_corps diplomatique_, after the signature of the treaty with Great
Britain. It may not be improper to acquaint you with the names of the
respective countries of those who were the first to pay me their
compliments on this occasion. The Ambassadors of Vienna and Venice,
the Ministers of Russia, Prussia, Saxony, and Treves, and the _Charge
d'Affaires_ of Denmark, paid me this respect. Most of them, but
particularly the latter, seemed desirous of being informed of the
method Congress proposed to take for the interchange of Ministers. Not
knowing the sentiments of Congress on this subject, I replied, that
whenever they chose to make official application to me, I would take
the earliest opportunity of laying them before that body. Should
Congress judge proper to employ persons at any of these Courts, permit
me to suggest that the title of Minister will greatly augment the
expense of these missions. That title obliges their servants to
support an equipage and appearance, in some degree suitable to their
rank; which often renders it improper for them to associate with those
from whom the most useful information is to be obtained. The King of
Prussia has adopted this system, and I am told the Emperor means to do
the same.
In my next letter I expect to send copies of all our public accounts
here, and am taking every proper step to prepare for my departure from
hence, in case the Court should not change its conduct. I shall
endeavor to behave on this occasion, in the manner least offensive
possible, as well in consideration for the interests of our allies, as
from a wish to prevent the Ministry from having any reasonable
pretexts for disgust. For this purpose I have consulted, and shall
continue to consult, the French Ambassador, as also the Marquis de
Lafayette, whom I will induce to come hither should the peace take
place, of which I have little doubt.
The divisions in Holland, are higher than ever. The King of Prussia
seems disposed to take a part in them in favor of the Stadtholder.
These divisions will probably be fatal to the interests of that
country at the peace, and afford a striking example of the necessity
of union in similar governments. I cannot refrain from adding, that
our friends are apprehensive of animosities and jealousies between the
States in our confederation, and that it seems to be the hope of our
enemies. With the most fervent wishes that the latter may be
disappointed,
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, January 18th, 1783.
Sir,
I had the satisfaction to receive some days ago your letters of the
6th of July and the 12th of September, and am sorry that of the many
which I have had the honor to write you in the course of the spring
and summer, none had yet reached you. I hope that this circumstance,
which causes me the greatest affliction, will not induce you or others
to believe that I have missed any safe occasion of writing to you. Had
I been possessed of a cypher, I flatter myself there would have been
less occasion for this complaint. I have been, and am at present
obliged to avail myself of private conveyances to forward my letters
to the sea-ports of France and Spain; these occasions do not offer so
frequently as I could desire. Indeed, few American vessels have sailed
from Bilboa this summer, and the embargo at Cadiz during part of the
campaign, prevented me from sending letters regularly from that port.
Five vessels by which my letters were forwarded have been taken by the
enemy, and others, which I was constrained to send by post to L'Orient
and other ports of France, taking all the means in my power to prevent
their being inspected, although sent from hence in the months of July
and August, were not received by my correspondents until the 16th of
October. I have received several packets of newspapers from your
quarter without any letters. I must confess to you, that this kind of
intelligence is very expensive, every packet costing me from five to
ten dollars, and we have no allowance for extraordinary expenses.
Since my last of the 31st ult. I have repeatedly insinuated to those
who have the confidence of the Ministers, my apprehensions that the
conduct of Spain would oblige Congress to take steps very different
from what were their intentions when they sent Mr Jay and myself to
this Court; that I saw with pain, the use which Great Britain hoped to
make of our resentment; and to give weight to these insinuations, I
availed myself of the letters, which the Marquis de Lafayette has done
me the honor to address me from Cadiz. I know these hints have been
conveyed to the Ministry, and am assured underhand, that I shall have
soon reason to be satisfied. To these assurances I replied, that with
all the desire I had to contribute to a lasting harmony between the
two countries, it would be impossible for me, consistent with
propriety and the idea I had of the dignity of my constituents, to
remain here longer unless received formally in the character with
which I had been honored by Congress, adding, that I should not be
surprised to receive letters of recall. The methods taken to persuade
me to be tranquil a little longer, prove that the Court thinks
seriously of its situation with respect to the United States, but it
will always be with reluctance and an ill grace, that it will consent
to do what it ought to have done long ago generously.
Some small circumstances persuade me that M. Gardoqui will shortly be
despatched. He applies himself to the French language with much
assiduity, and throws out hints, that he shall soon pay a visit to his
wife, whom he has not seen for two years and a half. I am also told by
a lady much esteemed by M. Del Campo, that he means shortly to leave
Spain, for he has promised her that at his departure, he will give her
a set of horses to which he is much attached. It is possible he may
be sent to aid the Count d'Aranda to arrange the commercial articles
of the peace, of which the preliminary articles are supposed by this
time to be signed.
