I have had the pleasure to hear of your appointment to the office of
Secretary for that department, and although I have not any official
directions, respecting my future correspondence, in consequence of
this change, I take the liberty of addressing you as I have hitherto
done the Committee, on the subject of our affairs here, their
situation, and that of the powers with whom we have, or may hereafter
have, connexions. At the same time permit me to entreat you, Sir, to
inform me, whether it is judged necessary, that I should continue this
correspondence, having done it hitherto with a view to multiply the
channels of information to Congress, and not from an expectation of
conveying any material intelligence, which they will not ultimately
receive in a fuller manner from Mr Jay and their other Ministers; to
the former of whom I communicate instantly every information I can
procure here, or by my foreign correspondence. I have been induced to
continue this correspondence, from another motive, which is, that I
find that others employed as secretaries here, are directed by their
respective Courts, to write either to the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, or the particular Secretary of their Sovereigns. The only
letter, which I have had the honor to receive from Mr Lovell, since I
have been in this country, approved of my endeavors to communicate
early and regular information; but if it is expected I should do it
effectually, I hope a cypher will be sent me, by the first safe
conveyance, under cover to Mr Harrison at Cadiz, or to our Consul in
France, with directions to those gentlemen to forward the letter
enclosing it, by a sure hand, to escape the inspection of the
post-offices in France and Spain, the dread of which often retards my
letters, which I am now obliged to send to the sea-ports, by private
persons, or the couriers of the French Ambassador. Once possessed of a
cypher, I flatter myself that few vessels will sail from France or
this country without letters from me, which, although often not
interesting, may yet in some degree contribute to the satisfaction of
Congress.
Our affairs are in much the same situation they were when I had the
honor to forward the above mentioned letter to the Committee. M. Del
Campo's sickness, from which he is but just recovered, is the occasion
or pretext for this delay. His appointment, however, has been finally
announced to Mr Jay by the Minister, and was made at the time
mentioned in my former letters. It is probable that little will be
done in this business, until the Court goes to the Pardo the 7th of
next month. A principle of delicacy perhaps prevents it from seeming
at present to precipitate its conduct, in consequence of the favorable
aspect of our affairs, since the news of the capture of Lord
Cornwallis, and the victory obtained by General Greene in South
Carolina. But the delay attending the transaction of the smallest
affair in this country, is a sufficient reason to account for the
difficulties Mr Jay encounters at present, without surmising other
motives. On this subject, I speak from the experience of almost all
the _corps diplomatique_, as well as from the authority of
individuals, who have much business with the various branches of
administration.
The news above mentioned, was received apparently with great pleasure
by the King and Prince of Asturias, as I was informed the same day by
several of their officers in waiting. The public at large was highly
satisfied, and has spoken more favorably since of our allies, than it
has done from the commencement of the war. The foreign Ministers were
not all so well pleased with this event, particularly those of
Germany, Russia and Denmark. However, in general they regard it as a
blow which decides the Independence of the States. The new Minister of
Sweden is open in declaring his partiality for our cause, and
signified that he would have waited on Mr Jay on his arrival here, as
it is the custom of those last come to do, if no other Minister had
arrived here since Mr Jay's residence, who had not done it. His
conduct to myself shows that this was not a mere compliment, for he
has invited me several times to dine with him, and visited me. He is a
particular friend, I believe, of M. Marbois, for he speaks highly of
him, as indeed all do, whom I have conversed with, that have the
pleasure of his acquaintance.
The Imperial and Swedish Ministers declare that their respective
Sovereigns will reclaim all vessels under their colors, going to or
returning from America, which comply with the articles of the armed
neutrality, and it has been hinted to me, that it was not difficult to
obtain letters of naturalization for the crews of American vessels,
provided the nominal officers are subjects of either country. The
Court has at length consented to repay the money advanced in April
last by the Marquis de Yranda, but has not enabled Mr Jay to pay the
bills due this month, and as Dr Franklin has not authorised him to
draw, M. Cabarrus, as I expected in my last, has consented to advance
the sum sufficient for this purpose, amounting to thirtytwo thousand
dollars. Perhaps Dr Franklin may soon enable Mr Jay to repay him.
