of his present liberty and prosperity were laid by the Princes of the
illustrious House of Orange-Nassau, and acquired in part at the price
of their blood; that this House has formed, and established on a firm
basis, the present constitution of the Republic, and after
extraordinary vicissitudes and revolutions, in some respects
resembling the present crisis, has rescued the Republic from the
perils which threatened it, and re-established it in its former
lustre. It is not to be doubted, that the welfare and safety of the
Republic depend on the preservation of that form of government, which
has so happily subsisted for two centuries, and of the Stadtholderate,
which is inseparable from it. Every good Dutch patriot must feel
persuaded of the truth of this. All the neighboring powers appear
equally convinced of it, and are able to see that dissensions, not
less dangerous than inexcusable, the consequences of which may prove
not less ruinous to this Republic, than they have been to other States
under similar circumstances, subsist and constantly increase in
violence in the bosom of the United Provinces. These powers are all
equally interested in the maintenance of the Dutch Republic. The King
is more particularly so, both from his consanguinity to the Most
Serene House of Orange, and from his being the nearest neighbor, and
the constant and sincere friend of the Republic. His Majesty is
persuaded he knows it from the most positive assurances, that the
Prince Stadtholder has the purest and most salutary views of the good
of the Republic, and the support of the present constitution; that if
evil disposed persons attribute to him any other intentions, it is an
insinuation as destitute of all probability, as it is injurious to his
character and his enlightened policy; that the Prince will follow and
execute undeviatingly the principles adopted and established by the
sovereign power of the United Provinces, and will for the future
remove even a suspicion of the contrary.
The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary, has the honor to submit all
these important considerations to their High Mightinesses, the
States-General of the United Provinces. He is directed by the most
precise orders of the King, to recommend them to their most serious
reflections, and to urge their High Mightinesses to reject and repel
all propositions and opinions calculated to diminish the lawful
prerogatives of the Stadtholderate, and change the form of their
government, so long established and so happily preserved; but on the
other hand, to take effectual measures to quiet the internal troubles,
to check the attempts of the factious, to put a stop to their
calumnies, and to restore not only the harmony of the State, but also
the authority and respectability of the Prince Stadtholder, and of all
engaged in the government of the Republic.
His Majesty flatters himself, that their High Mightinesses will
receive his representations as the counsel and exhortations of a
neighbor, who is their true and sincere friend, who is not indifferent
to the fate of the Republic, but who will always feel the liveliest
and warmest interest in the preservation of its constitution.
THULEMEYER.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
The Hague, January 24th, 1783.
Sir,
The sudden and unexpected manner in which we have received the news of
the signing of the preliminaries, by all the belligerent powers,
except that in which we are most interested here, filled our friends
at first with apprehensions; but after having recovered from their
first surprise, M. Van Berckel, at the suggestion and on the request
of the Grand Pensionary, in a secret conference, proposed the most
dignified and sure method of attaining the object desired and
desirable to all. The Grand Pensionary adopted it with eagerness, and
it was, that M. Van Berckel should request me to consult you, as early
as possible, on this method. It is as follows.
"To accelerate the negotiation of a general peace, and to prevent
ulterior discussions between their High Mightinesses and Great
Britain, on the question of free and unlimited navigation. Mr Adams is
requested to declare, whether he is authorised by Congress to accede
to the armed neutrality, already concluded between certain powers of
Europe, or to enter into a similar negotiation with France, Spain, and
the United Provinces.
"In either case their High Mightinesses would make the same
proposition to France and Spain, in order to prevent discussions on
the subject of the liberty of the seas, which may retard the general
peace, and assist the Republic in concluding a peace on her part with
Great Britain, which may otherwise be delayed by difficulties, arising
from particular stipulations or arrangements to be made with England
on this subject.
"The definitive treaty between England and the Republic might then be
concluded, with a reserve of the natural right of all nations, who are
in the enjoyment of this right, unless they should modify it by
particular treaties on the subject of contrabands, recognised as such
by the contracting parties.