The two last mentioned gentlemen have frequently spoke to me of the
disadvantages of their commercial connexions with England, and I have
seized the opportunity of endeavoring to convince them, that by
according certain advantages to our fisheries, and by contracting with
us for tobacco, &c. instead of taking the latter article from
Portugal, they may at the same time prejudice their natural enemies,
and perpetuate a future good understanding with America. Similar
representations have been made by me with respect to such articles
furnished by the northern powers, and which the States can supply.
However, I trust more to the interest I have with the perpetual
directors of the bank to obtain these advantages, than to any
influence of either of these gentlemen.
I have just been shown a copy of the proclamation of pardon and
indemnity granted to those concerned in the insurrection at Santa Fe
and the adjacent provinces; it was published the 12th of August, 1782.
Although the Viceroy endeavors to preserve the dignity and honor of
the Crown in the expressions of this peace, yet, in fact, it accords
all the concessions demanded by the malcontents. These disturbances
and the expensive expeditions of the Galvez family, have not only
consumed the revenues of the Crown in Spanish America received during
the war, but mortgaged them for some years to come. I am also
informed, that the Court means soon to publish a new tariff on the
imports to this country. I know that such a measure has been more than
two years in agitation, and I believe, it will bear hard on the
commerce of other nations.
I refer you to former letters for particulars respecting the
negotiations for peace, I will only add, that the Ministry now desire
the conclusion of the war, and even are apprehensive of the duplicity
of the British cabinet, which apprehensions it is the interest of
others to excite and increase. I converse often with those who have
their confidence; I know their wants and their fears of not having
resources for the continuance of the war, and I am confident they
desire peace, and fear the reverse. The expedition from Cadiz would
not be ready until towards the end of the month, if it were found
necessary to despatch it. Fortyeight sail of the line, and from
eighteen to twenty thousand men, and not from ten to twelve thousand,
as mentioned in my last, are to be employed in this expedition. The
siege of Gibraltar is obstinately and unprofitably continued, and the
King is made to believe that in the course of the year it will be
taken by sap.
I have received letters from Paris, which advise me that bills for my
salary had been mentioned by you to have been sent, but that they had
not come to hand. Your letters, and one I received from Mr Morris,
give me the same information. I could wish that my salary should be
transmitted directly to me from your department, but as it does not
appear convenient, I have directed Mr John Ross to receive it, and I
hope you will have the goodness to facilitate him the means of doing
it. A mistake, which is not yet corrected by Messrs Drouilliet, our
bankers here, in the account they delivered me some time ago, prevents
me from transmitting the public accounts with this letter, but in the
course of a few days, I hope they will be complete, when I will do
myself the honor of forwarding them, together with my account against
the public. I am in much distress for the arrears. I conclude with
fervent wishes, that every future year may present the affairs of the
United States in the same favorable point of view, in which they
appear it the commencement of the present; and with sincere thanks for
your indulgence hitherto,
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, February 21st, 1783.
Sir,
I had the honor to address you on the 31st of December, and the 18th
and 30th of January, to which letters I beg leave to refer you for the
particular occurrences during that period.
I have now the pleasure to inform you, that the Court of Spain has at
length thought proper to receive me formally as the _Charge
d'Affaires_ of the United States. The letters above mentioned will
have advised you of the political motives, which induced me to wish
the presence of the Marquis de Lafayette. They will also have informed
you of the means I employed, and which his correspondence enabled me
to employ more efficaciously, to impress this Court with an idea of
the necessity of immediately acknowledging the independence of the
United States.[14] Since they were written, the Count de Montmorin had
a long conversation on the subject of our affairs with the King, and
afterwards with the Count de Florida Blanca. The King's answer to the
Ambassador's representations was, _we shall see_. The Minister
appeared still desirous of procrastinating.
On the ---- instant, the Marquis de Lafayette arrived, and with that
zeal and ardor, which ever influenced him when the interests of the
United States were in question, immediately consulted with me on the
steps to be taken with the Minister. I informed him of what I had
done.
We were of the same opinion, viz. that he should seize the first
opportunity of speaking to the Count de Florida Blanca, on the subject
of our affairs. He did so, communicating to me the particulars of the
conversation. As the Marquis proposes to address you by the same
vessel, by which you will receive this letter, I refer you to his
circumstantial relation of his conferences. My reception in a public
character has been the result; and last night the Marquis accompanied
me to an audience of the Minister. He was content with my reception,
and personally I had no reason to be dissatisfied. The Count de
Florida Blanca remarked to me, smiling, that he thought that I had
left Madrid. I did not choose, as things were in so good a train, to
enter into a discussion of the reasons which induced me to forbear my
visits to him, and therefore only replied, that I never found myself
so well at Madrid as at present. It is unnecessary to repeat such
parts of the conversation as were merely personal. His expressions of
friendship for the Marquis were unbounded, and the latter omitted no
opportunity of pressing, in the strongest manner, the Minister to take
speedy and effectual measures to convince the States of the desire of
his Catholic Majesty to cultivate their amity.