Thirty thousand pounds sterling would pay all our debts here, which
distress us more than the apprehension of not receiving our salaries,
of which, though liberal, we have constant need, owing to the dearness
of everything in this country, and the great expense incurred by the
frequent change of residence of the Court, which circumstance obliges
us to take lodgings at the royal residences; and which expense, the
frequent journeys that we were constrained to make on account of our
other business in Madrid, greatly augment. I should not touch on this
subject, if Dr Franklin had not desired me to mention to Congress our
personal difficulties and distresses, for I believe, with all the
desire he has to serve us, he procures with difficulty sufficient
funds for the payment of our salaries.
The expeditions mentioned in my former letters, are now both probably
at sea; that from France sailed the 10th instant, and I know of a
certainty, that orders have been sent to Cadiz to hasten the departure
of the ships and troops at that post. The French ships there,
mentioned in my last, take on board a million of dollars, and M. de
Bussy, who formerly signalized himself in the East Indies, has gone
thither incognito by land, accompanied by several officers, who have
but lately returned from the East. It is therefore highly probable,
that these vessels, joined by others, go thither, and will take under
their escort a part of the troops embarked at Brest.
No great progress is made in the sieges of Gibraltar and Mahon; on the
27th ult., the enemy made a sally from the former place, in which they
did more damage, than has been published here, having completely
ruined the advanced works of the besiegers, the repair of which will
require some time and much money. At Mahon, the rainy season has
retarded the operation of the assailants. I am just told the Duc de
Crillon demands a reinforcement of two thousand men, which will be
granted to him. The enemy receives small succors from time to time by
sea. The Court is about to negotiate another loan, in which if it does
not succeed, perhaps it must have recourse to another emission of
paper. The treasury is at a low ebb. The Minister of Marine demanded
lately ten millions of reals, and received but three. The credit of
the paper has lately risen, it is not negotiated at one and a half per
cent loss.
A plan for a national bank, is at present before the Council. The
projector, M. Cabarrus, proposes to form a capital of fifteen millions
of dollars, of which he offers to procure six millions; each action to
amount to two thousand reals, for which the proprietors receive a
certain interest of four per cent, with the profits expected from this
establishment; I have seen the plan, but had not permission to copy
it, so that I can give but a faint sketch of it. Eight directors are
to be chosen the first year, and six annually, by the assembly of the
proprietors; two of these directors are to be perpetual, because it is
proposed, that they should have the direction of the supplies for the
army and navy, with an interest of ten per cent, to the emolument of
the bank; these two directors are to be named by the Court, out of
four chosen by the proprietors; in other respects the Court to have no
influence. If this plan, which was originally a part of the scheme for
the circulation of paper here, should succeed, the paper which will be
discounted by it, will probably preserve its credit. The Gromios,
companies possessed of exclusive privileges, will be annihilated, and
much money, now dormant in the coffers of individuals, be called into
circulation. The Gromios pay two and a half per cent interest, and the
bank four, which difference, joined to the hopes of farther profits,
will tempt the money-holders to withdraw their funds from the hands of
the first, and place them in the latter. But these companies and their
friends, oppose it strongly, as do also the persons employed in
supplying the army and navy, with whom, it is said, people in various
departments of Government have interested connexions.
The Courts of France and Spain seem determined to continue the war
with vigor, and you will see by the King of Great Britain's speech,
that he is not disposed to accommodation. The Empress of Russia still
continues her endeavors to bring about a peace between England and
Holland, to which the British Ministry has lately appeared to listen,
although in a haughty manner. I am told the republican party is more
exasperated than ever, by their answer to Russia, which is published.
But your information will be much more accurate from Mr Adams, than
any that I can procure. My correspondents from France write me, that
the nation is much elated by the late triumph of the allied arms. This
success, and the flourishing state of their commerce, reconcile them
to the war, the continuance of which their Ambassador here regards as
inevitable.
