
form to that monumental bell. Its height is 18 feet, besides 7 feet
for hanging apparatus. It is 17 feet in diameter, and from 10 to 12
inches in thickness. Its weight is supposed to exceed 200,000 lbs.[43]
In the interior, large yellowish and greyish streaks indicate that
considerable quantities of gold and silver have been thrown in during
the process of melting. No idea can at present be had of the power of
the sound, as its enormous weight has caused the pillars that support
it partially to give way. To prevent a final disaster, the orifice of
the bell has been made to rest on large teak posts sunk in the ground
and rising about 3 feet above it.
[42] From ‘The Legend of the Burmese Buddha,’ by Bishop Bigandet,
Rangoon.
[43] It will be observed that these figures are in excess of those
given by Colonel Yule, which I have quoted in the text.
APPENDIX II.
TRANSLATION OF A CHINESE DOCUMENT, WHICH PURPORTS TO ACCOUNT FOR THE
ORIGIN AND ESTABLISHMENT OF MAHOMMEDANISM IN CHINA. BY COLONEL SLADEN.
The chief queen of the emperor Tanwan adopted a child and called him
Anlaushan. In time the child developed into a man of extraordinary
comeliness and wonderful intellect.
The queen was enamoured; and the adopted son became her paramour.
Anlaushan soon rose to distinction. His abilities were of the highest
order, and raised him at once to fame and influence. The queenly
passion was not disclosed; but suspicion had been sufficiently roused
to make it prudent on the queen’s part to get rid of her lover, and
defeat all signs of illicit intercourse.
Anlaushan was accordingly accused of being privy to a conspiracy to
dethrone the emperor. The influence of the queen prevailed to obtain a
conviction, and her favourite was banished from the royal capital.
But the injustice of his accusation and a sense of wrongs roused
Anlaushan to action, and induced him to become in reality a leader
of rebellion. He lost no time in collecting a large force with which
he was able to make head against the government, and successfully
encounter the troops of the emperor. In time he had approached within
a league of the capital, and city and palace were alike threatened.
The emperor Tanwan in this emergency adopted the suggestion of his
vizier Kanseree, and despatched a mission to Seeyoogwet, and implored
foreign aid. A force of three thousand men was sent, under the command
and guidance of three learned teachers, who arrived in due time at
Tanwan’s capital. By their aid Anlaushan was defeated and eventually
captured.
The rebellion was at an end, and the foreign contingent left China, to
return to its own country. Here, however, a difficulty arose. Their
rulers refused them admittance, and alleged as a cause for doing so,
that it was against the constitution of the country to receive back men
who had come into contact with pork-eating infidels. They had herded
in fact with pigs and infidels, and could no longer be regarded as
unpolluted subjects, or as fit members of a society which held pork in
religious detestation.
They returned therefore to China, and became permanent sojourners in
a foreign land. They are the original stock from which Mahommedanism
has sprung up in China, in various communities, and under several
denominations, &c.
APPENDIX III.
LIST OF NATS, OR DEITIES, WORSHIPPED BY THE KAKHYENS; OBTAINED FROM
NATIVE SOURCES BY COLONEL SLADEN.
1. _Ngka_ nat; Burmese, _Me_ nat; Eng. God of Earth.--He is worshipped
on the occasions of digging gold or other mines, founding a village,
and sowing paddy. The offerings made are buffalo, hogs, fowls, dried
fish, and liquor (sheroo). The worship must be celebrated by the entire
population of a village, and for four days next ensuing no work nor
journey must be undertaken.
2. _Mooshen_ or _Mofitwa_ nat or nats. These are husband and
wife, called respectively _Sharoowa_ and _Modai-pronga_. Burmese,
_Thakya-meng_; Eng. the King of Gods.--Worshipped on the occasion
of clearing fields, cutting rice crop, and founding a village. The
offerings made are a young male buffalo or bull, hog, cocks, eggs,
rice, dried fish, and liquor, with gifts of a silk putzo and women’s
ornaments. The worship is celebrated by the tsawbwa and the whole
village, and cannot be offered by a private person.
3. _Numsyang_ or _Noon-shan_ nat or nats; Burmese, _Yuwa-saun_; Eng.
the Village Guardians.--These are male and female, the eastern portion
of a village being under the custody of the former, and the western of
the latter. They are worshipped twice a year; also on the occasion of
any epidemic or of war, and at the foundation of a new village. The
offerings are as already mentioned, but the victims must be male, and
the worship is celebrated by the tsawbwa with all his people.
4. _Chan_ nat; Burmese, _Me_ nat; Eng. the Sun.--Also two, husband and
wife. Worshipped by chief and people at the time of clearing fields and
harvesting. The offerings are red fowls, boiled rice, eggs, dried fish,
bread, and liquor, with gifts of one gong, a red putzo, and masculine
ornaments.
5. _Sada_ nat; Burmese, _La_ nat; Eng. the Moon.--Worshipped as
foregoing. Offerings, boiled rice, dried flesh and fish, eggs, and four
bamboo flasks of liquor, with gifts of feminine clothes and ornaments
and a silver pipe stem.
6. _Ning-foi_, or _Pomp-woi_; Burmese, _Le_ nat; Eng. the
Air.--Worshipped in sickness, time of war, when going on a trading
journey, clearing fields, or founding a village. Offerings, buffalo,
cow, hog, fowls, &c., with gifts of putzo, gong, and silver.