The Marquis informs me, that he sent you a copy of the letter he wrote
to the Minister, in order to obtain a written answer, conceding points
to which he had agreed in conversation. He pressed an answer to this
letter, and was assured by the Count de Florida Blanca, that he should
have it on the Saturday morning following, and that it would be
satisfactory. The Count invited me to dine with him on that day as
_Charge d'Affaires_ of America, and as I had suggested to the Marquis,
that I should choose a written invitation in the customary form, the
Marquis took the Count aside and spoke to him of it, in the
Ambassador's name. The latter admitted the propriety of the proposal,
and promised to send it. There is but one circumstance which occasions
a difficulty with respect to my presentation, it has hitherto been the
etiquette to present no _Charge d'Affaires_ to the King and royal
family, except those from France and Vienna. The Count mentioned this
to us, but at the same time said, I should be received in the most
honorable manner. Personally these distinctions will never influence
my conduct, but nationally, I should wish to obtain every mark of
honor possible for the representatives of the United States. For this
reason I gave it as my opinion to the Marquis, that I ought not to go
to Court until this point was settled. His sentiments were the same.
There are, however, difficulties to be apprehended in the attainment
of this object. The short stay of the Marquis here, the necessity of
my being constantly with him, the desire he has shown to treat me on
all occasions, and in the most public manner as the representative of
the country he serves, and to be introduced by me everywhere; all
these circumstances have engaged so much of my attention and time, as
to preclude me from entering into further details; details which will
be unnecessary after those you will assuredly receive from himself. It
is the happiest circumstance of my life, that the man whose services I
was instrumental in procuring to my country, should be the one to whom
in a great measure I owe my first public appearance at the Court of
Spain.
The precipitate departure of the Marquis prevents me from copying, in
time for this conveyance, the public accounts. In ten days they will
all be complete, and I hope I shall be enabled, by our Minister in
France, to pay the balances, which are not considerable, and by that
means commence our political career here with the credit and
reputation, which we have hitherto preserved.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] See the letters here referred to in _M. de Lafayette's
Correspondence_, in the present work.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, March 13th, 1783.
Sir,
I had the honor to address you on the 18th and 30th of January, and
the 21st ult. In the last I advised you, that this Court had consented
to receive me in a public character, and as such I had been formally
invited to dine with the _corps diplomatique_, at the Count de Florida
Blanca's table. On the 22d ultimo, accompanied by the Marquis de
Lafayette, I went to the Pardo, the present residence of the royal
family, where we dined together, a circumstance which not a little
surprised several of the foreign Ministers, who knew that I had for
some time neglected to pay my court there. Those of Russia and Vienna
were particularly curious. From their conduct then and since, I am
persuaded they are mortified in having led their respective Courts to
believe, that a connexion between the United States and Spain was more
distant than it appears to be at present.
The not having as yet been presented, occasioned many conjectures, and
subjects me to many questions. I have been asked by several of the
foreign Ministers, if I meant to pay the usual visits, and to make the
customary notifications of this event to the _corps diplomatique_
here. I have in general replied, that I had not determined as yet what
would be my conduct on the occasion, but that certainly, if presented
in the absence of Mr Jay, I should visit none, however great my
personal respect might be for them, without being previously informed,
that they would return my visit. It is my opinion, I ought to wait on
none but those of France, Holland, and Prussia; the latter, because on
his presentation to the royal family, he paid the same compliment to
me as to others. I presume that my presentation will not take place,
until the Count de Florida Blanca receives an answer from the Count
d'Aranda, whom he directed to communicate to Mr Jay the present
disposition of this Court.
On the 15th ult. the Court of Portugal thought proper to repeal an
ordinance, published the 5th of July, 1776, prohibiting the entry of
all American vessels into the ports of Portugal, &c. &c., and
directing in future, that they shall be treated on the same footing as
those of other nations in friendship with that Crown.