The resolution of Congress, prohibiting all intercourse between the
citizens of America and the subjects of Great Britain, gives a secret
satisfaction both in France and this country, and augments the
jealousy of others, that the influence of France will exclude at the
peace all amicable connexions between the States and Great Britain,
at least this is the language of several of the foreign Ministers and
their families. The Imperial Ambassador has lately made
representations on account of an ordinance rigorously executed of late
in the ports, obliging all captains of vessels to make an oath,
declaratory of the contents of all packages, &c. &c. on board their
vessels. He has endeavored to make this a common cause. The commerce
murmurs against this, and other regulations lately enforced. It must
be confessed, that Spain seems desirous to discourage all commerce
carried on by foreigners, and bears as hard on their allies as on
neutral nations. Whenever a peace takes place, France will be
constrained to make a new convention on this subject. At present, this
Court feels its importance, and the cabinet of Versailles has points
of a nature so much more interesting to carry, that it takes little
notice of the breach of conventions actually subsisting. By a late
ordinance of the Minister of Finance, a duty of twentyfive per cent
was imposed upon all produce brought in American vessels from the
Havana. Mr Jay has made representations on this subject, which, I
hope, will be attended to. M. Galvez appeared well disposed to
withdraw them. It appears also to be the intention of the present
Minister, to diminish the consumption of salt fish, to pave the way,
as their friends give out, for its total exclusion at the peace,
unless cured and imported by the natives; for this purpose, they have
obtained bills of indulgence from the Pope, permitting the use of meat
during Lent, and on other days on which it was prohibited. The price
of these indulgences is proportioned to the rank of the purchaser. It
is calculated, that the sale of them in the Spanish dominions will
produce two millions of dollars annually; so that a double advantage
is derived from this operation, the extraction of money for fish is
prevented, and the revenue considerably augmented.
The present Ministry seem firmly established in their respective
posts. The Count de Florida Blanca's health does not permit him to
give constant application to business, but is not of so dangerous a
nature as to cause any apprehension. The Ministers of the Indies and
Marine keep their ground in the King's favor, although they have many
enemies. If the disturbances in America should increase, the credit of
the first may be weakened. The latter, although disliked by his
colleagues and disapproved by France, preserves the Sovereign's good
graces. He has one merit, which is his constant attention to the
safety of the Spanish fleet, a merit that may fix him in his place,
but which renders him odious to the nation and its allies, who wish to
see it more actively employed.
I am afraid these particulars may appear trivial to Congress, to whom
I should be happy to make more important communications; these are not
to be obtained but by the dint of money, or by a long residence and
intimacy with persons in the various departments of government. The
first we have not for the most pressing exigencies, and the latter,
our at present doubtful situation at this Court precludes us from in
some degree; although neither attentions nor endeavors have been
omitted to make useful acquaintances.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, December 24th, 1781.
Sir,
Yesterday Mr Jay had an audience of his Excellency, the Count de
Florida Blanca, in which that Minister in the most express terms
assured him, he might depend on receiving three millions of reals to
pay such bills as he had already accepted, this sum, with near
eighteen thousand dollars received already, and twentyfive thousand
promised by the Court of France, will fully answer this purpose, and I
still hope ways and means will be found to furnish funds for the
bills, which have not yet been presented, and which, for some weeks,
come to hand slowly. The Minister also promised his good offices with
the Court of Portugal, and informed Mr Jay, that previous to his
application, he had endeavored to induce the Ministry of that nation
to conduct itself with respect to the States, in a manner more
agreeable to the rights of humanity and the law of nations founded on
those rights, but that the party in favor of Great Britain
preponderated hitherto.
I have had opportunities of speaking several times on this subject to
the Secretary of the Embassy of Portugal here, and once to the
Ambassador. Each seemed sensible of the injustice of the first step of
the Court, and owned it more easy to do an injury than to repair it.