7. _Ning-gon-wa_ nat; Burmese, _Byama_ nat; the Hindoo Brahma.--Regarded
as the “chief tsawbwa after death.” Offerings, bread; gifts, flowers,
silk putzo, and eight bamboos of liquor.
8. _Boom_ nat; Burmese, _Toung_ nat; Eng. the God of
Mountains.--Worshipped in sickness, and when clearing fields or founding
a village. Offerings, buffalo, cow, hog, &c.
9. _Mŭm Sŭn_; Burmese, _Soba_ nat; Eng. the Rice God.--Worshipped for
growth of rice crop, and sometimes in sickness. Offerings the same as
to the Moon.
10. _Chegah_ nat; Burmese, _Lay-khyan-saun_; the Field and Garden
Keeper.--Invoked to protect them. Offerings of buffalo and cows, of
which the skin is burned and the flesh boiled. Propitiated also with
offerings of tobacco. Said to inflict disease in the skin and eyes.
11. _Waroom_ nat; Burmese, _Ana_ nat; Eng. the God of
Disease.--Worshipped during sickness, chiefly small-pox and cholera.
Offerings, buffalo, &c.
12. _Khakhoo Kha-nam_; Burmese, _Yei_ nat; the God of
Water.--Worshipped on the occasion of any one being drowned; sometimes
in sickness. Offerings, two buffaloes, two hogs, two fowls, &c.
13. _Tsethoung_ nat; Burmese, _Tou_ nat; Eng. the God of
Forest.--Worshipped on the occasion of founding a village, clearing
fields, war, and sickness. Offerings, a hog, a goat, &c.
14. _Ngkhoo_ nat; Burmese, _Aing_ nat; the Home God, or God of
Ancestors.--Worshipped in all cases of sickness. Any one wishing to
migrate to another state hangs a bamboo of liquor on a post and invokes
him. New rice is also offered him at harvest. Offerings, buffalo, cow,
&c.
15. _Ndong_ nat; Burmese, _Aing-peen_ nat; the God of the Outside of
Home.--Believed to reside in the house, but worshipped outside if one
of the family is killed in war, or by drowning, fall from a tree, or
the bite of a tiger or snake. Offerings, buffalo, &c.
16. _Mo_ nat; Burmese, the same; the God of Heaven.--Four brothers,
viz. Moung-lam, Khreenwan, Seen-lap, Mou-sheeing, and a sister,
Boung-fwoy, the Thunder Goddess. A very high god of the Kakhyens,
worshipped by those who desire profit in trade, victory in war, or
children; also on occasion of founding a village and of sickness.
Sacrifice, buffalo, cow, hog, and fowls--all which must be white--dried
fish, eggs, and liquor.
17. _Lessa_ nat; Burmese, _Tesey_, or _Tuhsai_; the ghost of a person
murdered by the dah, supposed to cause disease.--Offerings, buffalo,
&c., and boiled rice, curry, liquor, exposed in baskets.
18. _Needang_ nat; Burmese, _Meima Tesey_; the compound spectre of
mother and unborn child.
19. _Hau-saing_ nat; Burmese, _Taroup_ nat; the Chinese god.
20. _Khokhamla_; Burmese, _Sing-buring_; the last king.
21. _Phee Lomoon_; Burmese, _Soung_; the witch, believed to be able to
destroy life.
APPENDIX IV.
NOTE BY PROFESSOR DOUGLAS ON THE DEITIES IN THE SHAN TEMPLE AT TSAYCOW,
IN THE HOTHA VALLEY.
The objects of worship contained within the walls of this temple are
well worthy of note, more especially as they illustrate the curious
manner in which the deities representing the various faiths of
Chinamen--Buddhist, Taouist, and Confucianist--are often intermingled.
As the subjoined list shows, Buddhas, Buddhisatwas, Devas, Arhans, and
Buddhist patriarchs, stand side by side with “True Men,” “Masters of
Heaven,” and princes of the Taouist faith; while Confucianism finds a
solitary representative in the Deva of Scholarly (i.e. Confucianist)
Youths (No. 15). This grouping together of the deities of the “Three
Religions” might appear strange to those unacquainted with the phases
which these faiths have assumed in China. From the first, however,
Taouism was but another form of Buddhism, and the gradual weakening,
which has been going on for centuries, of the distinctive doctrines
of the two sects, together with the introduction of purely Chinese
superstition into both, have tended to obliterate the uncertain line
of demarcation which originally separated the one from the other.
Indeed, the power of absorption, whether of races or of creeds, which
so peculiarly belongs to the Chinese, has served to fuse together the
dogmas of Buddha and Lao-tsze with the teachings of Confucius to such
an extent that, as far as the masses are concerned, they may be treated
as the foundations of a common faith, and the objects set apart by each
for worship are to be found not unfrequently standing in positions of
equal honour--as in the present instance--in the national Pantheons.
The following is a list of the eighty deities who are enthroned in the
temple:--
1. Yun lai tseĭh teen = the Deva of the Gathering Clouds.
2. Jĭh kung tsun teen = the honoured Deva of the Sun Palace.
3. To wăn tsun teen = Vaishravana.
4. Keen-na-lo Wang tsun teen = the honoured Deva, the King of the
Kinnaras.
5. Ta hĕh tsun teen = Mahâ Kala.
6. Sing kung tsun teen = the honoured Deva of the Star Palace.
7. Tae suy tsun teen = the Chinese Cybele.
8. Luy shin tsun teen = the honoured Deva of Thunder.
9. Hoo-kea-lo Wang tsun teen = the honoured Deva, King Hoo-kea-lo.
10. Po-kiĕh-lo-tsew (?) tsun teen = the honoured Deva Po-kiĕh-lo-tsew
(?) (Bhaskaravarna?).