"Mr Adams is requested to communicate his ideas on this subject as
speedily as possible, and to add his views on the means of furthering
such a negotiation, and hastening the conclusion of the general peace;
since it appears, that the Republic could meanwhile accede to the
armistice, which must result from the signing of the preliminaries of
peace by the other belligerent powers, and treat with England on all
the points in dispute."
It is for you to decide, if you will confer ministerially with M.
Brantzen on this matter.
It only remains for me to present to you the compliments of M. Van
Berckel, with the warmest expression of his esteem; he has just left
me, to give me an opportunity of writing the above.
I am, &c.
DUMAS.[48]
FOOTNOTES:
[48] See Mr Adams's reply to this letter, Vol. VII. p. 13.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
The Hague, January 28th, 1783.
Sir,
You have probably received today my letter of the 24th, sent by a
courier of the French Ambassador. It is of the utmost importance to
those on behalf of whom I wrote it, and they wait with anxiety for
your answer, because the effect they expect it to produce, is in
their opinion alone able to repair the immense and unpardonable fault,
(I use their words) which has been committed in abandoning,
sacrificing, and deluding them. This is their own language even to the
Ambassador, who wishes them to enter upon this negotiation directly
with the French Minister, and in that case promises them complete
success; this they flatly refuse. He said to me and to them too, that
he thought you would make no difficulty in taking it upon yourself,
but that your colleagues would probably oppose it. They replied, that,
not seeing any reason why any opposition should be made to the joint
adoption of the measure by the three belligerents, rather than leave
it to the caprice of the Minister of a single power, they should
consider any such opposition as owing to the influence of such
Minister; that then it would be useless to apply any longer to them
for any negotiations whatever, and in that case his Excellency must in
future be contented to apply to their High Mightinesses, without
requiring them and their cities to expose themselves farther to
contempt and danger.
I have thought it my duty, in so important an affair, to inform you
fully of all the circumstances. I will add, that the nation is
indignant at the last act of the French Minister, and that he will
lose their confidence entirely, if he intrigues against that measure,
which they propose with an entire reliance on your candor and your
good intentions.
Yesterday I read to the Grand Pensionary _in extenso_ the copy of the
preliminaries between America and Great Britain, with which you have
favored me. I then read it to other friends, but no one shall have a
copy until you grant permission.
M. de Gyzelaer, whom I have seen this morning, and Messrs Van Berckel
and Visscher, with whom I supped last evening, have directed me to
give their most respectful compliments to your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
The Hague, January 30th, 1783.
Sir,
The letters I had the honor to write you on the 24th and 28th inst.,
are the most faithful picture of the sentiments of our republicans. I
have added nothing of my own; on the contrary I have softened the
matter as much as possible. If the affair cannot be arranged as I have
proposed, the credit of France here is gone forever. I send you copies
of letters relative to this subject, as I promised. France and our
republicans have been from that time, the object of the bitterest
sarcasms and raillery of the evil-disposed; and our republicans,
without losing their courage in opposition to their domestic
adversaries, are indignant, and have no longer any confidence in what
is said to them by the French Ministry to color what is past, or to
engage them to adopt further measures. They pity the Duc de la
Vauguyon personally, and say that he is sacrificed, and that he is
deprived of all the fruits of his wise measures, indefatigable
industry, and splendid success here, by a stroke of a pen. They
declare besides, that they will not be ruled, influenced, or kept in
leading-strings by France nor by England, and that whatever may be
proposed by France, they will not carry it to their cities, without
sufficient guaranties in their pockets. If you carry the measure I
have proposed, it will be, in my opinion, an important political
stroke, of the greatest advantage to the United States, because it
will establish their credit, dignity, and glory here forever. Your
judgment and profound penetration, render it unnecessary for me to
enter into long reasonings on this subject. It is enough that this
measure will be equally advantageous to all, since all will
participate in it, and will guaranty it to each other.