If the Congress should be in a situation to make strong
representations to that Court, with a recapitulation of the conduct of
the States during the whole war in respect to Portugal, they may be
possibly attended with success, particularly if they should accede to
the armed neutrality, to which they are strongly pressed by Russia at
present. The Minister also engaged to do justice to certain Americans
who carried a British privateer to the Canaries, and, in short, seemed
exceedingly well disposed to render the States every service in his
power. I cannot forbear, however, mentioning to the Committee, that he
spoke with much chagrin of the adherence of Congress to points, which,
in his opinion, rendered a treaty impracticable for the present, and
although pressed on that subject by Mr Jay, I doubt whether he will
give his sentiments thereon in writing. He also seemed exceedingly
apprehensive of the efficacy of the means employed by Sir H. Clinton,
to sow jealousy and discord among the States, and even in Congress,
and said that the letters lately received by the British Court from
the officer abovementioned, gave great hopes of success in this
particular. In fine, he assured Mr Jay, that considerable sums of
money would be employed for this purpose, and as I am convinced this
Court received its information from a person equally employed by that
of London, I fear it will be difficult to remove these suspicions
until time shows how ill founded they are.
In the meantime, unanimity and force in America are the best arms of
the States there, and their best arguments in Europe. To which, if
much complaisance to the Spanish King and nation is added, even in
objects not essential, the Congress will enable their servants to
defeat the designs of the British emissary and their party here, so
long as the present King lives. According to present appearances, the
war is likely to continue. Although I have already written you
particularly on the subject, I now repeat, that the Court is in the
way of negotiating its loans for the expenses of the ensuing year, and
that it expects some treasure from America. At Cadiz, they have
twentynine sail of the line ready for sea. The blockade of Gibraltar
is continued with tolerable success hitherto. The Count d'Estaing was
not arrived in France by the last advices. This delay will retard the
operations intended for our succor.
The death of the Empress Queen will probably kindle the flame of war
in Europe, though perhaps not in the ensuing year. I am told from good
authority the Emperor is favorably disposed to England. His Ambassador
and Mr Cumberland are very intimate, and see each other every day. The
residence here of the latter is extraordinary in the present situation
of the two nations, and can only be accounted for on the principles,
which I had the honor to mention in former letters. If I may be
allowed to conjecture, I think Holland will be sooner or later
involved in the war, and that orders have already been given by the
Court of England to attack their possessions in the East Indies. This
however is but a conjecture, although grounded on some share of
political evidence.
The British Parliament is prorogued to the 23d of January. Their grand
fleet is at sea. Mr Trumbull has been arrested in England, and several
Americans obliged to fly and abscond, among whom there is one of my
correspondents. I have received advice, that several were included in
the number to be arrested, whom it was not the intention of Government
to seize, in order to give them an opportunity of returning to America
with more eclat, to be in a situation of rendering greater services to
Great Britain. I hope this advice is without foundation, but having
received it, I think it my duty to communicate it, because
circumspection can do us no material injury. M. Gardoqui will
scarcely take his departure until all negotiations are at an end, and
the campaign shall have commenced.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
_P. S._ Sir Joseph Yorke has presented another Memorial to the States,
more insolent than the former. The armed neutrality propose to have
forty sail of the line next spring in the ports of Holland.
W. C.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, February 18th, 1782.
Sir,
I have just had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 20th of
December, and seize the earliest opportunity of acknowledging the
satisfaction I feel in the hope of a more regular correspondence than
I have hitherto had with your department. The moment I was informed,
indirectly of your appointment, I did myself the honor of addressing
you. My first letter was dated the same day you wrote the one above
mentioned. On the 24th ultimo, I again solicited your attention, and
as I sent quadruplicates of these letters, I think I may venture to
refer you to their contents, for accounts of the state of affairs, and
the general intelligence at the time of writing them.