11. Same as No. 8.
12. Lŭh chai pă Wang tsun teen = the honoured Deva, the Eighth King of
the Six Fasts (?).
13. Hing ping kwei Wang tsun teen = the honoured Deva, the
Disease-transmitting Demon King.
14. Hwa-kwang-meaou-keĭh-tseang tsun teen = Manjusri.
15. Joo tung te teen = the Imperial Deva of Scholarly (i.e.
Confucianist) Youths.
16. San chi tsun teen = the Glory-scattering honoured Deva.
17. Mi-tseĭh-kin-kang tsun teen = the Vajra-holding honoured Deva.
18. Mo-le-che tsun teen = Maritchi.
19. Să chin jin = the True Man Să (Taouist).
20. Kŏ chin jin = the True Man Kŏ (Hang?) (Taouist).
21. Yuh te = the Jade Ruler (Taouist).
22. Chang Teen sze = the Master of Heaven Chang (Taou-ling?) (Taouist).
23. Heu chin keun = the Prince Heu (Taouist).
24. Ho-le-te-nan tsun = Hariti.
25. Yen-lo te teen = Yama.
26. Kwei tsze moo teen = the Demon Terrestrial Deva.
27. Poo-te-shoo teen = Buddhisatwa Druma.
28. Keen-lo te teen = the Firm and Strong Terrestrial Deva.
29. Mo-he-lo tsun teen = Maheshvara.
30. Kwang mŭh tsun teen = Virupaksha.
31. Tsăng chang tsun teen = Virudhaka.
32. Chĭh kwŏ tsun teen = Dhritarashtra.
33. Same as No. 8.
34. Kwan shing te teen = the God of War.
35. Te shĭh tsun teen = Buddha.
36. Ta fan tsun teen = Brahma.
37. Tsze tung te teen = the Deva of the Tsze and Tung Trees.
38. Ta peen teen = the Great Deva of Disputation.
39. Kung tĭh tsun teen = the honoured Deva of Good Works.
40. Hoo fa tsun teen = Dharmarakshita.
41. Heuen teen shang te = The Sombre-Heaven God.
42. Pin-too-lo tsun-chay = the Arhan[44] Pin-too-lo.
43. Choo-cha-pwan-to-kea tsun-chay = the Arhan Choo-cha-pwan-to-kea.
44. Fa-na-po-sze tsun-chay = the Arhan Fa-na-po-sze.
45. Na-kea-mow-na-lo tsun-chay = the Arhan Na-kea-mow-na-lo.
46. Pwan-to-kea tsun-chay = the Arhan Pwan-to-kea.
47. Fa-chay-fŭh-to-lo tsun-chay = the Arhan Fa-chay-fŭh-to-lo.
48. Po to-lo tsun-chay = the Arhan Po-to-lo.
49. Soo-pin-to tsun-chay = the Arhan Soo-pin-to.
50. Peen-nŏ-kea-fa-tso tsun-chay = the Arhan Peen-nŏ-kea-fa-tso.
51. Kan heen = the Watching-the-Righteous (Deity).
52. Kea-che = Kâsyapa.
53. Chay-nŏ Fŭh = the Protecting and Answering Buddha.
54. Shŭh-kea Fŭh = Sakya Buddha.
55. Pe-loo Fŭh = Vairoshana.
56. A-nan = Ananda.
57. Wăn choo = Mangusri.
58. Pin-tow-loo-to-chay tsun-chay = the Arhan Pin-tow-loo-to-chay.
59. Kea-kea-po-tĭh-to tsun-chay = the Arhan Kea-kea-po-tĭh-to.
60. Nŏ-keu-lo tsun-chay = the Arhan Nŏ-keu-lo.
61. Kea-le-kea tsun-chay = the Arhan Kalika.
62. Shoo-foo-kea tsun-chay = the Arhan Shoo-foo-kea.
63. Lo-hoo-lo tsun-chay = the Arhan Lo-hoo-lo.
64. Yin-këĕ-to tsun-chay = the Arhan Yin-këĕ-to.
65. A-she-to tsun-chay = the Arhan Asita.
66. King-yew tsun-chay = the Arhan King-yew.
67. Tă-ma tsoo sze = the Patriarch Dharma.
68. Kea-lan Poo-să = the Sam̃ghârâma Buddha.
69. Same as No. 41.
70. Kwan-yin Poo-să = Avalokites’vara.
71. Wăn-chang te keun = the God of Literature.
72. Hoo-fă Wei-to = Veda, the Defender of the Law.
73. Tsëĕ yin Fŭh = Amita.
74. Same as No. 3.
75. Same as No. 30.
76. Same as No. 32.
77. Same as No. 31.
78. Has no name attached.
79. Shwuy ho kin kang = the Water and-Fire-Varja-(throwing Deity) [an
impossible title].
[44] _Arhan_, Professor Douglas informs me, has the same signification
as the term _rahan_, used by me in the text.--J. A.
APPENDIX V.
VOCABULARY.