The Count de Llano requested me this morning to communicate to him the
Preliminaries, of which the Duc de la Vauguyon told him I had a copy.
He was satisfied with my reasons for declining to give him a copy, and
with the verbal account I gave him of their substance. I have done the
same favor to M. Asp.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
The Hague, February 4th, 1783.
Sir,
Your favor of the 29th has fully satisfied the gentlemen; and the
Pensionary, M. Van Berckel, in the name of all, has directed me to
thank you, and to assure you that it is precisely what they wanted,
and what they hoped would be done by you and your colleagues; and that
you may rely entirely on them, as they rely perfectly on you, in
subsequent proceedings. I have also communicated it to the Grand
Pensionary, who appeared to think with them, and I have been assured
from good authority, that he has no less reason than France, to desire
that the English party should no longer prevail here. I have the
respects of all to present to you; I am delighted to find them so easy
to be satisfied; for it appears to me that they ask nothing more than
the mutual guarantee, which is provided for in the treaties of America
with this Republic and with France. They are determined not to sign,
until the article relating to navigation shall be in the terms
proposed, and not to cede Negapatnam; and they fear that if France
does not find some remedy for this difficulty, she will again lose the
confidence and favor of this nation, which are of more importance to
her than Tobago.
The Count de Vergennes, to excuse the precipitancy in signing the
treaty, has said to the Ministers of the Republic at Paris, that, on
one side, America, who declared herself exhausted, feared an
insurrection if the taxes were increased, demanded through Dr Franklin
twenty millions for the ensuing campaign, if there were one, and
wished to enjoy peace and her treaty, rather than to risk the
continuance of the war, which might prevent the execution of it; and
on the other, Spain, who, equally exhausted, demanded this conclusion
absolutely--had compelled France to sign so precipitately; but that
this does not affect the intention of his Majesty not to conclude,
unless their High Mightinesses are included in the general peace and
are satisfied. God grant it may be so. It appears that the Ambassador
and the Grand Pensionary have received, each by his own courier the
same assurances. The latter, however, has not yet imparted his
despatches to our other friends. I have taken care to treat the nation
with the Boston proclamation in the papers of the day.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
The Hague, February 18th, 1783.
Sir,
Our friends are well satisfied with the repeated declarations I have
made them from you and your colleagues. They will act in consequence,
in regard to the Court of France, including that of Spain, and above
all to your Excellencies. They appear convinced that the measure can
and ought to succeed. At all events they direct me to propose the
following question, to obtain an answer thereto, favorable, if
possible, which will assure and tranquilise them.
"If their High Mightinesses should propose to France to sign a
convention, founded on the principles of the armed neutrality, for the
preservation of the freedom of navigation, conjointly with Spain, the
United States, and the United Provinces of the Low Countries; in case
France and Spain should appear disposed to postpone such a convention,
or should decline entering into it before the signing or concluding of
the definitive treaty; would Mr Dana, and, during his absence, Mr
Adams, either alone, and as Minister of the United States near this
Republic, or with his colleagues, be ready to sign such a provisional
convention, when proposed to them in the name of their High
Mightinesses, between the United States and the United Provinces?"
It is believed here, that without such a treaty, either between
France, Spain, the United States and the United Provinces, or in
defect of the two first, at least between the two last powers, nothing
can save from the shame of the definitive treaty this Republic, which
joined in the war only for the liberty of the seas, and which has
made it a condition _sine qua non_ in its preliminaries.
It is much to be wished that one of these arrangements were
practicable, as this would at once pave the way for the definitive
treaty. At least there would be no other difficulty than that relating
to Negapatnam, and to the commerce to the Moluccas, on which I have
just read the report of the seventeen directors of the Company, which
opposes the strongest objections to the yielding of either.