I find by your letter, that mine written in the month of September,
had not reached Congress. I sent three copies via Bilboa, by the
Captains Tracy, Cook, and another, whose name my correspondents
omitted to mention to me. I have had the mortification to hear
lately, that these vessels were all taken on the coasts of America.
The fourth copy was sent from France, so that I still hope it may have
escaped the misfortune of the others. Nothing gives me, or can give
me, more pleasure, than the idea of contributing to the satisfaction
of Congress, while I fill a duty, which a sense of their confidence,
and a desire of meriting a continuance of it imposes on me. I am only
sorry, that my abilities and opportunities do not correspond with my
wishes, to render my communications more useful. I have already
requested you in the letters above mentioned, to point out the line of
my duty.
I am infinitely obliged to you for what you mention with respect to my
apprehension of being sent to Corunna, and having your sanction to
direct my conduct in future. I shall implicitly follow Mr Jay's
directions, should he even choose to send me as a courier to be the
bearer of despatches to the sea-ports. The reason assigned in your
letter, joined to others which I had the honor to mention in mine to
the Committee, were such as I suggested when I expressed a reluctance
to be employed with discretionary powers in this business. I was
prepared however to execute Mr Jay's orders, but I believe ulterior
reflections, and the advice of the French Ambassador, induced him to
relinquish the idea of sending me.
I have no cypher from Mr Morris and have seen none from him. I must
therefore again request you to forward me one, under cover to Messrs
Barclay and Harrison, with directions to those gentlemen to forward
your letters by private hands, and not by the post, for I fear that
one you sent to Mr Jay has been intercepted. No delicacy is preserved
by this Court on this head. This practice is not confined to us, but
extends to the correspondence of all the _corps diplomatique_. It has
happened, that in the hurry of resealing letters thus examined, papers
belonging to the department, in which they were opened, have been
carelessly enclosed by the Secretary, and returned to the Minister by
the person to whom the letters were addressed. Without a cypher it
will be impossible for me to be so punctual as may be expected, for at
present I am obliged to send most of my letters by private hands, or
by the French Ambassador's couriers to the sea-ports, which
circumstance often retards their arrival in America.
Our situation with respect to money matters is still critical. The
drafts which Dr Franklin is obliged to pay are so frequent, that he
has not been able to obtain cash to enable Mr Jay to discharge the
bills accepted by him here, for which M. Cabarrus, as has been
mentioned in former letters, is nearly forty thousand dollars in
advance. Happily there are few bills due until the middle of next
month, which will give Dr Franklin time to endeavor to save our credit
here, and to this Ministry to reflect on the consequence of denying us
this small succor. The Count de Florida Blanca has been lately
solicited on this subject by the French Ambassador, and without giving
hopes of affording the sum demanded, he promised to do what the
urgency of their own wants permit him to do for us. In this
conversation he appeared dissatisfied, that Congress had taken no
notice of the desire he had expressed of obtaining one of the vessels
constructing in the Eastern ports, for the United States, and
complained, that no returns had been made by the States to the proofs
the King had manifested, of his favorable disposition towards them. In
fact their own necessities are evident.
In addition to what I have heretofore mentioned on this head, I have
lately been informed from good authority, that a person to whom the
Crown is indebted twelve millions of reals, in order to obtain
payment, has been constrained to propose to purchase the salt
belonging to his Majesty, to the amount of twentyfour millions of
reals, for the payment of which, after deducting the sum due to him,
he is obliged to advance immediately five millions of reals, although
he has little hopes of disembarrassing himself shortly, of such an
immense quantity of an article, for which there is little demand at
present. The Minister, to soften the harshness of his refusal to make
further advances, informed the Count de Montmorin, that M. Del Campo's
instructions would be ready in a few days, and that Mr Jay might then
commence his conferences on the subject of the proposed treaty. If I
may be allowed to hazard a conjecture again on this subject, I must
repeat what I have often mentioned already, that Spain seems desirous
to retard this business until a general treaty takes place. Perhaps it
may not be unworthy the attention of Congress, to prepare eventual
resolutions should this prove to be the intentions of the Court.