+--------------+----------------+--------------+
| English. | Kakhyen. | Shan. |
+--------------+----------------+--------------+
|One | Langai | Loong |
|Two | Lakong | Song |
|Three | Masoam | Sam |
|Four | Malee | Si |
|Five | Mangah | Ha |
|Six | Kroo | Hoak |
|Seven | Sanet | Saet |
|Eight | Matsat | Pyet |
|Nine | Tsikoo | Kow |
|Ten | Shi | Sheep |
|Eleven | Shilangai | Sheepate |
|Twenty | Koon | Sow |
|Twenty-one | Koonlangai | Sowate |
|One hundred | Latsa | Packlaing |
|One thousand | Hainglangai | Hainglaing |
|I | Ngai | Kow |
|We | Antaing | Mowshoe |
|You | Nongtaing | How |
|He | Torawah | Mung |
|Of me | Ngaihome | Kowlai |
|Of us | Antainglo | Howhalai |
|Of you | Nangtainglo | Mowsoo |
|Of him | Keyraiĕh | Hongmyoon |
|Of them | Kangtengraiĕh | Myonhowlai |
|Above | Lata | Kāneh |
|Below | Lawoo | Kantow |
|Far | Nowtsanai | Kaiyow |
|Near | Aneesharengai | Cowalaí |
|Alone | Nanaisha | Yonlai |
|Inside | .. .. | .. .. |
|Behind | .. .. | .. .. |
|Before | .. .. | .. .. |
|North | .. .. | Kaneu |
|South | .. .. | Kantow |
|East | .. .. | Wanoak |
|West | .. .. | Wantoak |
|Best | Kajai | Leesubinah |
|Bad | Inkajah | Yunglee |
|Worse | .. .. | .. .. |
+--------------+----------------+--------------+
+-----------------+-----------------+-------------+
| Hotha Shan. | Leesaw. | Poloung. |
+-----------------+-----------------+-------------+
| Ta | Ti | Lay. |
| Seuk | Hnuit | Eh. |
| Soom | Sa | Ooay. |
| Mee | Li | Pone. |
| Ngwa | Ngaw | Pohn. |
| Ho | Chaw | Taw. |
| Huit | Tshe | Ta. |
| Het | Hay | Poo. |
| Kaow | Koo | Teen. |
| Takkhay | Tsi | Kew. |
| Khayta | Tsili | Kewlay. |
| Sow | Meetzee | Ehkew. |
| Sowta | Meetzeeti | Ehkewlay. |
| Tabac | Teengha | Oobooyaw. |
| Tahaing | Titoo | Oohaing. |
| Ngaw | Nga | Ow. |
| Ngawtookay | Ngaeuh | Nuibey. |
| Kewtakah | .. .. | Ee. |
| Mong | .. .. | Pĕh. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| Attaw | Khanashee | Kiggo. |
| Loongbaw | Meekhya | Kirroi. |
| Vaylai | Oorăh | Loong. |
| Neenăy | Tialah | Puloang. |
| Notah | Nwaday | Mowloutsay. |
| Ahhow | Nagwah | Kaffan. |
| Noongbah | Kanashee | Howlaybonow.|
| Numram | Jugushee | Howlaiow. |
| Hobah | Meetloakhew | Keyko. |
| Oobah | Meegoakhew | Keyroi. |
| Meetope | Wadashee | Keygo. |
| Neekcoam | Godashee | Makkayroi. |
| Soobudaykhaybaw | Loosoometsighaw | Tsika. |
| Makhay | Magee | Putzee. |
| Highmakhay | .. .. | .. .. |
+-----------------+-----------------+-------------+
+-------------------------------------------------+
| VOCABULARY. |
|--------------+-----------------+----------------+
| English. | Kakhyen. | Shan. |
|--------------+-----------------+----------------+
| Worst | Toomsa inkajah | Moataykhew |
| High | Tsawah | Ansoong |
| Higher | .. .. | Aykhera soongsa|
| Highest | Lata | .. .. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| Low | Nemai | Tumalai |
| False | Nangmasonai | Monlonlai |
| Fine | Tsomai | Sanay |
| True | Raiai | Lonlai |
| Thin | Kasherai | Yongmai |
| Fat | Kubai | Peaeh |
| Thick | Tatday | Lalai |
| Oily | Toesa | Hackaylai |
| Pretty | Tsomai | Hanglilai |
| Ugly | .. .. | .. .. |
| Beautiful | Tsomai | Hanglilai |
| Clean | Tsomai | Senshitnai |
| Dirty | Shoeshakai | Hangwheylai |
| Dusty | .. .. | .. .. |
| Cheap | .. .. | Mouwai |
| Dear | Matzanneh | Paneh |
| Rich | Soneh | Me-eh |
| Poor | Matzaneh | Panyon |
| Old | Toonglasa | Tonalai |
| Young | Kacheeai | Onyou |
| Tall | Sawai | Soongai |
| Little | Indehkacheeai | Onzalai |
| Small | Kacheecheeai | Onzeesee |
| Big | Kubai | Yanalai |
| Tight | Teetai | Kapai |
| Wide | Koocabai | Quangai |
| Close | Meesa | Kowai |
| Painful | Matzeeai | Sipai |
| Pleasant | .. .. | .. .. |
| Red | Khrenai | Aneng |
| Yellow | Somai | Anaing |
| Green | Chitai | Anhew |
| Blue | Chitai | Anpyah |
| Orange | .. .. | .. .. |
| Black | Changai | Anam |