My opinion is, always with submission to your better judgment, that
your acquiescence in the demand of these gentlemen may be founded on
three considerations. 1st. On the resolution of the United States of
October 5th, 1780, communicated by you to their High Mightinesses by a
letter of March 8th, 1781, and on which you have observed to me, that
your powers for that purpose were not recalled. 2dly. On the
circumstance that their High Mightinesses are a party to the armed
neutrality, to which Mr Dana is waiting the pleasure of another party
to admit the United States. 3dly. On the fact, that the only point in
question is in regard to the mutual guarantee, which you have already
acceded to in the treaty of amity and commerce concluded with their
High Mightinesses.
Praying you to pay my respects to Messrs Franklin, Jay, Laurens, and
Brantzen, I am, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, March 4th, 1783.
Sir,
This note is intended merely to correct a statement I had the honor to
make you a few days since, via Amsterdam. By an unexpected change, M.
Van Berckel, Burgomaster of Rotterdam, and brother of the celebrated
Pensionary of Amsterdam, instead of M. de Dedem, has been nominated by
the Province of Holland, and accepted by their High Mightinesses, for
Minister Plenipotentiary near the United States. What I have said,
however, of the patriotism of one, is entirely applicable to the
other, and it is with the greatest satisfaction and cordiality that I
recommend him to your confidence and friendship.
This morning their High Mightinesses have adopted a resolution,
conformable to that of Holland, relative to the instructions to their
Plenipotentiary at Paris, to exert himself to effect a general
pacification. Thus there will soon be an opportunity to congratulate
the United States on the completion of this momentous affair.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
The Hague, March 4th, 1783.
Sir,
This morning their High Mightinesses adopted a conclusion conformable
to the opinion of the Province of Holland, on the instructions to be
given to their Plenipotentiaries to obtain a general peace. This
conclusion is unconstitutional, as it was not adopted unanimously. The
Deputies of three Provinces, Friesland, Zealand, and Groningen, have
declared they are not yet authorised to give their consent. But this
will come.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, March 5th, 1783.
Sir,
It is with as much confidence in your goodness, as zeal to serve the
worthy Minister, who will represent this Republic to yours, that I
hasten to transmit you the copy hereto annexed, of a letter he has
just written to me.
I will add, that M. Van Berckel intends to embark at Rotterdam for
Philadelphia within three months at the latest. He will take his two
sons with him, and when his house at Philadelphia is ready, he will
send for his wife and three daughters, and reside permanently during
the rest of his life near the Congress, who will find him as amiable
as he is estimable. I am very sorry to lose him, but much rejoiced
that the United States will make the acquisition. You will consider
it, I hope, not unreasonable, if desiring to serve to the extent of my
power my most respectable friend, whom you will soon receive as yours,
no less on account of his personal virtues, than of his political
character, which will connect him more closely with you than with any
other person, I take it for granted not only that you will pardon, but
be gratified with the liberty I take of addressing this commission to
you, with a request, that you will confide the execution of it to some
gentleman, in whom you can place entire confidence, and who will
discharge it according to the wishes of, and on the most advantageous
terms for M. Van Berckel; so that on his arrival he may find the house
hired and at his command, the coach made, and the horses ready for
use.
The expenses will be paid by M. Van Berckel on his arrival, or even
sooner, if necessary and possible in so short a time.
If I could have an answer to this before he sets sail, which will be
in May or June at the latest, it would confer a great obligation on
him. He will make the passage in a good frigate.
I am, &c.
DUMAS.
_P. S._ M. Van Berckel speaks English very well. If this circumstance
is fortunate for him, it will be no less so for those with whom he is
to be connected in America.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
The Hague, March 6th, 1783.
Sir,
You must have already received, as well as the Ministers of France and
Spain, the overture of the Ministers of this Republic at Paris, to
begin the negotiation by a treaty of a mutual guarantee of the liberty
of the seas. These gentlemen rely principally on the repeated promises
I have made them on your part, confident that the American
Plenipotentiaries will not allow themselves to be influenced by
Shelburne and company, who, they say, understand each other like
robbers at a fair. You will have no difficulty in understanding the
allusion. If this convention could be made before the signing of the
definitive treaty, the republicans here would triumph. A certain
person having objected to me, that England might take umbrage if this
treaty were made before the other, "Indeed!" I replied, "how long is
it since France began anew to fear giving umbrage to England?"