On the 30th of January I had the honor to inform you, that it was more
than probable that the Emperor and Russia meditated great designs. It
has been my constant endeavor since to procure information on that
head. I will not pretend to give as authentic, the result of my
inquiries, although I have collected my information from various
persons in a situation of knowing what passes at these Courts. From
these I have collected, that in the month of April, 1780, the Courts
of Vienna and Petersburg adopted the project of attacking the Turkish
empire in Europe, and at that period concluded an eventual partition
treaty. In order to have time to make the necessary preparations for
this war, and to conceal their real intentions, these Courts offered
their mediation to the belligerent powers, and proposed a general
Congress, in which they hoped to embroil matters still further, and to
retard the peace. The Courts of France and Spain were aware of their
intention, and although they accepted the proffered offer of
mediation, they evaded, under different pretexts, fixing either the
place or the time for assembling the Congress. I remarked, that soon
after the signature of our provisional treaty with Great Britain, the
Ambassador of the Emperor and the Russian Minister were very uneasy,
and exceedingly inquisitive to know whether there would be a general
Congress or not, sounding me on that subject on a supposition, that I
should be advised of it by Dr Franklin. Lately, they have circulated a
report, that the Congress would be held at Vienna. The Count de
Montmorin, who was compromitted in this rumor, took an opportunity to
mention publicly, that neither _viva voce_, nor by letter had he given
the least surmise that would authorise it. Since, from the same
quarter, it has been insinuated, that the Courts of Vienna and
Petersburg had taken their measures, and would not be deterred from
the prosecution of them.
Great pains have been taken to persuade others, that the King of
Prussia had acceded to this confederation on consideration of
Courland, and that part of Silesia, still in possession of the
Austrian family, being ceded to him. This gained credit even at Court,
and my intimacy with the Prussian Minister induced me to speak of it
to him in a friendly way, as a circumstance that would be prejudicial
to his negotiation here. He then assured me he had no information on
the subject, and on my naming to him the source from whence I had my
information, he cautiously avoided appearing united with the Imperial
and Russian representatives, and a day or two ago positively assured
me, that he had received letters from the King, which authorised him
to say, that there was no foundation for this rumor. He made, I
believe, the same communication to the Count de Montmorin, and further
observed to me, that the Court of Vienna had made use of the same
artifice to induce the Elector of Bavaria to consent to a
dismemberment of his country.
The last letters from the north speak much of the great preparations
for war, making in the Austrian and Russian dominions. The firm
conduct of the Court of France may dissipate this storm, if the
accession of the Court of Prussia to this confederation should not
prove true. I have been assured from a very good quarter, that Lord
Shelburne saw with uneasiness the intentions of the Emperor and
Russia. But the late triumphs of his opponents in Parliament will
probably oblige him to resign. The preliminary articles of peace,
particularly those with the United States, were very ill received. The
address of thanks in the lower House was negatived by a majority of
sixteen, and carried in the upper by eight only. Lord Grantham told
the _Charge d'Affaires_ of Spain, that the treaty with America had
been the ruin of Lord Shelburne's administration; that he expected to
be obliged to give in his resignation also, for which reason he could
not proceed in his negotiation, until he saw whether the
administration, of which he was a member, kept its ground or not.
Thus for the present all is anarchy and confusion in England. The same
spirit of division seems to have seized the army and navy. There have
been great riots at Portsmouth. The scarcity of grain may occasion
similar disturbances in different parts of the kingdom. The Danish
Envoy at this Court has just communicated to me letters, which he has
received from his Court, in answer to those which he wrote in
consequence of his conversation with me on the subject of the treaty
between the United States and Denmark. The Minister advises him, in
order to accelerate this affair, that the King had thought proper to
send to Paris a person, with powers to treat with Dr Franklin. That
this gentleman was to leave Copenhagen the middle of February, and had
instructions to communicate to him the result of his conferences with
Dr Franklin, and that he himself had orders to impart to me this
correspondence. He added, that the King was sincerely disposed to
cultivate an amity with the States, that Denmark would make
Christianstand a free port to the commerce of America, and give it
every other advantage in Europe and the West Indies, which could be
reasonably desired. He finished, by entreating me to make known these
sentiments to Congress.
The Saxon Minister daily expects permission to give me extracts from
such despatches of his Court to him as relate to our affairs, in
order to convince Congress of the early desire of the Elector to form
connexions between the citizens of the States and his subjects. The
Minister of Sweden is much mortified, that the negotiation which he
commenced with me should have been taken out of his hands, and given
to the Ambassador from that Court at Paris. He informs me that a
treaty of amity and commerce is on the point of being concluded, if
not already signed, by Dr Franklin and the Swedish representative at
Paris.
Thus, Sir, we have the pleasure to see arrive, the period when our
friendship is solicited by most of the European nations. As we shall
have, undoubtedly, a considerable commerce in the Mediterranean, it is
to be wished that early measures may be taken to cultivate the
friendship of the States of Barbary. It has been reported here, that
Spain will make another attempt on Algiers as soon as the definitive
treaty is signed.