| White | Prongai | Angpuck |
| Hand | Lata | Mew |
+--------------+-----------------+----------------+
+---------------------------------------------------------+
| VOCABULARY. |
+------------------------+---------------+----------------+
| Hotha Shan. | Leesaw. | Poloung. |
+------------------------+---------------+----------------+
| Highmakhayaw | Oumamagee | Putzee. |
| Mahanglai | Moodah | Ko. |
| Soobudaymahanglaí | Akkeymo | Kokakai. |
| Soobudayma-hanglaibaw | .. .. | Hoakmureemurra.|
| Mahlawhoonlai | Kula | Quoikaroi. |
| Manhay | Mungaw | Owmow. |
| Tomelai | Byeedah | Tseah. |
| Pēybaw | Ghooleeaw | Hawhoi. |
| Hyamlai | Battah | Mangah. |
| Powlai | Tsuddah | Kalana. |
| Kanlai | Guadah | Nakakoi. |
| Kokklai | Khuddah | Kaiaw. |
| Tomelai | Bheda | Tsi. |
| .. .. | Mabyee | Putzee. |
| Tomebaw | Bheda | Tsikaw. |
| Peubaw | Phaw | Lweehaw. |
| Tseetbaw | Neemughoondah | Highai. |
| Soodah | Shenggew | Peevunay. |
| Polai | Noodah | .. .. |
| Kolai | Kaddah | Gnaw. |
| Chodo | Tsobo | .. .. |
| Panlai | Saddah | Anpan. |
| Mungsaw | Tsomaw | Takkaw. |
| Thoay | Lanew | Taheelay. |
| Mangbah | Moakkaw | Onyou-haw. |
| Asaw | Wablaneu | Konou. |
| Moonmoonsaw | Runurraw | Konlay-lay. |
| Khuybaw | Woodaw | Langhaw. |
| Shinglai | Tsodah | Pakkaw. |
| Quanglabaw | Haydaw | Loomhaw. |
| Naygawsabaw | Thyeedaw | Chamhaw. |
| Atoohenlai | Goodoonnuddah | Toeowsayowlow. |
| Kneelawkaybaw | Teeanaw | Khyenhaw. |
| Omnah | Yeenee | Yow. |
| Aloom | Yeeshee | Eela. |
| Akkew | Yeneetshee | Eevong. |
| Amyauh | Lasay | Lenay. |
| Aloongasaw | Attew | Quonlaylay. |
| Annaw | Yeenah | Eewong. |
| Appew | Yeepoo | Eelooee. |
| Taw | Lapah | Tai. |
+------------------------+---------------+----------------+
+--------------+-----------------+--------------+
| English. | Kakhyen. | Shan. |
+--------------+-----------------+--------------+
| Foot | Lagong kheytai | Ting |
| Nose | Indee | Hunglan |
| Eye | Me | Waydah |
| Mouth | Iucoop | Soap |
| Tooth | Wa | Shew |
| Ear | Na | Mayloho |
| Hair | Karah | Hoonhoẃ |
| Head | Pong | Ho |
| Tongue | Shinglet | Lin |
| Belly | Khan | Tong |
| Rock | Shemah | Lung |
| Iron | Phee | Lĕh |
| Gold | Tsa | Hum |
| Silver | Comprong | Goom |
| Copper | Makree | Tong |
| Lead | Masoo | Chun |
| Tin | Pheyprong | Laypuck |
| Brass | Makree | Tonglung |
| Earth | Kah | Lunglean |
| Father | Kowah | Paw |
| Mother | Gnoo | Ma |
| Brother | Apoo | Tsailoong |
| Sister | Mongsow | Nongsow |
| Man | Chingpaw | Khoon |
| Woman | Noom | Pahying |
| Wife | Mashanoom | Meh |
| Child | Mang | Laon |
| Son | Kashah | Look |
| Daughter | Mawhonkashah | Looksow |
| Slave | Kashahpyeelai | Loogyonow |
| Cultivator | Toangnaiai | Toangla |
| Shepherd | Peinamremai | Sowpalingpeh |
| Hunter | Mounwhomai | Sowmonso |
| God | Shingrawah | Sowpara |
| Devil | Nateabai | Peahighloong |
| Sun | San | Wan |
| Moon | Ladah | Lhun |
| Star | Lagree | Laow |
| Fire | Wan | Phai |
| Water | Intzin | Nam |
| House | Indah | Huhn |
| Horse | Comerang | Māh |
+--------------+-----------------+--------------+
+-------------+-----------+-------------+
| Hotha Shan. | Leesaw. | Poloung. |
+-------------+-----------+-------------+
| Hkay | Khaypah | Ronaw. |
| Nayhong | Nahbay | Koorookmoo. |
| Knoydzee | Myetzoo | Nigh. |
| Myoot | Malay | Moay. |
| Khoway | Tsitshee | Shang. |
| Neeshaw | Nabaw | Choak. |
| Oo | Oochay | Heuckhyn. |
| Owgong | Oodew | Khyn. |
| Whaw | Latchay | Latah. |
| Oondow | Hickhay | Vot. |
| Wholoong | Kamah | Yahow. |
| Shan | Hhew | Tsigh. |
| Say | Keypah | Yoang. |
| Noway | Poo | Reun. |
| Toangwah | Gishshee | .. .. |
| Keway | Tsew | Pachat. |
| Shanphew | Hoepew | Leckleway. |
| Tungpur | Yeguw | .. .. |
| Me | Nayhew | Katai. |
| Apaw | Baba | Koon. |
| Aggah | Mama | Ma. |
| Among | Aiyee | Peeow. |
| Ham | Mala | Peenangow. |
| Chow | Latchoe | Taee. |