Your declaration concerning the armistice has been inserted in the
gazettes according to your wish; as has also the English proclamation.
I am, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, March 27th, 1783.
Sir,
While the powers are taking a _siesta_ to digest the provisional
peace, previous to putting the finishing hand to it, I can only speak
to you of the domestic affairs of this Republic.
1st. Five Provinces have conformed to the opinion of Holland, for the
criminal process on account of the disobedience of the squadron, which
should have sailed from Brest in the beginning of October last. The
opinion of Guelderland, the States of which will assemble next month,
is the only one wanting.
2dly. There is a provisional report of seven of the principal cities
of Holland, which the others have taken _ad referendum_, to require
explanations from the Prince on the last Memorial of M. Thulemeyer,
Envoy of Prussia, by declaring whether he really has to complain of
the loss of any prerogatives constitutionally belonging to him; or if
the remonstrances of the King on that point are not founded on a
mistake? Those who are suspected of being the only focus from which
this, _brutum fulmen_, (shall I call it) or this _will o' the whisp_,
has proceeded, are doing all they can to prevent a majority, which
would convert this report into a resolution. If they cannot succeed in
this, the nobles, that is, the Prince, whom they allow to dispose of
their vote, will delay the resolution by pretending not to be ready
to vote. But then the others can appoint a day on which they must be
ready, and, meanwhile, they will print the report; which will increase
the difficulty of the Court, and, perhaps, of the kind M. Thulemeyer,
in saving themselves from the dilemma, I will not say with honor,
which is impossible, but without mortification.
3dly. The city of Alcmaer, by a formal deputation, has declared to the
Prince, that in future it will dispose not only of nominations, but
also of the consequent elections without his participation; asserting
that this right belongs to it in virtue of certain ancient privileges.
It persists in its design, and the Prince, who it was said at first,
had intended to complain to the States of the Province by letter, has
renounced his intention, for want of any solid objections to the
measure.
4thly. The arrangement of the military jurisdiction is another
formidable operation for him, which will begin next week to occupy the
serious attention of the States of Holland.
5thly. Finally the court of justice continues to make rigid and minute
examinations on the affair of St Nicholas, or of the 6th of December
last, and is preparing a full report, which will be published, and
which, as I am assured from good authority, will demonstrate that it
was an actual conspiracy, the leaders of which were certain nobles and
placemen, almost all of whom are already discovered.
Congress will see by these specimens, that the republican party here
is far from being discouraged by the approaches of peace, as some
flattered themselves, and others feared or foretold they would be.
The Prince has lost the enthusiastic love, which the large part of the
nation bore him; this loss is irreparable, and the conduct he is
induced to adopt renders it more and more incurable. In the Provinces,
as for instance, Overyssel, Utrecht and Guelderland, where he was the
most absolute, they are still more alienated, irritated, and disgusted
with abuses, than in this. I do not say that this will or ought to end
in a revolution, but a considerable diminution of his usurped and
unconstitutional power, will, according to all appearances, be the
result. The course of these people and that of the cabinets,
negotiating a peace, may be compared to the hare and the tortoise in
the fable; the former began with long leaps, and rapid strides, and
after these preliminaries fell asleep at a little distance from the
goal, thinking it easy for him to reach it at any moment; our
tortoise, in spite of his tardy movements, may yet attain some of his
objects, before the hare awakes.
I see constantly and confidentially the French Ambassador and the
_Charge d'Affaires_ of Sweden, sometimes likewise the Minister of
Spain. I cannot serve the first in the present circumstances with so
much success as formerly; my friends wish to see the wrongs of which
they complain redressed, before they can rely with their former
confidence on future promises; it is not his fault and I pity him,
but, after all, I cannot say that my friends are wrong.