| Inggnaw | Lamurah | Yeban. |
| Aymaw | Lameuh | Peeow. |
| Tsoee | Lunay | Yebanay. |
| Tsalooalisa | Tsobahla | Eemeilay. |
| Eengnawsa | Lameungla | Eebanay. |
| Khyun | Chobah | Myeh. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| Muso | .. .. | .. .. |
| Oorah | Whŏo | Chuprah. |
| Tam | Gnay | Canom. |
| Poee | Neemee | Lata. |
| Pulaw | Habackhee | Takkew. |
| Khew | Coosah | Law. |
| Poee | Attaw | Nigh. |
| Tea | Yeghaw | Em. |
| Een | Ghnee | Krep. |
| Mang | Amho | Myong. |
+-------------+-----------+-------------+
+-----------------+-----------+-----------+
| English. | Kakhyen. | Shan. |
+-----------------+-----------+-----------+
| Cow | Toomsoo | Bow |
| Dog | Quhay | Mah |
| Cat | Ningyoueh | Myew |
| Cock | Oorang | Kiephoo |
| Duck | Oopyaet | Pyet |
| Ass | .. .. | .. .. |
| Bird | Nhoopyen | Loak |
| Mule | Latsayla | Mālaw |
| Bamboo | Kawah | Myēh |
| Stone | Loong | Heen |
| Elephant | Maguay | Tsang |
| Buffalo | Ngā | Why |
| Flea | Wahkaree | Mat |
| Louse (body) | Sakhep | Mien |
| Louse (head) | Chee | How |
| Deer | Po | Pangdai |
| Goat | Painam | Pay-yah |
| Sulphur | Khan | Khan |
| Salt | Tsoom | Khu |
| Sugar | Tsantang | Khuwan |
| Milk | Tsoo | Loam |
| Sheep | .. .. | Toe |
| Turban | Poonkaw | Khynhoe |
| Jacket | Polong | Seu |
| Trousers | Teboo | Pa |
| Woman’s Jacket | Polong | Sou |
| Woman’s Turban | .. .. | Klynhoe |
| Petticoat | Soomboo | Shin |
| Shoes | .. .. | Whyepteen |
| Earring | Lakan | Pehwho |
| Rice | Shat | How |
| Opium | Yeepyen | Phey |
| Serpent | Laboo | Moo |
| Frog | Shoo | Koap |
| Grass | Nam | Yāh |
| Tree | Poonsaw | Tonemai |
| Leaf | Poonlap | Mowmai |
| Wood | Poon | Mytsing |
| Fish | Nga | Pa |
| Cold | Kachee | Kat |
| Warm | Katetai | Oonai |
| Ice | Tsin | Ghonlam |
+-----------------+-----------+-----------+
+----------------+--------------+---------------+
| Hotha Shan. | Leesaw. | Poloung. |
+----------------+--------------+---------------+
| Nochoanatsaing | Anyemah | Muckamah. |
| Quhoee | Annah | Sŏw. |
| Kollaw | Urrah | Yewh. |
| Capaw | Urupah | Yehcrow. |
| Pāy | Ah | Pyet. |
| Mahlee | Khyamyeh | Myonglee. |
| Ghnaw | Nga | Ngow. |
| Mālaw | Teemee | Tolelaw. |
| Chewgen | Wahmah | Khyang. |
| Leekaw | Takhee | Maou. |
| Khyang | Hamāh | Chang. |
| Noloway | Annaga | Kha. |
| Ghlu | Catteuh | Khang. |
| .. .. | Chinutah | Oo. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| Twing | Myloo | Ahjaw. |
| Pa | Utchee | Mēh. |
| Khanteuk | Khang | Khan. |
| Khaw | Tsabow | Sĕh. |
| Saow | Shantah | Mahmoilooay. |
| Nonow | Atchee | Emboo. |
| .. .. | Atchumew | Atchaw. |
| Wootoop | Wootew | Kameh. |
| Tsay | Bucheu | Kayeup. |
| Ghlaw | Meekee | .. .. |
| Eenawtsay | Samen buchee | Kayeup yebaw. |
| Eenaw ootoop | Samen wootew | Kameh yebaw. |
| Eenaw tungaw | Meekyee | Kalang yebaw. |
| Khyapteen | Khynee | Khypteen. |
| Kneechaw | Knockaw | Paywhoo. |
| Tsen | Dthapoo | Lakow. |
| Yappingyen | Yappay | Yapping. |
| Mowee | Who | Hhan. |
| Pāw | Oopah | .. .. |
| Sieaw | Shi | Mat. |
| Tsidsaing | Shidzee | Hoi. |
| Skihow | Tsibeeyah | Phooan. |
| Shake | Tsidzee | Hoi. |
| Mushaw | Ngwa | Kā. |
| Kamlai | Gyaddah | Kaw. |
| Poolai | Tsaddah | Myahcaeeai. |
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
+----------------+--------------+---------------+
+------------------------+----------------------+--------------------+
| English. | Kakhyen. | Shan. |
+------------------------+----------------------+--------------------+
| Snow | Khen | Lie |
| Rain | Marangto | Phoontoak |
| Wind | Umboong | Loom |
| Thunder | Mahmoomooai | Phasowai |
| Lightning | Meeprap | Phamypai |
| Sky | Moo | Bhă |
| Day | Sheenee | Khangwan |
| Night | Shenah | Khanghŭm |
| Light | Shenee | Phalaing |
| Darkness | Insin | Lapsing |
| Cloud | Soomoay | Moay |
| River | Mereeha | Lamkew |
| Hill | Boom | Loiloo |
| Insect | .. .. | Pieta |
| Heart | Mashin | Hosow |
| Go | Samo | .. .. |
| Eat | Shamo | .. .. |
| Sit | Domo | Laugda |
| Come | Wamo | Mada |
| Beat | Tookmo | Tainda |
| Stand | Rotmo | Lookda |
| Lie | Karengmo | Einlengda |
| Die | Seesa | .. .. |
| Call | Shegah | Ma |
| Throw | Shedeng | Tim |
| Drop | Hatsa | Toak |
| Place | Sherah | Teayou |
| Lift | Ta | Yōng |
| Pull | Rung | Teat |
| Smoke | Loo | Lŭt |
| Love | Nheyrai | Hachlai |
| Hate | Neimcome | Hhanhau |
| What is your name? | Nung meing ganging | .. .. |
| | sagaieh | |
| How old is this horse? | Daiee comerang kadeh | .. .. |
| | tinglaeh goon | |
| I do not know | Ngai inchengai | Cow mhahow shay |
| How far is it to | Sanda mying kadeh | Muang Sanda kai |
| Sanda? | sanai | halow |
| It is a journey of one | Intwey langai toosa | Lam wan qua |
| day | | tenglai |
+------------------------+----------------------+--------------------+
+---------------------+---------------+-----------------+
| Hotha Shan. | Leesaw. | Poloung. |
+---------------------+---------------+-----------------+
| .. .. | .. .. | .. .. |
| Mowrowbaw | Mahă | Qnoi. |
| Ghli | Mayhee | Koo. |
| Mowrow | Mooggoo | Polong. |
| Shapmyng | Bhyyeh | .. .. |
| Annyow | Kneerueetchee | La. |
| Knee | Myeemalaw | Tsungai. |
| Tmoot | Yeetah | Keisin. |
| Mowbowbaw | Kneeowmah | Qneh. |
| Mowchootbaw | Nayaw | Tsaymawchoak. |
| Hangeen | Mookoo | Mok. |
| Kaw | Yeegyah | Emhongfie. |
| Boom | Kneekee | Panang. |
| .. .. | Biddee | .. .. |
| .. .. | See | Hogiow. |
| Kawda | .. .. | .. .. |
| Kneeah | .. .. | .. .. |
| .. .. | La | .. .. |
| Tayda | .. .. | .. .. |
| Yapda | Hatesa | .. .. |
| Ayda | Yeeta | Ee. |
| Lawah | Kooyay | Tayau. |
| Koondah | Law | Vuneh. |
| Tahyoudab | Tsayloho yeuk | Oonsayau. |
| Anhedah | Takyah | .. .. |
| Koobawdah | Qnaw | Tayan. |
| Shãybawdah | Gho | Tutanlaybeneen. |
| Gnawsheubawdah | Yehbeckshe | Owkynowkuloak. |
| Nawnoilawdah | Nguanah | Owingau. |
| Cachencachaw | Kneemahandau | Owchungkakai. |
| Nong day pay cainay | .. .. | .. .. |
| | | |
| Myang honehyay | .. .. | .. .. |
| mang laybounay | | |
| Ngaw masa | .. .. | .. .. |
| Chanda quhonhay | | |
| wenenay | | |
| Tanyen samhet tah | .. .. | .. .. |
+---------------------+---------------+-----------------+
INDEX
Agriculture:--
Kakhyen, 129
Shan, 299
Alekyoung, 22
Amulets, 409
Ashan, 316
Attack on mission of 1868, 167, 185
Attack on mission of 1875, 429
Bhamô:--
Early notices, 5
Town, 41
Old, 69
Chinese, 56, 337, 377
British Residency, 333, 362
Burma, king of, 335, 347, 357, 359
Burmese--
Treaty, 6
Costume, 10
Pooay, 352, 379
Sabbath, 378
Bells, 455
Frontier guard-houses, 336, 413
Chalktaw river, 263
Chang-see, 344
Chinese--
Frontiers, 80, 318, 416, 441
Plays, 198, 372
The, of Bhamô, 42, 377
The, of Mandalay, 454
The, of Manwyne, 159, 268
Chinese Shans, 285, 293, 374
Chowkyoung, 30
Climate of Bhamô, 40
Climate of Momien, 206
Coal mines, 25
Deebay mountains, 187
Divination, 79
Dolphins, 395
Eclipse of the sun, 1868, 308
Elias’, Mr., journey to Muangmow, 440
Fish, sacred, 24
Fishes of the Irawady, 29
Forged royal letter, 447
French expedition, the, 238
Gaudama, footprints of, 33, 263, 264
Hantin, 412
Hawshuenshan, 186, 213
Hentha, 68, 412
Hlepét, 15
Hoetone, 321
Horse worship, 309
Hot springs of Nantin, 182
Hot springs of Sanda, 262
Hotha:--
Valley of, 244
Town, 279
Old, 303
Chief of, 176, 280
Hteezeh, 22
Irawady:--
First defile of, 36
Second defile of, 33, 452
Third defile of, 23
Steamers on, 20, 335
Dolphins of, 395
Fishes, 29
Jade manufacture, 201
Kabyuet, 25
Kad-doung mountain, 316, 326
Kakhyen hills, 67, 315, 369, 402, 413
Kakhyens, 32, 45
Manners and customs of, 125-150
Deities of, 457
Language of, 464
Kambanee, 405
Kara Kakhyens, 440
Karahokah, 167
Katha, 31
Kaungtoung, 35, 447
Kethung, 22
Khanloung Kakhyens, 439
Khyan-Nhyat, 26
Khyto, 244
Kingdoung, 157
Kowlie Kakhyens, 126, 434
Kuttha, 48
Kwotloon, 441
Lakone Kakhyens, 126, 434
Lakong mountain, 85
Lankon, 414
Lasee, 317
Latha, 314
Lay-myo, 344
Leesaws or Leisus, 257, 265, 276
Lenna Kakhyens, 440
Li-sieh-tai, 28, 338, 368, 442
Loayline, 320
Loaylone, 318
Mahommedans, Chinese:--
Origin of, 224
Revolt of, 233
Conquest of, 338
Makouk, 22
Malé, 3
Maloolah, 4
Mandalay, 11, 351, 358, 453
Manhleo, 256
Manloi, 279
Manloung lake, 63, 399
Mansay, 374
Mantai, 323
Manwyne, 159, 268, 368
Margary, A. R.:--
Overland journey of, 365
Murder of, 429, 449
Mattin, 320, 446
Mawphoo, 177, 252
Mengoon, 18
Mentone, 16
Molay river, 54, 256
Momeit, 30
Momien:--
Valley of, 187
Town of, 190
Capture of, 343
Momouk, 322
Moonam river, 414
Muang-gan, 157
Muangkak, Shan state, 375
Muangkha river, 318
Muangkwan, 375
Muangla, 173, 253
Muanglong, 346, 374
Muangmow, 374, 442
Muangtee, 179, 252
Muangtha, 289
Muangwan, 311, 327
Muangwye, 317
Myadoung, 30, 361
Myait-loung hills, 19
Myit-ngé river, 16
Namboke, 315
Namkai, 441
Namkhan, 375
Nampoung river, 80, 416, 421
Namsa river, 276, 314
Namthabet river, 324, 344, 403
Namwan river, 441
Nantin, 179, 250
Nantin valley, 182
Nats:--
Sacrifice to, 329
Shan fear of, 260, 308
_See_ Kakhyens.
Nattoung hills, 22
Opium, 135, 300
Overland trade, 1, 335, 391
Pagan, Old, 28
Pagoda:--
Seebyo, 18
Stone, 23
Votive, 52
Yethaycoo, Sessoungan, 34
Pagodas:--
Shuaybaw, 33
Shuaykeenah, 51
Hotha, 310, 380
Paloungto, 441, 442
Paloungto chief, 384
Pamkan, 441
Panthays, _see_ Mahommedans.
Payto, 413
Peetah, 440
Phonkan, 327, 387
Ponline, 71, 414
Ponline chief, 57, 87, 405
Pong, 286
Ponsee, 85, 316
Ponwah, 422
Potatoes, 209
Queyloon, 394
River steamers, 359
River terraces, 182
Routes (_see_ Map):--
Theinnee, 2, 16, 347
Shuaylee, 35
Ancient, 4
Embassy, 3, 250, 319, 373
Sawady, 374, 390
Ponline, 56, 393
Sprye’s, 2
Sanda:--
Town, 168
Valley, 255
Temples, 259
Sawady, 35, 383
Sehfan, 374
Seray, 425
Seray chief, 98, 419
Shan--
States, 286
People, 287
Manners and customs, 288-300
Buddhism, 65, 306, 308
Sheroo, 138
Shienpagah, 21
Shitee Meru, 316, 420
Shuaybaw, 33
Shuayduay, 210
Shuaygoo, 32, 361
Shuaykeenah, 62, 381
Shuaylee river, 30, 345, 374
Shuay-mein-toung hills, 29
Shuemuelong mountains, 177
Silver currency, 44, 377
Silver mines, 105
Singnew, 413
Singpho, _see_ Kakhyens.
Stone celts, 204
Tagoung, 27
Tagoung-toung-daw hills, 30
Tahmeylon, 398
Taho river, 172
Suspension bridge, 178, 252
Fall of, 208
Tai, _see_ Shans.
Tali-fu, 235, 367
Tali-fu, capture of, 341
Talone, 71
Tapeng river, 47, 103, 394
Gorge of, 324, 404
Valley of, 158, 272
Source of, 175
Floods of, 270
Tayshan mountains, 187
Teng-yue-chow, _see_ Momien.
Theehadaw, 23
Thigyain, 30
Thingadaw, 24
Thubyo-budo hills, 22
Trade:--
Burma and China, 2, 7, 335
Of Rangoon, 1
Of Momien, 199
In salt, 21
Tsagain hills, 19
Tsampenago, 26
Tsampenago, Old, 48
Tsaycow, 303
Tsihet, 69, 412
Tsing-gai, _see_ Bhamô.
Tsingu, 22
Tsinuhat, 26
Tsitgna, 326, 398
Tsitkaw, 60, 400, 438
Wacheoon chief, 422, 429
Woonkah chief, 431
Woonkah village, 437
Woosaw, 344
Wurrabone, 440
Yay-law, 210
Yunnan:--
Present state of, 366
Minerals of, 202
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
Transcriber’s Notes
In a few cases, obvious errors in punctuation and spacing have been
corrected.
Some inconsistent hyphenization has been corrected.
Page xii: “Friendly tsawbas” changed to “Friendly tsawbwas”
Page 41: “built of sun-drie bricks,” changed to “built of sun-dried
bricks,”
Page 94: “Ponline tswabwa” changed to “Ponline tsawbwa”
Page 72: “stream of the Tpeng” changed to “stream of the Tapeng”
Page 238: “a treaty of partitition” changed to “a treaty of partition”
Page 277: “and, thorougly tired,” changed to “and, thoroughly tired,”
Page 308: “on the the 13th of August” changed to “on the 13th of August”
Page 460: “found not unfrequantly” changed to “found not unfrequently”